Some account of the Shawanees, the tribe of Tecumseh—Anecdotes illustrative of their character—Early history and lineage of Tecumseh—His first adventures as a warrior—His habits and principles—His brothers Kumshaka and Elskwatawa—The first open movements of the latter, in 1806—He assumes the character of Prophet—His doctrines—His mode of operation upon his countrymen—Other Indian Pretenders—Anecdote of a Shawanee Chief, at Fort Wayne—Tanner's account of the ministry of the Elskwatawa's Agents—Concert traced between them—Witchcraft-superstition—Anecdotes of Teteboxti, The Crane, Leather-Lips, and others. As the distinguished personage whose history now claims our attention, was a member of the Kishopoke tribe of the Shawanee nation, a brief account of that somewhat celebrated community may not be irrelevant in this connection. As their name indicates, they came originally from the South, (that being the meaning of the Delaware word Shawaneu;) and the oldest individuals of the Mohican tribe, their elder brother, [FN] told Mr. Heckewelder, they dwelt in the neighborhood of Savannah, in Georgia, and in the Floridas. "They were a restless people," we are further informed, "delighting in wars;" and in these they were so constantly engaged, that their neighbors,—the Cherokees, Choctaws, Creeks, Yamassees, and other powerful tribes,—finally formed a league, offensive and defensive, for the express purpose of expelling them from the country. But the Shawanees were too wise to contend with such an enemy, and they adopted the more prudent policy of asking permission to leave their territories peaceably, and migrate northward. This favor being granted them, their main body settled upon the Ohio; some of them as far up as where the French afterwards built Fort Duquesne,—now Pittsburg,—others, about the forks of the Delaware, and a few even upon the site of what is now Philadelphia. [FN] So called, because their separation from the parent stock was one of the most ancient of which the tradition was distinctly preserved. Following the same principle, the Delawares themselves have uniformly given the title of Uncle to the Wyandots. Those who remained on the Ohio becoming numerous and powerful, it was not long before they crossed the Allegheny mountains, and fell upon a settlement of the Delawares, on the Juniata,—of which very people, their grandfather, they had solicited peace and protection, through the interposition of the Mohicans, on their first arrival in the country. Murders were committed, plunder was carried off, and a war ensued. As soon as this could be disposed of, they engaged in the French war, which broke out in 1755, against the English. That being terminated in 1763, and the tribe being elated by its increased numbers, and by the strong confederacy now established between themselves and the Delawares, they commenced hostilities against the Cherokees. In the course of this war, the latter occasionally pursued the aggressors into the Delaware territories, and thus that nation was aroused again. The union of forces which ensued, added to the already existing hostility of the Five Nations, proved too much for the Cherokees, and in 1768, they solicited and obtained a peace. Owing chiefly to the influence of the Delawares, the Shawanees were now kept quiet for the unusually long term of six years, when they were involved in a war with the people of Virginia,—then comprising Kentucky,—occasioned by the noted murders committed upon Logan's relations and others, by white people. The burning of some of their villages had scarcely driven them to a sort of truce with mis new enemy, when the war of the Revolution commenced, in which they allied themselves with the English, and continued openly hostile, notwithstanding the peace of 1783, until the famous victory of General Wayne, in 1795. Their reputation as warriors suffered nothing during all this long series of hostile operations. The first settlers of Kentucky were molested and harassed by them, more than by any other tribe. Boone, who was taken captive by them in 1778, saw four hundred and fifty of their warriors mustered at one place,—still called Chilicothe,—ready for a foray among the white settlements, which soon after ensued. Marshall, in his History of Kentucky, gives the particulars of an expedition against them, the season after this, in which, "many of the best men in the country were privates;" the invaders were defeated and driven off, and nearly two hundred of them pursued with considerable loss, by about thirty of the Shawanees. "Of all the Indians who had been marauding in the country," the same writer observes elsewhere, "the Shawanees had been the most mischievous, as they were the most active." Loskiel represents the tribe in question as "the most savage of the Indian nations." An incident, showing the disposition which they manifested, even at this period, (1773,) towards their American neighbors, may throw some light upon their character, and upon subsequent events. The celebrated missionary, Zeisberger, visited