History of Tecumseh and the Prophet continued—The latter encamps at Tippecanoe—-Sends a message to Governor Harrison—Visits him at Vincennes—Increase of his forces—Attention of the General Government aroused—Tecumseh visits the Governor—His speech, and journey southward—Battle of Tippecanoe, November, 1811—Consequences of it—Indian Council at Mississiniway—Council at Malden—Speeches and Anecdotes of the Crane, Walk-in-the-Water, Round-Head, and other Chiefs—Sequel of the history of the two brothers—Final exertions of Tecumseh—His death—The death of the Prophet.

To resume our narrative;—such reports came to the ears of Governor Harrison, during the year 1807, respecting the movements of the Indians, and especially those of the Prophet in pursuit of his victims, that he thought proper to send a "speech" to the Shawanese chiefs, couched in very severe terms. Most of those addressed being absent, the necessity of replying devolved on the Prophet, and he requested the messenger to indite for mm the following address:

"Father!

"I am very sorry that you listen to the advice of bad birds. You have impeached me with having correspondence with the British; and with calling and sending for the Indians from the most distant parts of the country, 'to listen to a fool that speaks not the words of the Great Spirit, but the words of the devil.' Father! these impeachments I deny, and say they are not true. I never had a word with the British, and I never sent for any Indians. They came here themselves, to listen and hear the words of the Great Spirit.

"Father! I wish you would not listen any more to the voice of bad birds; and you may rest assured that it is the least of our idea to make disturbance, and we will rather try to stop such proceedings than encourage them."

The year 1808 opened with immense numbers of Indians from the lakes crowding round the neighborhood of Fort Wayne. Their attendance on the Prophet, the year previous, had induced them to neglect raising corn, and they now found themselves in a state of starvation. It was considered necessary by the Governor, to supply them with food, lest hunger might drive them to extremities, and to marauding upon the frontier settlers of the United States; and he therefore sent orders to the Agent at Fort Wayne to allow them provisions from the public stores.

In May or June of the season just mentioned, the Prophet selected, for his future and permanent residence, a spot on the upper part of the Wabash, which was called Tippecanoe. He removed thither, and his motley forces moved after him. These now consisted of some thirty or forty Shawanees, with about one hundred Potawatamies, Chippewas, Ottawas and Winnebagoes. The manoeuvre met with no little opposition. Some of the Miamies, and Delawares in particular, had been determined to prevent it, and they sent a deputation of chiefs to effect that purpose; but the Prophet would not even see them, and Tecumseh, who encountered them on the way, gave them such a reception as at once altered their disposition to advance any farther in the business.

In July the Prophet sent a pacific message to Governor Harrison, complaining bitterly of the manner in which he had been misrepresented, and proposing to visit the Governor in person. He fulfilled this promise during the next month, and spent a fortnight at Vincennes. Long conferences and conversations ensued, but it could not be ascertained that his politics were particularly British. His denial of his being under any such influence, was strong and apparently candid. He said that his sole object was to reclaim the Indians from the bad habits which they had contracted, and to cause them to live in peace and friendship with all mankind, and that he was particularly appointed to that office by the Great Spirit. He frequently, in presence of the Governor, harangued his followers, and his constant theme was the evils arising from war and from the immoderate use of ardent spirits. His farewell speech exhibits the view of his system which he chose to promulgate at Vincennes.

"Father!

"It is three years since I first began with that system of religion which I now practice. The white people and some of the Indians were against me; but I had no other intention but to introduce among the Indians those good principles of religion which the white people profess. I was spoken badly of by the white people, who reproached me with misleading the Indians; but I defy them to say that I did anything amiss.

"Father!—I was told that yon intended to hang me. When I heard this, I intended to remember it, and tell my father, when I went to see him, and relate to him the truth.

"I heard, when I settled on the Wabash, that my father, the Governor, had declared that all the land between Vincennes and Fort Wayne was the property of the Seventeen Fires.

"I also heard that you wanted to know, my father, whether I was God or man; and that you said, if I was the former, I should not steal horses. I heard this from Mr. Wells, but I believe it originated with himself.

"The Great Spirit told me to tell the Indians, that he had made them and made the world—that he had placed them on it to do good, and not evil.

