Remarks on the character of Tecumseh and the Prophet—Their facilities for cooperation—Difficulties the latter had to overcome—His perseverance and ingenuity—Means by which he protected his person—Anecdotes of the Battle of Tippecanoe—Frankness of Tecumseh in disclosing his schemes—Causes of his hostility to the Americans—Trespasses of the whites, and other abuses—Object of the belligerent combination—Anecdotes of Tecumseh's first visit to Vincennes, in 1810—His dignity, independence and courage—His ideas of the British policy—His speech to General Proctor, and remarks on his oratory—His humanity—His genius.

The reputation of the Prophet has suffered from the complete ultimate failure of his plans. It has suffered the more from the very circumstances, which mark him as an extraordinary man,—his career as a prophet. Tecumseh knew his own talent better than to play a game like this; but he also knew, without doubt, that Elskwatawa was capable of doing more for the advancement of their common object, by acting this coordinate or subordinate part, than by adopting the same course with himself, even had he possessed the same species of ability. Together, they were endowed with a complete system of qualities necessary to accomplish their design; but neither could act alone. Tecumseh was frank, warlike, persuasive in his oratory, popular in his manners, irreproachable in his habits or life. Elskwatawa had more cunning than courage; and a stronger disposition to talk, than to fight, or exert himself in any other way. But he was subtle, fluent, persevering and self-possessed; and this was enough. He became an inspired man, and Tecumseh was his first convert. Others of the tribe might be intrusted with the secret. They had, at all events, a great respect for these men; and being both a proud and warlike people, they received with avidity the well-contrived doctrine of their superiority over other tribes, and entered upon a course of projects likely to produce war,—though of war nothing might yet be seen or said,—with the fury of bloodhounds upon a track.

Hence the murders and robberies which so much alarmed and irritated the frontier settlers, and which we have very little doubt were generally committed by individuals of the Prophet's "banditti," without his authority, and perhaps against his wishes. His young men, especially, like those who brought on Philip's war, were wrought up till the master-spirit himself lost his control over them; and to make the matter worse, most of them were of such a character, in the first instance, that horse-stealing and house-breaking were as easy to them as breathing. Like the refugees of Romulus, they were outcasts, vagabonds and criminals,—in a great degree brought together by the novelty of the preacher's reputation, by curiosity to hear his doctrines, by the fascination of extreme credulity, by restlessness, by resentment against the whites, and by poverty and unpopularity at home.

These things should be taken into consideration, when the success of the Prophet is estimated. His ingenuity was tasked to the utmost, in getting and keeping these people together in the first place. Then it was necessary to instruct them just so far, as to put them in the way of preparing themselves for what might happen, and to make them serviceable in collecting and convincing others, without committing the cause too unreservedly to noisy tongues, and to rash hands. Then complaints were made by American authorities, and these must be pacified. Offers of assistance came in from other quarters, and these must be kept secret. At other times, the banditti were reduced to an extreme scarcity of provisional as might be expected from the numbers collected together, and the kind of life which they led. At first, they were given to understand that corn and pumpkins would be raised for them supernaturally; but the Prophet deemed it easier on the whole to produce these essential articles by other means,—and here was another reason for maintaining a good understanding with his American neighbors. Hence he gave out that he proposed visiting the Governor at Vincennes, with the view of begging provisions,—"for the white people had always encouraged him to preach the word of God to the Indians." This purpose was carried into execution; and on that occasion it was, that the Governor was "completely deceived," by the Prophet's appearance and language. So late as 1811, a quantity of salt was sent up the Wabash for the Prophet's use, together with another quantity intended for the Kickapoos and other Indians. He seems to have balanced some time between necessity and policy before this temptation, but finally adopted the middle course of detaining the entire cargo, and sending a very civil apology to the Governor in payment.

On the whole, we are inclined to put small faith in the popular theory which represents the Prophet as a fool. Possibly he assumed that character on some occasions, knowing the proverbial reverence of the Indians for an idiot. Allowance should be made also for the reaction produced by his failure at Tippecanoe, although his influence was in some degree restored after that event,—the misfortune being sagely attributed by many to the important circumstance of his wife having touched some of his sacred utensils. Nothing but a series of triumphs on the part of the American forces, the death of his brother, and the loss of all his best friends of his own tribe, (for the Kishopokes were reduced to about twenty warriors during the war,) finally destroyed his character as a Prophet. When this was effected, it was human nature to degrade him below the level of a man.