some of their settlements, during the year last named, in the hope of establishing a mission among them. At one of their villages, he met with the head-chief of the tribe. The latter gave him his hand and addressed him: "This day," said he, "the Great Spirit has ordered that we should see and speak with each other, face to face." He then entered into a long detail of the practices of the white people, describing their manner of deceiving the Indians, and finally affirmed that they were all alike,—all hypocrites and knaves. The Missionary made some reply to these charges, but the Chief was "so exceedingly exasperated against the white people," adds Loskiel, "that brother Zeisberger's exhortation seemed to have little weight with him." He at length gave the Preacher permission to visit the other Shawanee towns, taking care to suggest, as a parting word of comfort, that he must rely upon having his brains beat out very speedily. Thirty years previous to this, when Count Zinzendorff himself went among the Wyoming Shawanees, to convert them, they rewarded that pious pilgrim for his labor of love, by conspiring to murder him; but, by a fortunate accident, he escaped safe from their hands. On the whole, setting aside for the present the history of this nation for the last thirty years, during which we have suffered most from them, it would seem that a more warlike or more hostile people has scarcely existed upon the continent. Where, rather than here, should we look for the birth and education of Tecumseh, [FN] the modern Philip, and when, rather than at the stormy period of the Revolution? Probably, at the very time when the troops of our Congress (in 1780,) were expelling them westward from the river Scioto, and burning their villages behind them, the young hero, who afterwards kindled the flame of war upon the entire frontier of the States, by the breath of his own single spirit, was learning his first lessons of vengeance amid the ruins of his native land, and in the blood of his countrymen. [FN] Pronounced by the Indians TecumthÉ and sometimes so written. His native land, we say, for it is tolerably well ascertained that he was born on the banks of the Scioto, near Chilicothe. His father, who was a noted Shawanee warrior, fell at the battle of Kenhawa, while Tecumseh was yet a mere boy. His mother is said by some to have been a Shawanee, and by others a Creek; but he is understood himself to have told a gentleman at Vincennes, in 1810, that she was a Cherokee, who had been taken prisoner in a war between that nation and the Shawanees, and adopted, according to Indian custom, into a family of the latter nation which resided near the Miami of the Lake. This account is confirmed by the circumstance of this woman having migrated into the Cherokee territory in advanced age, and died there. The totem of her tribe is said to have been a turtle, and that of the father's a tiger. From all the information which can now be gathered respecting the early years of Tecumseh, it appears that he gave striking evidence in his boyhood of the singular spirit which characterized him through life. He was distinguished for a steady adherence to principle, and generally to that of the best kind. He prided himself upon his temperance and his truth, maintaining an uncommon reputation for integrity, and, what is still rarer among his countrymen, never indulging in the excessive use of food or liquor. He would not marry until long after the customary period; and then, as a matter of necessity, in consequence of the solicitations of friends, he connected himself with an elderly female, who was, perhaps, not the handsomest or most agreeable lady in the world, but nevertheless bore him one child, his only offspring. With this exception, he adopted in his matrimonial life, the practices of the sect of Shakers, whose principles, as is well known, were afterwards so strenuously promulgated by his brother, the Prophet, that a certain prime functionary in that denomination gave him the credit of being as good a disciple as himself. [FN] Whether there was an express concert or actual cooperation between the two, at this early period, respecting this or any other project or policy in which they subsequently engaged together, does not appear to be positively ascertained. [FN] See an authority cited at large in the following pages. It is not to be supposed, that any remarkable achievements of the young warrior in his first battles, should be preserved on record. Some Shawanees have said that he made his debut in an engagement with the Kentucky troops, which took place on the banks of Mad River; that in the heat of the skirmish he most ungallantly turned right-about-face, and made the best of his way from the field, with all possible diligence,—and that too while one of his brothers stood his ground with the other Indians, and fought till he was wounded and carried off. It must be admitted, this was not so creditable a proceeding as may be conceived; but the extreme youth of the party goes some way to