"I told all the red-skins that the way they were in was not good, and that they ought to abandon it. I said that we ought to consider ourselves as one man, but to live agreeable to our several customs, the red people after their mode, and the white people after theirs. Particularly that they should not drink whiskey—that it was not made for them, but the white people, who alone know how to use it—that it is the cause of all the mischiefs which the Indians suffer; and that they must always follow the directions of the Great Spirit, and we must listen to him, as it was he that has made us.

"Brothers!—Listen to nothing that is bad. Do not take up the tomahawk, should it be offered by the British, or by the Long-Knives. Do not meddle with any thing that does not belong to you, but mind your own business, and cultivate the ground, that your women and your children may have enough to live on. I now inform you that it is our intention to live in peace with our father and his people forever.

"My father!—I have informed you what we mean to do, and I call the Great Spirit to witness the truth of my declaration. The religion which I have established for the last three years, has been attended to by the different tribes of Indians in this part of the world. Those Indians were once different people; they are now but one; they are all determined to practice what I have communicated to them, that has come immediately from the Great Spirit through me.

"Brother!—I speak to you as a warrior. You are one. But let us lay aside this character, and attend to the care of our children, that they may live in comfort and peace. We desire that you will join us for the preservation of both red and white people. Formerly, when we lived in ignorance, we were foolish; but now, since we listen to the voice of the Great Spirit, we are happy.

"I have listened to what you have said to us. You have promised to assist us. I now request you, in behalf of all the red people, to use your exertions to prevent the sale of liquor to us. We are all well pleased to hear you say that you will endeavor to promote our happiness. We give you every assurance that we will follow the dictates of the Great Spirit.

"We are all well pleased with the attention that you have showed us; also with the good intentions of our father, the President. If you give us a few articles, such as needles, flints, hoes, powder, and other things, we shall be able to take the animals that afford us meat with powder and ball."

After this affair, nothing material occurred till the latter part of April, 1810, when the Governor received information that the Prophet was again exciting the Indians to hostilities against the United States. A trader, of undoubted veracity, who had been for some time at the residence of the impostor, assured him, (the Governor,) that the Prophet had at least a thousand souls under his control—perhaps from three hundred and fifty to four hundred men—principally composed of Kickapoos and Winnebagoes, but with a considerable number of Potawatamies and Shawanees, and a few Chippewas and Ottawas. About the middle of May, rumor magnified this force to six or eight hundred warriors, and the combination was said to extend to all the tribes between Illinois river and Lake Michigan,—the Wyandots, and the Sacs and Foxes being among the number. Still, nothing could be distinctly proved against the Prophet. Governor Harrison sent for the leading member of the Shaker society, who resided about twenty miles from Vincennes, and endeavored to prevail on him to take a speech to the Prophet, who affected to follow the Shaker principles in every thing but the vow of celibacy; and this leader of the Shakers had no hesitation in asserting that the Shawanee was under the same divine inspiration that he himself was, although, for reasons growing out of his situation as a savage, he and his immediate followers were permitted to cohabit with their women.

But this was not the general feeling. Much alarm existed on the frontiers, especially as some lawless acts had been committed by individuals nominally under the Prophet's management. The Governor made active preparations for open hostilities; and the attention of the General Government itself had at length become so much aroused, that an order from the President to make prisoners of both Tecumseh and his brother, was suspended only that a last effort might be more advantageously made for a compromise with the disaffected tribes. Early in 1811, the Indian force mustered at Tippecanoe was larger than Governor Harrison himself could easily collect; and the body-guard of Tecumseh, on the visit which he paid the former at Vincennes, in July of this season, consisted of more than three hundred men.

This meeting took place ostensibly in consequence of a speech which the Governor had sent to the brothers at their encampment on the Wabash, in June. He had taken that occasion to repeat his former complaints of the insults and injuries he supposed to have been offered to American citizens by Indians under their influence; to inform them that he had heard of their recent attempts to hasten hostilities between the Union and various Indian tribes; and, finally, to remind them, in strong terms, of the consequences of persisting in such conduct. "Brothers!"—was one of the expressions in this address,—"I am myself of the Long-Knife fire. As soon as they hear my voice, you will see them pouring forth their swarms of hunting-shirt men, as numerous as the mosquitoes on the shores of the Wabash. Brothers! take care of their stings." Tecumseh promptly replied to this communication, by promising to visit the Governor in precisely eighteen days, for the purpose of "washing away all these bad stories."