It might have been expected, that a person of his pretensions, with so many rivals and enemies, would be exposed to the hazard of assassination. But here again he was on his guard; for it was always one of his strong positions, that the least violence offered to him or his followers, would be punished by the immediate interposition of the Great Spirit. The religious character, indeed, was sustained to the last. The Delaware messengers already mentioned found his forces at Tippecanoe in the highest state of excitement, owing to his magical rites, his harangues, and the war-dance which he performed with them day and night. Hence the unexampled bravery manifested in the attack upon the American army. They rushed on the very bayonets of our troops; and in some instances, pressing aside the soldier's musket, they brained him with the war-club. The Prophet, meanwhile, is said to have been comfortably seated on an adjacent eminence, singing a war-song. He had assured his followers, that the American bullets would do them no harm; and that, while they should have light, their enemies should be involved in thick darkness. [FN] Soon after the battle commenced, he was told that the Indians were falling. "Fight on! fight on!" cried he, never at a loss, "It will soon be as I predicted;" and he howled his war-song louder than ever.

[FN] He was not so much out of the way in this prediction, as in some others. M^cAfee observes, that the campfires, so long as they remained burning, were "more serviceable to the Indians than our men."

The character of Tecumseh appears so fully in the course he pursued, as to require but brief comment. While the Prophet resorted without hesitation to all the wiles of Indian cunning and stratagem, for effecting his own purposes, and for thwarting those of his opponents, his course was as manly and dignified as it was prompt. He was certainly under no obligation to disclose his schemes, and yet he appears never to have taken much pains to conceal them. We know that he was suspected, and accused, of having actively engaged in inducing general hostility, as well as instigating particular outrages among the frontier tribes, for several years before much was actually known of him. This may have been the case, and it may not; the evidence amounts to nothing, and the suspicion and accusation alluded to, like the offences themselves, are very easily accounted for upon other and obvious grounds. There is no necessity, then, of going at length into the history of the Western country for the last half century, to point out the real grounds of complaint and the real provocations to hostility, which Tecumseh, or his brother, or any other Indian of information and reflection, might have alleged on the part of the tribes, against the American Government or the American people. This would be justifying what we do not admit. It is sufficient to observe that quite enough had occurred, to furnish plausible pretexts for all that the Chieftain is known to have done or attempted to do.

Governor Harrison stated in his annual message, for 1809, to the Indiana Legislature, that owing to defects in the Federal law, "every person has been allowed to trade with the Indians that pleases; which proves a source of numberless abuses, of mischievous effect both to them and ourselves." Two years before, we find an opinion advanced by the same excellent authority on a similar occasion, that "the utmost efforts to induce them (the Indians) to take up arms would be unavailing, if one only, of the many persons who have committed murders on their people, could be brought to punishment." To illustrate the truth of this remark, we may mention the murder of a Creek Indian at Vincennes, early in 1810, and of course subsequently to the particular transactions alluded to in the message. He was shot by a white man, an Italian trader, upon the pretext that the Indian, who was intoxicated, had shown a disposition to do him some injury. The Governor discharged his duty by causing the Italian to be arrested and tried; but, in the language of our informant, "as in too many other cases, acquittal was the consequence." [FN] We are farther told, that about the same time, two Indians were wounded by a white man, at a few miles distance from Vincennes. The occurrence of circumstances of this nature is said to have been a source of great embarrassment and vexation to Governor Harrison; but in this case, he could only send out,—not a constable for the aggressor, for that course had been sufficiently tried,—-but a surgeon for the wounded men, who both finally recovered.

[FN] Dawson's Narrative.

It cannot be doubted, that the character of these proceedings was well understood, and indignantly resented by all the tribes which obtained knowledge of them,—as most of them did in the course of their own experience. The house of a white man in Ohio was robbed, during this same summer, by a member of the Delaware tribe, so famous for its faithful, and more than faithful adherence to the American cause. According to the stipulations of Wayne's treaty, expressly provided for giving up criminals to the parties respectively injured,—and scrupulously observed up to this date, we should add, on the part of the Indians,—the robber in the present instance was demanded of the Delawares. The answer was, that the nation never would give up another man, until some of the white people were punished, who had murdered members of their tribe; they would however punish him themselves. And they did accordingly put him to death.