explain, as his subsequent conduct did to excuse it. But from this time, whatever might be his animal courage, he was never known to shrink. Indeed, previously to the treaty of Greenville, (in 1795) when he was probably about twenty-five years of age, he is said to have signalized himself so much, as to have been reputed one of the boldest of the Indian warriors. No individual was more regularly engaged in those terrible incursions by which the first settlers of Kentucky were so much harassed; and few could boast of having intercepted so many boats on the Ohio river, or plundered so many houses on the civilized shore. He was sometimes pursued, but never overtaken. If the enemy advanced into his own country, he retreated to the banks of the Wabash, until the storm had passed by; and then, just as they were laying aside the sword for the axe and plough-share, swooped down upon them again in their own settlements. It goes to show the disinterested generosity always ascribed to him, that, although the booty collected in the course of these adventures must have been very considerable in quantity and value, he rarely retained any portion of it for his own use. His ruling passion was the love of glory, as that of his followers was the love of gain; and, of course, a compromise could always be effected between them, to the perfect satisfaction of both parties. He was a feudal baron among boors. It remained for subsequent occasions, then little dreamed of to show that his temperament, like his talent, was even better adapted to the management of a large engagement, than to the melÉe of a small one. We have now arrived at an epoch in his life, when it is no longer possible to give his own history to much advantage, but by connecting it with that of his celebrated brother, the Prophet already mentioned. The name of this personage was Elskwatawa. [FN] He and Tecumseh, and still another, Kumshaka, were the offspring of the same mother at the same birth. Probably there was an understanding between the three, at an early date, respecting the great plans which the prophet and the orator afterwards carried into execution; but as we hear little or nothing of the subsequent co-operation of Kumshaka, it may be presumed that he did not live,—employment would certainly have been found for him, if he had. [FN] Meaning, says Mr. Schoolcraft, a fire that is moved from place to place. Elsewhere we find him called Olliwayshila, on good authority. A compromise may be effected, by suggesting that he assumed various names at various periods. It is said to have been about the year 1804, when the two brothers, who afterwards acted so prominently together, first conceived the project of uniting all the western Indians in a defensive and perhaps belligerent combination against the Americans. The probable inducements in their minds to the adoption of that policy, being rather a matter of speculation than history, will be left for subsequent comment. The course actually taken to effect the proposed object admits of little controversy. Elskwatawa summarily undertook to personate a religious character, and began preaching in the summer of 1804. He inculcated, in the first place, that a radical reform was necessary in the manners of the red people. This was proved, by enlarging upon the evils which had ensued from the neighborhood of the whites,—the imitation of their dress and manners, the introduction of ardent spirits, diseases, contentions, and wars; by the vast diminution of the means of subsistence, and the narrowed limits of territory to which they were now hemmed in; and by other considerations of the most irritating, as well as plausible kind, the force of which was not at all lessened by occasional comment on particular transactions, and glowing references to the long, peaceful, and happy lives of their forefathers. That point being gained, and a favorable excitement produced, the next thing in order was his own commission from the Great Spirit. This was authenticated by the astonishing miracles he was able to perform, and still more by the great benefits he proposed to confer on his followers. The budget of reform was then brought forward. There was to be no more fighting between the tribes,—they were brethren. They were to abandon the use of ardent spirits, and to wear skins, as their ancestors had done, instead of blankets. Stealing, quarreling, and other immoral modern habits were denounced. Injunctions of minor importance seem to have been enforced merely with a view to test the pliability of savage superstition, to embarrass the jealous scrutiny of those who opposed or doubted, and to establish a superficial uniformity whereby the true believers should be readily distinguished. The policy of the more prominent tenets cannot be mistaken. Just in proportion to their observance, they must inevitably promote the independence of the Indian nations, first, by diminishing their dependence upon the whites, and, secondly, by increasing their intercourse and harmony with each other. In addressing