Some delay occurred; but upon Saturday, the 27th of July, he made his appearance at Vincennes, with his three hundred followers. As neither the Governor nor the inhabitants generally were desirous of prolonging his entertainment, it was proposed to commence the negotiations on Monday; but this he declined doing, and it was late on Tuesday before he made his appearance at the arbor prepared for the occasion. Nor did he then come, without taking the precaution to ascertain previously, whether the Governor was to be attended by armed men at the council,—if so, he should adopt the same etiquette. Being left to his own option, and given to understand that his example would be imitated, he came with a guard of nearly two hundred men, some armed with bows and arrows, and others with knives, tomahawks and war-clubs. The Governor, on the other hand, was attended by a full troop of dragoons, dismounted, and completely furnished with fire-arms; and he had taken care, on Tecumseh's first arrival, to secure the town, by stationing two foot companies and a detachment of cavalry in the outskirts. He placed himself in front of his dragoons; Tecumseh stood at the head of his tawny band, and the conference commenced with a speech on the part of the Governor. This was briefly replied to; but a heavy rain coming on, matters remained in statu quo, until the next day, when Tecumseh made a long and ingenious harangue, both exposing and justifying his own schemes much more openly than he had ever done before.

Respecting the demand which the Governor had made, that two Pottawatomie murderers should be given up to punishment, who were stated to be resident at Tippecanoe, he in the first place denied that they were there; and then went on very deliberately to show, that he could not deliver them up if they were there. "It was not right," he said, "to punish those people. They ought to be forgiven, as well as those who had recently murdered his people in the Illinois. The whites should follow his own example of forgiveness; he had forgiven the Ottawas and the Osages. Finally, he desired that matters might remain in their present situation, and especially that no settlements should be attempted upon the lands recently purchased of certain tribes, until he should return from a visit among the Southern Indians. Then he would go to Washington, and settle all difficulties with the President; and meanwhile, as the neighboring tribes were wholly under his direction, he would despatch messengers in every quarter to prevent further mischief." He concluded with offering the Governor a quantity of wampum, as a full atonement for the murders before mentioned. The latter made an indignant rejoinder; the meeting was broken up; and Tecumseh, attended by a few followers, soon afterwards commenced his journey down the Wabash for the Southward.

Such was his last appearance previous to the war. The popular excitement had now become greater than ever. Numerous meetings were held, and representations forwarded to the Federal Executive. But before these documents could reach their destination, authority had been given to Governor Harrison to commence offensive operations at discretion, and forces, in addition to those within his territorial jurisdiction, were placed at his disposal. "The Banditti under the Prophet," wrote the Secretary of War, Mr. Eustis, in a communication of July 20th, "are to be attacked and vanquished, provided such a measure shall be rendered absolutely necessary."

It is not our purpose to detail the subsequent measures of Governor Harrison, which terminated in the celebrated battle of Tippecanoe; and much less, to agitate the question heretofore so inveterately contested, respecting the general propriety of the offensive operations he commenced, or his particular system or success in conducting them. The battle took place on the 7th of November, 1811; the Governor having previously sent Indian messengers to demand of the various tribes in the Prophet's encampment, that they should all return to their respective territories; that the stolen horses in their and his possession, should be given up; and that all murderers, then sheltered at Tippecanoe, should be delivered over to justice. The first messengers, about the last of September, had the effect of bringing out a friendly deputation from the Prophet, full of professions of peace. But fresh outrages were committed by his followers about the same time; and, when sundry head-men of the Delaware tribe undertook, in October, to go upon a second mission, they are said to have been abruptly met by a counter deputation from the Prophet, requiring a categorical answer to the question, "whether they would or would not join him against the United States?" The Delawares, nevertheless, went on, and having visited the Prophet's camp, returned to Governor Harrison, now on his march, with the report of their having been ill treated, insulted, and finally dismissed with contemptuous remarks upon themselves and the Governor. Twenty-four Miamies next volunteered to go upon this thankless business. They seem to have been better entertained, for the good reason, that they decided upon raising the tomahawk against their employer. At all events, these serviceable diplomatists spared themselves the pains of returning.