But all these were trifling causes of irritation, compared with those which had occurred at various periods, in the treaties and other negotiations, public and private, whereby immense quantities of territory had been obtained of the Indians. It is not intended to insinuate, that the Government was in fault upon any of these occasions. But in the transaction of affairs of this nature, to such an extent, at such a distance, by the instrumentality of agents,—as likely as any other men to be sometimes ignorant, insolent, and avaricious,—offences must needs come. On the other hands, in cases wherein the Government was not even nominally concerned, (whatever the understanding of the vendors might be upon that point) the most flagitious deception had been practised. In still other instances, where the conduct of the purchasers was unobjectionable, there were conflicting claims to territory, which one or more tribes, or portions of tribes, or perhaps individual chiefs, nevertheless undertook to convey. Owing to these and similar causes, the Indians had very generally become extremely suspicious of proposals for the purchase of land.

They perceived, too, independently of any unfair dealing upon either side, that the white population was advancing upon them with the most formidable rapidity. Something must be done, then, in self-defence. Setting aside past impositions, it was absolutely necessary to prevent them for the future; and setting aside all imposition, it was necessary to raise some universal and effectual barrier against inroads of any kind, in any quarter. It is recorded, accordingly, by an historian already cited, that the agitation among the Indians at this time was accounted for by some of them, by saying, that they were endeavoring to effect what had frequently been recommended to them by the United States, viz; a more cordial union among the various tribes. The writer considers this an "attempt at deception;" but yet his facts would seem to outweigh his opinion. War might or might not be anticipated as an ultimate resort, in offence or defence; and "British agitators" might or might not be actually engaged, as certainly they were interested, in producing that result, and preparing the tribes for it. But it appears to us, there can be no reasonable doubt, that an effective and cordial union of the tribes, for the purposes just mentioned, was actually the precise object in view. It certainly was the leading principle in the schemes of Tecumseh.

That principle he never disavowed. He declared it in the most open manner, on every suitable occasion; and with it, the cogent reasoning upon which in his mind it was founded. In July 1810, he conversed very fully upon the subject with a person sent to his brother by the Governor of Indiana, to dissuade him from war and to gain information of his views. He said that the Great Spirit had given this great island,—meaning the American continent,—to his red children; but the whites, who were placed on the other side of the big water, not content with their share, had crossed over—seized upon the coast—driven the Indians from the sea to the lakes—and undertaken to say that this tract belongs to one tribe, this to another, and so on—when the Great Spirit had made it the common property of them all. "They had retreated far enough,—they would go no farther." He at the same time disclaimed having intended to make war, but expressed his opinion that it would not be possible to preserve peace, unless the Indian principle of common property should be recognized, and the progress of the white settlements discontinued. He then proposed going to Vincennes, for the purpose of convincing the Governor that matters had been mis-represented to him.

The visit accordingly took place in August; and he then states most distinctly,—Mr. Dawson's phrase is, "in the broadest manner,"—that his policy had been to establish and extend the principle of common property as a means of necessary self-defence; that the tribes were afraid of being pushed back into the lakes, and were therefore determined to make a stand where they now were. At the formal interview which ensued, Tecumseh, who was attended by a body of followers, manifested so much irritation, that the Governor apprehended an attack upon the spot; the citizens were alarmed; troops were called in; and a scene of great confusion ensued. But although the proud Chieftain apologized for this demonstration of spirit at the next conference, and then appeared perfectly cool, he still persisted in the statements made in the outset. When asked by the Governor, whether it was his intention to prevent the surveying of a certain territory, recently purchased, he answered, "that himself and those who were joined with him were determined that the old boundary should continue."

The Governor afterwards visited him at his camp, for the purpose of sounding him privately. Being asked if his intentions were really what he had openly avowed, he replied that they were. He had no complaint to make against the United States, but their purchasing the Indian land as they did; and he should very much regret the necessity of making war for this single cause. On the contrary, he was, anxious to be upon good terms with them. If the President would give up the late purchase, and agree to make no more in the same manner, he would even become their ally, and would fight with them against the English; if these terms could not be complied with, he should be obliged to fight with the English against them. The Governor assured him that the President should be informed of his views, but also expressed his opinion, that there was no prospect of their being acceded to. "Well!" answered the warrior, "as the Great Chief is to determine the matter, I hope the Great Spirit will put sense enough in his head, to induce him to give up the land. True, he is so far off, that the war will not injure him. He may sit still in his town and drink his wine, while you and I will have to fight it out."