himself to such subjects, with such a system, Elskwatawa could hardly fail of success. For some years, indeed, his converts were few; for, great as the influence is which a man of his pretentions exercises over his ignorant countrymen, when his reputation is once fairly acquired, it is by no means so easy an undertaking to establish it in the outset. The means used by Elskwatawa, or by him and Tecumseh in concert, to effect the object in his own case, are more indicative of the talent of both, than the conception of the policy itself, which was comparatively common-place. A prophet is a familiar character among the Indians, and always has been. "The American impostors," said Charlevoix, "are not behind-hand with any in this point; and as by chance (if we will not allow the devil any share in it,) they sometimes happen to divine or guess pretty right, they acquire by this a great reputation, and are reckoned genÍÍ of the first order." Mr. Tanner, who has recently published a narrative of his thirty years' residence among the Indians, gives incidental accounts of as many as three or four pretenders, who, indeed, judging from the time of their appearance, may fairly be considered as emissaries of Elskwatawa and Tecumseh. The former had an immediate predecessor among the Delawares, a notorious preacher named Wangomend, [FN] who began his career in 1766. This man wholly failed, as did most of the others; and the result is so common in similar cases, that it becomes the more interesting to ascertain how the inspired candidate now under consideration succeeded. [FN] Or Wingemund; the same man mentioned in the life of White-Eyes, as having protected Mr. Heckewelder on his journey through the woods. Tecumseh was, of course, his first convert and most devoted disciple, but some of their relatives or particular friends soon followed in his train. The wary intriguant then most wisely commenced operations upon the residue of his own tribe. Previous to any violent promulgation of the doctrines already stated, he gained their attention and flattered their pride, by reviving a favorite tradition which made them the most ancient and respectable people on the globe. The particulars cannot be better understood than from the representation of an old Shawanee Chief; who, in 1803, harangued a council at Fort Wayne upon the subject. "The Master of Life," said he, very proudly, "who was himself an Indian, made the Shawanees before any others of the human race, and they sprang from his brain." He added, that the Master of Life "gave them all the knowledge which he himself possessed; that he placed them upon the great island; and that all the other red people were descended from the Shawanees:—that after he had made the Shawanees, he made the French and English out of his breast, and the Dutch out of his feet; and for your Long-Knives kind," said he, addressing himself to the Governor, "he made them out of his hands. All these inferior races of men he made white, and placed them beyond the great lake,"—meaning the Atlantic Ocean. "The Shawanees for many ages continued to be masters of the continent, using the knowledge which they had received from the Great Spirit, in such a manner as to be pleasing to him, and to secure their own happiness. In a great length of time, however, they became corrupt, and the Master of Life told them he would take away from them the knowledge they possessed, and give it to the white people, to be restored when, by a return to good principles, they would deserve it. Many years after that, they saw something white approaching their shores; at first they took it for a great bird, but they soon found it to be a monstrous canoe, filled with the very people who had got the knowledge which belonged to the Shawanees. After these white people landed, they were not content with having the knowledge which belonged to the Shawanees, but they usurped their lands also. They pretended, indeed, to have purchased these lands; but the very goods which they gave for them was more the property of the Indians than the white people, because the knowledge which enabled them to manufacture these goods actually belonged to the Shawanees. But these things will soon have an end. The Master of Life is about to restore to the Shawanees both their knowledge and their rights, and he will trample the Long-Knives under his feet." This speaker was supposed to be in the British interest, and to have been sent to Fort Wayne for the purpose of preventing a negotiation expected to be there settled. The probability is, that he derived his ideas of Shawanee dignity from the preaching of Elskwatawa. But the latter had more good sense than personally to continue the same strain, after having secured about one hundred followers by the use of it. It was then abandoned, and other inducements and arguments brought forward, of a wider application. Some of the Shawanees grew cool and deserted him, but he still persevered. His brother was indefatigable in his cooperation; other agents and instruments were set to