The particulars of the battle are well known. The Governor having entered into the heart of the territory occupied by the Prophet,—but claimed by the United States, as being purchased of those tribes who had the least-disputed claim to it,—he encamped, on the night of the 6th, in the vicinity of the Prophet's force; and a suspension of hostilities was agreed upon between the two parties, until a conference could take place on the ensuing day. Whether, as the Prophet affirmed on this occasion by his messengers, he had sent a pacific proposal to the Governor, which accidentally failed to reach him; or whether he was now actually "desirous of avoiding hostilities if possible," but felt himself compelled to commence them, need not be discussed. His forces, supposed to number from five hundred to eight hundred warriors, made a violent attack on the American army, early on the morning of the 7th; and one of the most desperate struggles ensued, of which we have any record in the history of Indian warfare. The enemy was at length repulsed, leaving thirty-eight warriors dead on the field. The Americans lost about fifty killed, and about twice that number wounded. The Prophet's town was rifled, and the army commenced its return to Vincennes.

Tecumseh, who was absent when the battle took place, returned soon afterwards from the South, and, without doubt, was exceedingly surprised and mortified by the conduct of the Prophet. From this time, while the latter lost much of his influence, the former took a more independent and open part. It cannot be positively decided whether he had previously maintained a special understanding with the British; but his subsequent course admits of little controversy.

He proposed to Governor Harrison, to make the contemplated journey to Washington; but, as the Governor expressed a determination that he could not go in the capacity which he deemed suitable to his standing, the idea was abandoned. Thenceforth, whatever his intentions had been, he determined upon the necessity of fighting; and it naturally followed, whatever had been his disposition towards the British authorities,—theirs towards him was sufficiently plain,—that he should no longer hesitate to avail himself of every fair opportunity of cooperation.

Still, it was necessary to preserve appearances until matters were ready for disclosure; and, of course,—such were the consequences of the recent defeat, and such the disposition of many vacillating or opposing tribes,—there was an extremely difficult part to be acted. Some of the speeches made at a grand council of twelve tribes, held in May, 1812, at Mississiniway, will throw light upon the subject. The Wyandots began—a tribe universally regarded as the head of the great Indian family:

"Younger brothers!"—said the speaker—"You that reside on the Wabash, listen to what we say; and in order that you may distinctly hear and clearly understand our words, we now open your ears and place your hearts in the same position they were placed in by the Great Spirit when he created you.

"Younger brothers!—We are sorry to see your path filled with thorns and briars, and your land covered with blood. Our love for you has caused us to come and clean your paths and wipe the blood off your land, and take the weapons that have spilled this blood from you, and put them where you can never reach them again.

"Younger brothers!—This is done by the united voice of all your elder brothers, that you now see present, who are determined not to be disobeyed. This determination of your elder brothers, to put an entire stop to the effusion of blood, has met with the approbation of our fathers, the British, who have advised all the red people to be quiet and not meddle in quarrels that may take place between the white people."

Tecumseh, who found himself in a small minority on this occasion, replied thus:

"Elder brothers!—We have listened with attention to what you have said to us. We thank the Great Spirit for inclining your hearts to pity us; we now pity ourselves; our hearts are good; they never were bad. Governor Harrison made war on my people in my absence; it was the Great Spirit's will he should do so. We hope it will please Him that the white people may let us live in peace. We will not disturb them; neither have we done it, except when they come to our village with the intention of destroying us. We are happy to state to our brothers present, that the unfortunate transaction that took place between the white people and a few of our young men at our village, has been settled between us and Governor Harrison; and I will further state, that had I been at home, there would have been no blood shed at that time.

"We are sorry to find that the same respect has not been paid to the agreement between us and Governor Harrison, by our brothers, the Potawatamies. However, we are not accountable for the conduct of those over whom we have no control. Let the chiefs of that nation exert themselves, and cause their warriors to behave themselves, as we have done and will continue to do with ours.

"Should the bad acts of our brothers, the Potawatamies, draw on us the ill will of our white brothers—and they should come again and make an unprovoked attack on us at our village—we will die like men—but we will never strike the first blow."

The Potawatamies could not overlook such an attack, and their speaker noticed it in terms which reflected severely on the "pretended Prophet," who was said to have caused all the difficulty among their young men. He added,—"We have no control over these few vagabonds, and consider them not belonging to our nation; and will be thankful to any people that will put them to death, wherever they are found. As they are bad people, and have learnt to be so from the pretended Prophet, and as he has been the cause of setting those people on our white brothers, we hope he will be active in reconciling them. As we all hear him say, his heart is inclined for peace, we hope we may all see this declaration supported by his future conduct, and that all our women and children may lay down to sleep without fear."

Tecumseh then addressed the council once more:

"It is true we have endeavored to give all our brothers good advice; and if they have not listened to it, we are sorry for it. We defy a living creature to say we ever advised any one, directly or indirectly, to make war on our white brothers. It has constantly been our misfortune to have our views misrepresented to our white brethren. This has been done by pretended chiefs of the Potawatamies and others, that have been in the habit of selling land to the white people that did not belong to them."