At the last conference which took place previously to the battle of Tippecanoe, it is stated that his designs were more completely developed, than ever before. [FN] And this, it should be observed, was his own voluntary and deliberate disclosure. "The States had set the example," he said, "of forming a union among all the fires,—why should they censure the Indians for following it?" He had now succeeded in combining the Northern tribes, and he was about visiting the South, for the purpose of completing the scheme. But war, if it ensued, would be, no fault of his. He hoped that the Governor would prevent settlements from being made on the new purchase till he returned from his journey in the Spring. He would then visit the President himself at his leisure, and the matter should be settled with him.

[FN] Dawson's Narrative, p. 182.

This speech has been called "an artful evasion, easily seen through." It appears to us, on the contrary, to be a model of manly frankness. The Orator did not expressly state, indeed, that the combination alluded to, anticipated the possibility or probability of war. But this was unnecessary. It was the natural inference in any reasonable mind. It had been frequently so stated and so understood; and repetition could only exasperate. On the whole, Tecumseh seems to have manifested a noble dignity in disavowal and discussion of his policy, equaled only by the profound sagacity in which it originated, and the intelligent energy which conducted it, against every opposition and obstacle, so nearly to its completion. He might be wrong, but it is evident enough he was sincere.

As for British instigation, we need not suggest the distinction between a disposition upon their part, and a counter disposition upon his; or between himself and the motley multitude of fanatical and ferocious vagabonds, who, unfortunately, formed a large part of the Prophet's first congregation, and some of whom were as troublesome to each other and to him, as they were to the white settlers. Outrages were committed, as we have seen, on both sides,—and criminals refused to be given over to justice by both,—the Indians copying, in this respect, the example of the American authorities. But we need not pursue the subject. The best existing evidence with regard to Tecumseh's particular interest in it, seems to be his own, which has been given.

Nor can it be doubted, that he perfectly understood the policy of the English. He told Governor Harrison, when he declared the necessity which might arise of an alliance with them, that he knew they were always urging the Indians to war for their own advantage, and not to benefit his countrymen. "And here," we are told, [FN] "he clapped his hands, and imitated a person hallooing at a dog, to set him fighting with another, thereby insinuating that the British thus endeavored to set the Indians on the Americans." The truth is, he was too proud for a subordinate part. His confederates might do as they chose, but for himself, he would maintain the dignity of a free man, and a warrior. He abandoned his plan of visiting the President, because he could not be received as the head of the deputation. It is said, that, in the last conference at Vincennes, he found himself, at the end of a long and energetic speech, unprovided with a seat. Observing the neglect, Governor Harrison directed a chair to be placed for him, and requested him to accept it. "Your Father," said the interpreter, "requests you to take a chair." "My Father!"—replied the chief,—"The sun is my father, and the earth is my mother; I will repose upon her bosom." And he adjusted himself on the ground in the Indian manner.

[FN] Dawson's Narrative, p 159.

A qualified remark has been made upon his courage; but his uniform conduct during the war, is certainly sufficient to establish this point beyond controversy. The same may be said of the fearlessness shown in his visits to Vincennes; and especially in his exposure of himself on that occasion, though he must have perceived that he was feared, suspected, and even guarded by large bodies of troops, drawn out for that express purpose. It is very illustrative of the apparent diversity in the character of Elskwatawa and his own in this respect, that when the Delawares sent a deputation of chiefs to break up the Prophet's settlement at Tippecanoe, the latter would not deign, as Mr. Dawson expresses it, to give them an interview; but despatched his brother to them, "whose threats or persuasions were sufficient to drive back the chiefs, with strong indications of terror."

When General Proctor began to prepare for retreating from Malden, Tecumseh, having learned his intention, demanded an interview, and, in the name of all the Indians, delivered an animated speech. If the spirit, which it manifests, could have had its intended effect in inducing the General to fight before he retreated, the result must at least have been more glorious, if not more favorable to his cause.

"Father!—Listen to your children! You have them now all before you.