work; and stragglers of various tribes soon flocked to his quarters at Greenville from every direction. The minutiÆ of this proselyting or electioneering system are so well developed in the faithful and simple narrative of Tanner, as to justify extracting his account at length. It cannot fail to give a much clearer idea of the mode of operation, than any exposition whatever in general terms. The locality, it will be observed, is a quite remote one:— "It was while I was living here at Great Wood River, that news came of a great man among the Shawanees, who had been favored by a revelation of the mind and will of the Great Spirit. I was hunting in the prairie, at a great distance from my lodge, when I saw a stranger approaching; at first I was apprehensive of an enemy, but, as he drew nearer, his dress showed him to be an Ojibbeway [Chippeway;] but when he came up, there was something very strange and peculiar in his manner. He signified to me that I must go home, but gave no explanation of the cause. He refused to look at me, or enter into any kind of conversation. I thought he must be crazy, but nevertheless accompanied him to my lodge. When we had smoked, he remained a long time silent, but at last began to tell me he had come with a message from the prophet of the Shawnees, 'Henceforth,' said he, 'the fire must never be suffered to go out in your lodge. Summer and winter, day and night, in the storm, or when it is calm, you must remember that the life in your body, and the fire in your lodge, are the same, and of the same date. If you suffer your fire to be extinguished, at that moment your life will be at its end. You must not suffer a dog to live. You must never strike either a man, a woman, a child, or a dog. The prophet himself is coming to shake hands with you; but I have come before, that you may know what is the will of the Great Spirit, communicated to us by him, and to inform you that the preservation, of your life, for a single moment, depends on your entire obedience. From this time forward, we are neither to be drunk, to steal, to lie, or to go against our enemies. While we yield an entire obedience to these commands of the Great Spirit, the Sioux, even if they come to our country, will not be able to see us; we shall be protected and made happy.' I listened to all he had to say, but told him, in answer, that I could not believe we should all die, in case our fire went out; in many instances, also, it would be difficult to avoid punishing our children; our dogs were useful in aiding us to hunt and take animals, so that I could not believe the Great Spirit had any wish to take them from us. He continued talking to us until late at night; then he lay down to sleep in my lodge. I happened to wake first in the morning, and perceiving the fire had gone out, I called him to get up, and see how many of us were living, and how many dead. He was prepared for the ridicule I attempted to throw upon his doctrine, and told me that I had not yet shaken hands with the prophet. His visit had been to prepare me for this important event, and to make me aware of the obligations and risks I should incur by entering into the engagement implied in taking in my hand the message of the prophet. I did not rest entirely easy in my unbelief. The Indians, generally, received the doctrine of this man with great humility and fear. Distress and anxiety were visible in every countenance. Many killed their dogs, and endeavored to practice obedience to all the commands of this new preacher, who still remained among us. But, as was usual with me, in any emergency of this kind, I went to the traders, firmly believing, that if the Deity had any communications to make to men, they would be given, in the first instance, to white men. The traders ridiculed and despised the idea of a new revelation of the Divine will, and the thought that it should be given to a poor Shawnee. Thus was I confirmed in my infidelity. Nevertheless, I did not openly avow my unbelief to the Indians, only I refused to kill my dogs, and showed no great degree of anxiety to comply with his other requirements. As long as I remained among the Indians, I made it my business to conform, as far as appeared consistent with my immediate convenience and comfort, with all their customs. Many of their ideas I have adopted; but I always found among them opinions which I could not hold. The Ojibbeway whom I have mentioned, remained some time among the Indians in my neighborhood, and gained the attention of the principal men so effectually, that a time was appointed, and a lodge prepared, for the solemn and public espousing of the doctrines of the prophet. When the people, and I among them, were brought into the long lodge, prepared for this solemnity, we saw something carefully concealed under a blanket, in figure and dimensions bearing some resemblance to the form of a man. This was accompanied by two young men, who, it was understood, attended constantly upon it, made its bed at night, as for a man, and slept near it. But while we