Here he was called to order by the Delawares. "We have not met," said they, "to listen to such words. The red people have been killing the whites. The just resentment of the latter is raised against the former. Our white brethren are on their feet, with their guns in their hands. There is no time to tell each other, you have done this, and you have done that. If there was, we would tell the Prophet that both red and white people had felt the bad effects of his counsels. Let us all join our hearts and hands together, and proclaim peace through the land of the red people. Let us make our voices be heard and respected, and rely on the justice of our white brethren."

The Miamies and Kickapoos afterwards expressed themselves much to the same effect, and the conference then closed.

The most distinguished chiefs opposed to the two brothers, were the Crane, his Counselor Between-the-Logs, the Pottawatomie Winemack, [FN] and the leader and orator of the Wyandots on the American side of the river Detroit, Walk-in-the-Water. The latter was afterwards forced by circumstances to fight with the British, but at this time he and the Crane were particularly active in persuading various tribes to "sit still" while their two Fathers should fight out the war,—which was their own business,—in their own way. The British at length took measures to counteract their influence. A council was convened at Malden, at which Elliot, the Indian Agent, and the British Commanding Officer were present.

[FN] A war-chief of some distinction. He repeatedly visited Washington after the war, and some characteristic anecdotes—which, however, will hardly bear repetition—are recorded of him. He was always openly friendly to the Americans, and though accused of fighting for the Prophet at Tippecanoe, by no means convicted of that aberration. He died in the summer of 1821.

The former demanded of the Wyandots whether they had advised the other tribes to remain neutral. To this, Walk-in-the-water answered: "We have, and we believe it best for us, and for our brethren. We have no wish to be involved in a war with our father, the Long-Knife, for we know by experience that we have nothing to gain by it, and we beg our father, the British, not to force us to war. We remember, in the former war between our fathers, the British and the Long-Knife, we were both defeated, and we the red men lost our country; and you, our father, the British, made peace with the Long-Knife, without our knowledge, and you gave our country to him. You still said to us, 'my children, you must fight for your country, for the Long-Knife will take it from you.' We did as you advised us, and we were defeated with the loss of our best chiefs and warriors, and of our land. And we still remember your conduct towards us, when we were defeated at the foot of the rapids of the Miami. We sought safety for our wounded in your fort. But what was your conduct? You closed your gates against us, and we had to retreat the best way we could. And then we made peace with the Americans, and have enjoyed peace with them ever since. And now you wish us, your red children, again to take up the hatchet against our father, the Long-Knife. We say again, we do not wish to have any thing to do with the war. Fight your own battles, but let us, your red children, enjoy peace."

Elliot here interrupted the speaker, and said: "That is American talk, and I shall hear no more of it. If you do not stop, I will direct my soldiers to take you and the chiefs, and keep you prisoners, and will consider you as our enemies." Walk-in-the-water then took his seat, to consult the other chiefs; and Round-Head, who had openly espoused the British interest, and who was the chief of the small party of Wyandots living in Canada, immediately rose and said: "Father! listen to your children. You say that the talk just delivered by my friend Walk-in-the-water, is American talk, and that you cannot hear any more of it; and, if persisted in, you will take the chiefs prisoners, and treat them as enemies. Now hear me. I am a chief, and am acknowledged to be such. I speak the sentiments of the chiefs of the tribes, assembled round your council-fire. I now come forward, and take hold of your war-hatchet, and will assist you to fight against the Americans!"

He was followed by Tecumseh and the Prophet, and by two Wyandot chiefs, Worrow and Split-log; but Walk-in-the-water and his associates still declined the invitation. Elliot then made some menacing observations, which induced them to leave the council-house, recross the river to Brownstown, and communicate the result to the Crane, who was there with his attendants. The latter immediately returned home to Sandusky. The Brownstown Wyandots sent a deputation to the American General at Detroit, headed by Walk-in-the-water, to represent their exposed state, and request protection. For some unknown reason it was not granted, and these Indians were a few days afterwards taken into custody by a large British and Indian detachment, attended, if not commanded, by Tecumseh and Round-Head.

The sequel of these proceedings is too characteristic of several of the individuals we have named, to be omitted in a connection which allows and requires so much collateral light.