"The war before this, our British father gave the hatchet to his red children, when our old chiefs were alive. They are now dead. In that war our father was thrown flat on his back by the Americans, and our father took them by the hand without our knowledge. We are afraid that our father will do so again at this time.

"Summer before last, when I came forward with my red brethren, and was ready to take up the hatchet in favor of our British father, we were told not to be in a hurry—that he had not yet determined to fight the Americans.

"Listen!—When war was declared, our father stood up and gave us the tomahawk, and told us that he was then ready to strike the Americans—that he wanted our assistance—and that he would certainly get us our lands back, which the Americans had taken from us.

"Listen!—You told us, at that time, to bring forward our families to this place, and we did so. You also promised to take care of them—they should want for nothing, while the men would go and fight the enemy—that we need not trouble ourselves about the enemy's garrison—that we knew nothing about them—and that our father would attend to that part of the business. You also told your red children that you would take good care of your garrison here, which made our hearts glad.

"Listen!—When we were last at the Rapids it is true we gave you little assistance. It is hard to fight people who live like ground-hogs.

"Father, listen!—Our fleet has gone out; we know they have fought; we have heard the great guns; [FN-1] but we know nothing of what has happened to our father with one arm. [FN-2] Our ships have gone one way, and we are much astonished to see our father tying up every thing and preparing to run away the other, without letting his red children know what his intentions are. You always told us to remain here, and take care of our lands; it made our hearts glad to hear that was your wish. Our great father, the king, is the head, and you represent him. You always told us you would never draw your foot off British ground. But now, father, we see you are drawing back, and we are sorry to see our father doing so without seeing the enemy. We must compare our father's conduct to a fat dog, that carries its tail upon its back, but when affrighted, it drops it between its legs and runs off."

[FN-1] Alluding to Perry's Victory.

[FN-2] Commodore Barclay.

"Father, listen!—The Americans have not yet defeated us by land—neither are we sure that they have done so by water—we therefore wish to remain here, and fight our enemy, should they make their appearance. If they defeat us, we will then retreat with our father.

"At the battle of the Rapids, last war, the Americans certainly defeated us; and when we returned to our father's fort, at that place the gates were shut against us. We were afraid that it would now be the case; but instead of that, we now see our British father preparing to march out of his garrison.

"Father!—You have got the arms and ammunition which our great father sent for his red children. If you have an idea of going away, give them to us, and you may go and welcome for us. Our lives are in the hands of the Great Spirit. We are determined to defend our lands, and if it be his will, we wish to leave our bones upon them."

This celebrated speech is probably as good a specimen as any on record, of the eloquence of Tecumseh. It was a natural eloquence, characteristic, as all natural eloquence must be, of the qualities of the man. As Charlevoix says of the Canadian savages, it was "such as the Greeks admired in the barbarians,"—strong, stern, sententious, pointed, perfectly undisguised. It abounded with figures and with graphic touches, imprinted by a single effort of memory or imagination, but answering all the purposes of detailed description, without its tediousness or its weakness. The President was "drinking his wine in his town," while Tecumseh and Harrison were fighting it out over the mountains. The Indians were hallooed upon the Americans, like a pack of starved hounds. The British nation was our great Father, and our great Father was laid flat on his back. So the policy of the United States, in extending their settlements, was a mighty water, and the scheme of common property in the tribes, was a dam to resist it. [FN]

[FN] M^cAfee's History, p. 17.

Tecumseh belonged to a nation "noted," as Mr. Heckewelder describes them, "for much talk," as well as for hard fighting; and he was himself never at a loss for words, though he used them with a chariness which might be imitated without disadvantage by some of our modern orators. It was only when he spoke for the explanation or vindication of that great cause to which his whole heart and mind were devoted, that he indulged himself in any thing beyond the laconic language of necessity. His appearance was always noble—his form symmetrical—his carriage erect and lofty—his motions commanding—but under the excitement of his favorite theme, he became a new being. The artifice of the politician, the diffidence of the stranger, the demure dignity of the warrior, were cast aside like a cloak. His fine countenance lighted up with a fiery and haughty pride. His frame swelled with emotion. Every posture and every gesture had its eloquent meaning. And then language, indeed,—the irrepressible outbreaking of nature,—flowed glowing from the passion-fountains of the soul.