remained, no one went near it, or raised the blanket which was spread over its unknown contents. Four strings of mouldy and discolored beans were all the remaining visible insignia of this important mission. After a long harangue, in which the prominent features of the new revelation were stated and urged upon the attention of all, the four strings of beans, which we were told were made of the flesh itself of the prophet, were carried, with much solemnity, to each man in the lodge, and he was expected to take hold of each string at the top, and draw them gently through his hand. This was called shaking hands with the prophet, and was considered as solemnly engaging to obey his injunctions, and accept his mission as from the Supreme. All the Indians who touched the beans, had previously killed their dogs; they gave up their medicine-bags, [a charm,] and showed a disposition to comply with all that should be required of them. "We had already been for some time assembled in considerable numbers; much agitation and terror had prevailed among us, and now famine began to be felt. The faces of men wore an aspect of unusual gloominess; the active became indolent, and the spirits of the bravest seemed to be subdued. I started to hunt with my dogs, which I had constantly refused to kill, or suffer to be killed. By their assistance, I found and killed a bear. On returning home, I said to some of the Indians, 'Has not the Great Spirit given us our dogs to aid us in procuring what is needful for the support of our life, and can you believe he wishes now to deprive us of their services? The prophet, we are told, has forbid us to suffer our fire to be extinguished in our lodges, and when we travel or hunt, he will not allow us to use a flint and steel, and we are told he requires that no man should give fire to another. Can it please the Great Spirit that we should lie in our hunting-camps without fire; or is it more agreeable to him that we should make fire by rubbing together two sticks, than with a flint and a piece of steel?' But they would not listen to me, and the serious enthusiasm which prevailed among them so far affected me, that I threw away my flint and steel, laid aside my medicine-bag, and, in many particulars, complied with the new doctrines; but I would not kill my dogs. I soon learned to kindle a fire by rubbing some dry cedar, which I was careful always to carry about me; but the discontinuance of the use of flint and steel subjected many of the Indians to much inconvenience and suffering. The influence of the Shawnee prophet was very sensibly and painfully felt by the remotest Ojibbeways of whom I had any knowledge; but it was not the common impression among them, that his doctrines had any tendency to unite them in the accomplishment of any human purpose. For two or three years, drunkenness was much less frequent than formerly; war was less thought of; and the entire aspect of affairs among them was somewhat changed by the influence of one man. But gradually the impression was obliterated; medicine-bags, flints and steels were resumed, dogs were raised, and women and children were beaten as before." The following passage occurs in a subsequent part of Tanner's volume, referring to a date about two years later than the one just quoted. The writer evidently had but little suspicion of a connection between the second impostor and the first, and we have as little doubt of it. The Prophet renewed his labors in another form, as fast as the former impression, to use Tanner's words, was "obliterated." The unpopular injunctions, only, were omitted in the second edition, while all the substantial ones, it will be observed, were retained:— "In the spring of the year, after we had assembled at the trading-house at Pembinah, the chiefs built a great lodge, and called all the men together to receive some information concerning the newly revealed will of the Great Spirit. The messenger of this revelation, was Manito-o-geezhik, a man of no great fame, but well known to most of the Ojibbeways of that country. He had disappeared for about one year, and in that time, he pretended to have visited the abode of the Great Spirit, and to have listened to his instructions, though some of the traders informed me, he had only been to St. Louis, on the Mississippi. "The Little Clam took it upon him to explain the object of the meeting. He then sung and prayed, and proceeded to detail the principal features of the revelation to Manito-o-geezhik. The Indians were no more to go against their enemies; they must no longer steal, defraud, or lie; they must neither be drunk, nor eat their food, nor drink their broth when it was hot. Few of the injunctions of Manito-o-geezhik were troublesome, or difficult of observance, like those of the Shawnee prophet. Many of the maxims and instructions communicated to the Indians, at this time, were of a kind to be permanently and valuably useful to them; and the effect of their influence was manifest for two or three years, in the more orderly conduct, and