Some eight or ten months after the forced accession to the British just mentioned, the Crane proposed to General Harrison, who was then encamped with his array at Seneca, that a formal embassy should be sent by the Wyandots, to their brethren in the British camp, and to all the Indians who adhered to the British cause, advising them to consult their true interest and retire to their own country. The proposition was approved by General Harrison, and the Crane was requested to take such measures as appeared most proper to give it effect.

Between-the-logs was appointed the ambassador, and a small escort of eight warriors, commanded by Skootash, the principal war-chief of the nation, was selected to accompany him. Two speeches were sent by the Crane, one to be delivered privately to his own people, and the other publicly to the British Indians.

The Wyandot embassy arrived at Brownstown in safety, and the following morning a general council assembled to hear the message from their uncle. The multitude was prodigious, and Elliot and M^cKee, the British agents, were present. We have been told that Between-the-logs arose in the midst of this host of enemies, and delivered with unshaken firmness the following speech from the Crane, which had been entrusted to him:

"Brothers!—the red men, who are engaged in fighting for the British king—listen! These words are from me, Tarbe, and they are also the words of the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanees, and Senecas.

"Our American father has raised his war-pole, and collected a large army of his warriors. They will soon march to attack the British. He does not wish to destroy his red children, their wives, and families. He wishes you to separate yourselves from the British, and bury the hatchet you have raised. He will be merciful to you. You can then return to your own lands, and hunt the game, as you formerly did. I request you to consider your situation, and act wisely in this important matter; and not wantonly destroy your own people. Brothers! whoever feels disposed to accept this advice, will come forward and take hold of this belt of wampum, which I have in my hand and offer to you. I hope you will not refuse to accept it in presence of your British father, for you are independent of him. Brothers! we have done, and we hope you will decide wisely."

Not a hand moved to accept the offered pledge of peace. The spell was too potent to be broken by charms like these; but Round-Head arose and addressed the embassy:

"Brothers!—the Wyandots from the Americans—we have heard your talk, and will not listen to it. We will not forsake the standard of our British father, nor lay down the hatchet we have raised. I speak the sentiments of all now present, and I charge you, that you faithfully deliver our talk to the American commander, and tell him it is our wish he would send more men against us; for all that has passed between us I do not call fighting. We are not satisfied with the number of men he sends to contend against us. We want to fight in good earnest."

Elliot then spoke. "My children!—As you now see that my children here are determined not to forsake the cause of their British father, I wish you to carry a message back with you. Tell my wife, your American father, that I want her to cook the provisions for me and my red children, more faithfully than she has done. She has not done her duty. And if she receives this as an insult, and feels disposed to fight, tell her to bring more men than she ever brought before, as our former skirmishes I do not call fighting. If she wishes to fight with me and my children, she must not burrow in the earth like a ground-hog, where she is inaccessible. She must come out and fight fairly."

To this, Between-the-logs replied. "Brothers!—I am directed by my American father to inform you, that if you reject the advice given you, he will march here with a large army, and if he should find any of the red people opposing him in his passage through this country, he will trample them under his feet. You cannot stand before him.

"And now for myself I earnestly intreat you to consider the good talk I have brought, and listen to it. Why would you devote yourselves, your women, and your children, to destruction? Let me tell you, if you should defeat the American army this time, you have not done. Another will come on, and if you defeat that, still another will appear that you cannot withstand; one that will come like the waves of the great water, and overwhelm you, and sweep you from the face of the earth. If you doubt the account I give of the force of the Americans, you can send some of your people in whom you have confidence, to examine their army and navy. They shall be permitted to return in safety. The truth is, your British father tells you lies, and deceives you. He boasts of the few victories he gains, but he never tells you of his defeats, of his armies being slaughtered, and his vessels taken on the big water. He keeps all these things to himself.

"And now, father, let me address a few words to you. Your request shall be granted. I will bear your message to my American father. It is true none of your children appear willing to forsake your standard, and it will be the worse for them. You compare the Americans to ground-hogs, and complain of their mode of fighting. I must confess that a groundhog is a very difficult animal to contend with. He has such sharp teeth, such an inflexible temper, and such an unconquerable spirit, that he is truly a dangerous enemy, especially when he is in his own hole. But, father, let me tell you, you can have your wish. Before many days, you will see the ground-hog floating on yonder lake, paddling his canoe towards your hole; and then, father, you will have an opportunity of attacking your formidable enemy in any way you may think best."