We have drawn the portrait of this eminent chieftain hitherto, only so far as to sketch some of those strongly-marked lineaments by which he was best known to his contemporaries, and by which he will be longest remembered. But there was something more in his character than strong savage talent and savage feeling. Injured and irritated as he often was, and constantly as he kept himself excited by an interest in the fate of his countrymen, and by the agitation of his own schemes, there is no evidence either of coarseness in his manners, or of cruelty in his conduct. For reasons easily to be imagined, he regarded Governor Harrison with less partiality, than most other individual Americans; and hence, the British General is said to have stipulated early in the war, that the Governor, if taken prisoner, should be his captive. But he is understood to have always treated that gentleman with such courtesy, that we apprehend, had this casus-fÆdris unfortunately occurred, he would have gloried only in conveying him off the battle-field in the manner of the Black-Prince, and in setting before him, with the royal munificence of Massasoit, all the dry pease in his wigwam.

When the Governor proposed to him, on his first visit to Vincennes in 1810, that, in the event of a war, he would as far as possible put a stop to the cruelties which the Indians were accustomed to inflict upon women and children, and others no longer in a situation to resist,—he readily gave his assent to the proposition, and voluntarily pledged himself to adhere to it. There is reason to believe, that he remembered this promise; and that amidst temptations and provocations,—and, many would be inclined to add, examples, from an authority he might have been supposed to respect,—of a most extraordinary nature.

In one of the sorties from Fort Meigs, a hundred or more of the American garrison were taken prisoners, and put into Fort Miami. Here, M^cAfee and others relate that the British Indians garnished the surrounding rampart, and amused themselves by loading and firing at the crowd within, or at particular individuals. This proceeding is said to have continued nearly two hours, during which time twenty of the unfortunate prisoners were massacred. The chiefs were at the same time holding a council, to determine the fate of the residue. A blood-thirsty mob of cut-throat Pottawatamies were warmly in favor of despatching them all on the spot, while the Wyandots and Miamies opposed that course. The former prevailed; and had already systematically commenced the work of destruction, when Tecumseh, descrying them from the batteries, came down among them, reprimanded the ring-leaders for their dastardly barbarity in murdering defenceless captives in cold blood, and thus saved the lives of a considerable number. That all this was done by express permission of the English commander, and in presence of the English army, as is farther stated, it does not belong to us, in the pursuit of our present subject, either to assert or prove. If there be any truth in the charge, or in a tithe of those of the same character which have been brought against the same party, the sooner the veil of oblivion is dropped over them, the better.

In fine, the character of Tecumseh, in whatever light it be viewed, must be regarded as remarkable in the highest degree. That he proved himself worthy of his rank as a general officer in the army of his Britannic Majesty, or even of his reputation as a great warrior among all the Indians of the North and West, is, indeed, a small title to distinction, Bravery is a savage virtue; and the Shawanees are a brave people,—as too many of the American nation have ascertained by experience. His oratory speaks more for his genius. It was the utterance of a great mind, roused by the strongest motives of which human nature is susceptible, and developing a power and a labor of reason, which commanded the admiration of the civilized, as justly as the confidence and pride of the savage. But other orators, too, have appeared among his countrymen, as eloquent and as eminent as Tecumseh, wherever the same moving causes and occasions could give birth and scope to the same emulous effort. And the mere oratory, in all these cases, was not so much an absolute vindication, as a naked and meagre index of the mighty intellect and noble spirit within. Happily for the fame of Tecumseh, other evidences exist in his favor,—such as were felt as well as heard in his own day,—such as will live on the pages of civilized history, long after barbarous tradition has forgotten them. He will be named with Philip and Pontiac, "the agitators" of the two centuries which preceded his own. The schemes of these men were,—fortunately for the interest which they lived and labored to resist,—alike unsuccessful in their issue; but none the less credit should for that reason be allowed to their motives or their efforts. They were still statesmen, though the communities over which their influence was exerted, were composed of red men instead of white. They were still patriots, though they fought only for wild lands and for wild liberty. Indeed, it is these very circumstances that make these very efforts,—and especially the extraordinary degree of success which attended them,—the more honorable and the more signal; while they clearly show the necessity of their ultimate failure, which existed in the nature of things. They are the best prooff, at once, of genius and of principle.