This speech terminated the proceedings of the council. All the Indians, except the Wyandots, dispersed, and they secretly assembled to hear the message sent to them by their own chief.

The Wyandots were directed to quit Skorah [FN-1] immediately. They were said to be liars and deceivers, and that they had always deceived the Indians. And facts, in evidence of this, were quoted. The building of Fort Miami was particularly referred to. It was said to be erected as a refuge for the Indians, but when they were overpowered by Wayne, the gates were shut against them. [FN-2] The comparative strength of General Harrison's army and of the British forces, was concealed from them, and they were in a very dangerous condition.

[FN-1] The British, in the Huron dialect.

[FN-2] The Crane was wounded in this action, and the loss fell heavily upon the Wyandots.

This message was faithfully delivered to the Wyandots, and produced its full effect upon them. They requested Between-the-logs to inform the Crane, that they were in fact prisoners, but that they had taken firm hold of his belt of wampum, and would not fire another gun. They promised, that on the advance of the American army, they would quit the British troops, as soon as it was safe to take that decisive measure. And such in fact was the result. When Proctor left the country, his Wyandot allies abandoned him, a few miles from the mouth of the river Tranche, and retired into the forest. Thence they sent a message to General Harrison, imploring his mercy. [FN]

[FN] We have given our account of the Malden Council on the authority of Governor Cass, whose sources of information may be learned from his able essay on the Late War on the Frontiers. See N. A. Rev. Vol. XXIX.

Tecumseh and Elskwatawa were seen for the last time previous to their joining the British, at Fort Wayne. The former passed that way to the Malden council, and he then explicitly stated to the Commander of the station, that he was going "to receive from the British twelve horse-loads of ammunition for the use of his people at Tippecanoe." The visit of the Prophet, which took place immediately after, is referred to in the following communication from the Commander to an American authority:

"On the 12th [July, 1812,] the Prophet arrived at this place, with nearly one hundred Winnebagoes and Kickapoos, who have ever since been amusing the Indian agent at this place with professions of friendship, and it is now evident that he has completely duped the agent, who had suffered him to take the lead in all his councils with the Indians, giving him ammunition, &c. to support his followers until they can receive a supply from Tecumseh.

"On the 19th instant an express arrived in the Prophet's camp from Tecumseh. In order that it should make the better speed, the express stole a horse from some of the inhabitants of the river Raisin, and rode night and day. The horse gave out within twenty miles of this place. This messenger was directed by Tecumseh to tell the Prophet to unite the Indians immediately, and send their women and children towards the Mississippi, while the warriors should strike a heavy blow at the inhabitants of Vincennes; and he, Tecumseh, if he lived, would join him in the country of the Winnebagoes.

"The Prophet found no difficulty in keeping this information to himself and one or two of his confidential followers, and forming a story to suit the palate of the agent here; and, on the 20th instant, he despatched two confidential Kickapoos to effect the objects Tecumseh had in view. In order that these two Indians might make the better speed, they stole my two riding-horses, and have gone to the westward at the rate of one hundred miles in twenty-four hours, at least. To keep the agent blind to his movements, the prophet went early in the morning yesterday, and told the agent that two of his bad young men were missing, and that he feared they had stole some horses. The agent found no difficulty in swallowing the bait offered him, and applauded the Prophet for his honesty in telling of his bad men, as he called them, stealing my horses.

"To keep up appearances, the Prophet has this morning despatched two men on foot, as he tells the agent, to bring back my horses, &c. He says he and all his party will certainly attend the Commissioner of the United States next month at Piqua.

"This he will do, if he finds he cannot raise the western Indians against the United States; but if he finds the western Indians will join him, you may rely on it, he will strike a heavy blow, as Tecumseh says, against the whites in that quarter. You may rely on the correctness of this statement, as I received information relative to the views of Tecumseh, last night, from a quarter that cannot be doubted. The conduct of the agent towards the Prophet, I have been an eye-witness to."

The most remarkable passage in this graphic narration, refers to the exertions Tecumseh was now making for the promotion of the great cause which lay so near his heart. There was occasion indeed for a mighty effort, to regain the ground which his brother had lost. The battle of Tippecanoe was a premature explosion, and a most unfortunate one for his interests. It intercepted the negotiations for new allies, diminished the moral power of the Prophet, and frightened and forced many, who were or would have been his adherents, into neutrality in some cases, and open hostility in others. The vast scheme of Tecumseh, the object so long of all his solicitude and his labor, was thrown into confusion, on the very brink of success. He was exasperated, humiliated, afflicted. He could have wept, like Philip, when his projects were thwarted in mid career by the rashness of his warriors. But here was the trial of his noblest qualities. He came forward and made every proposition, looking like compromise, which he deemed consistent with his dignity,—perhaps necessary to it,—but in vain. He saw then, plainly, that the battle must be fought, and his soul grew strong. The wrongs and woes of his race, and the power and pride of the white men, passed before him. The mortification of failure and exposure on his own part, the dishonor brought upon his brother's name, the ignominy of submission, the censure and scorn of his savage rivals, the triumph of his civilized enemy, all were daggers in his bosom. Then boiled within him the frenzy of despair. Fear and hope struggled for the mastery. Pride, revenge, ambition, were roused. "Let them come, then"—thought he—"I hear them and see them, in the South and in the East, like the summer leaves rolling and rustling in the breeze. It is well. Shall Tecumseh tremble? Shall they say that he hated the white man, and feared him? No! The mountains and plains which the Great Spirit gave, are behind and around me. I, too, have my warriors, and here,—where we were born and where we will die,—on the Scioto, on the Wabash, on the broad waters of the North, my voice shall be heard."

And it was heard, indeed. At the date of the communication last cited, he had scarcely a hundred followers; and the intentions of the Western Indians, we have seen, were not then ascertained. But from the time of the Malden Council, Tecumseh girded himself to his task, like a strong man for battle. He set his brother and all his emissaries, and at the same time devoted himself, night and day, to the business of recruiting. Repeatedly, before this, he had visited all the tribes on the west banks of the Mississippi, and upon Lakes Superior, Huron and Michigan. He now traveled over the route once more. From north to south, and from east to west, he ranged the continent,—threatening, flattering, rousing resentment, alarming superstition, provoking curiosity. No labor fatigued, no disappointment discouraged, no danger alarmed, no emergency surprised him.

The result, with the entire sequel of the history of the two brothers, may be stated in the most general terms. Those who know anything of the history of the last war, need not be informed, that Tecumseh was substantially, as well as nominally, the head and life of the Anglo-Indian Department, and that greater forces were collected by his influence, and embodied under his command, than in any other instance from the first settlement of the country. He brought in six hundred Wabash recruits in one body, early in 1813. In the attack made upon Fort Stephenson, in the summer of the same year, the enemy numbered but five hundred British regulars, for eight hundred Indians, (under Dickson,) while Tecumseh was at the same time stationed on the road to Fort Meigs with a body of two thousand more, for the purpose of cutting off the American reinforcements on that route.

In the decisive battle of the Moravian Towns, he commanded the right wing of the allied army, and was posted in the only part of it which was engaged with the American troops. Here was his last struggle. Disdaining to fly, when all were flying around him but his own nearest followers, he pressed eagerly into the heart of the contest, encouraging the savages by his voice, and plying the tomahawk with a tremendous energy. He appeared to be advancing, it is said, directly upon Colonel Johnson, who was hastening towards him on the other side, at the head of his mounted infantry. Suddenly a wavering was perceived in the Indian ranks; there was no longer a cry of command among them. Tecumseh had fallen, and his bravest men, still surviving, were defeated by the same blow. They fled, leaving thirty-three dead on the field, most of whom were found near Tecumseh.

Upon the question, who had the honor of shooting the great chief,—as all the world admits he was shot,—we shall spend but few words. In the language of another, "there is a possibility that he fell by a pistol-shot from the hand of Colonel Johnson. He was certainly killed in that part of the line where the Colonel was himself wounded;" and this is all that can well be said upon a subject which has occasioned so much controversy. The British Government granted a pension to his widow and family, which probably continues to this day. The Prophet, who survived the war, and was little exposed in it, was supplied in the same manner until his death, which took place a few years since. He is believed to have been older than his brother, who died about forty-five.

The grave, in which Tecumseh's remains were deposited by the Indians after the return of the American army, is still visible near the borders of a willow marsh, on the north line of the battle-ground, with a large fallen oak-tree lying beside. The willow and wild rose are thick around it, but the mound itself is cleared of shrubbery, and is said to owe its good condition to the occasional visits of his countrymen. [FN] Thus repose, in solitude and silence, the ashes of the "Indian Bonaparte." In truth have they

"Left him alone with his glory."

[FN] Western Paper.