somewhat amended condition of the Indians." Disaffection and indifference were not the only obstacles the Prophet and his brother were obliged to surmount. The chiefs of most of the tribes were their resolute opponents. They were jealous or suspicious of the new pretenders, ridiculed and reproached them, and thwarted their exertions in every possible way. What was to be done with these persons? Elskwatawa availed himself of a new department of that unfailing superstition which had hitherto befriended him; and a charge of witchcraft was brought up. His satellites and scouts being engaged in all directions in ascertaining who were, or were likely to be, his friends or his enemies, it was readily determined, at head-quarters, who should be accused. Judge, jury and testimony were also provided with the same ease. He had already taken such means of gaining the implicit confidence of his votaries, that his own suggestions were considered the best possible evidence, and the most infallible decision; and the optics of his followers becoming every day more keen, upon his authority, there was do want of the most suitable convicts. When the excitement had grown to such a height as to ensure the success of his scheme, he went the length of declaring, that the Great Spirit had directly endowed him with the power of pointing out, not only those who were in full possession of the diabolical art, but those who were impregnated with the least tincture of the diabolical disposition,—let them be old or young, male or female. This convenient arrangement proving perfectly satisfactory, he had only to speak the word,—or, as Heckewelder expresses it, even to nod,—and the pile was prepared for whomsoever he thought proper to devote. The Indians universally have an extreme horror of a wizard or a witch, which no reputation, rank, age, or services, are sufficient to counteract; and of course, resistance or remonstrance on the part even of an accused chieftain, only went to exasperate and hasten the sure destruction which awaited him. Among the sufferers were several noted Delawares, including the venerable Chief, Teteboxti, whose head had been bleached with more than eighty winters. On being brought to the place of execution, he was told that if he would confess his crime, and give up his medicine-bag, [FN] he would be pardoned. Upon this he "confessed," and said his medicine-bag would be found under a certain stone which he described. The stone was examined, but nothing was found. Other places were named in succession, and search made to as little purpose. It therefore became evident that he only wished to procrastinate. He was bound, and the fire about to be kindled, when a young man, more merciful than the rest, terminated his existence with the tomahawk. [FN] This was supposed to contain tobacco, bones, and other simple matters necessary to the incantations of the sorcerers; and when they were deprived of them, they were supposed to be incapable of further mischief. Another of the accused was named Billy Patterson. He had resided many years with the whites, and learned so much of the business of a gun-smith, as to be enabled to repair the guns of the Indians; but neither his usefulness nor his irreproachable life could save him. The same offer was made to him which was made to Teteboxti. He boldly answered that he had nothing to confess,—that he was a Christian, and had no connexion with the devil. "You have," said he, "intimidated one poor old man, but you cannot frighten me; proceed, and you shall see how a Christian and a warrior can die;" and, with a small hymn-book in his hand, he continued to sing and pray till his voice was stifled by the flames. Another eminent victim was the Wyandot Chief known by the English name of Leather-Lips, whose Indian appellation, Shateyaronrah, appears among the signatures to Wayne's famous treaty of Greenville. He was sixty-three years of age, had sustained a most exemplary moral character, and was particularly attached to the American cause, as opposed to the English. The latter circumstance throws some light upon his fate. But whatever the accusation or the evidence was,—and probably the one constituted the other,—orders were given to an influential chief, [FN-1] of the same nation with the convict, in the Prophet's service, who, with four other Indians, immediately started off in quest of him. He was found at home, and notified of the sentence which had been passed upon him. He entreated, reasoned and promised, but all in vain. The inexorable messengers of death set about digging his grave, by the side of his wigwam. He now dressed himself with his finest war-clothes, and, having refreshed himself with a hasty meal of venison, knelt down on the brink of the grave. His executioner knelt with him, and offered up a prayer to the Great Spirit in his behalf. This was the last ceremony. The Indians withdrew a few paces, and seated themselves around him on the ground, "The old Chief" says the original describer of this horrid scene, [FN-2] "inclined forward, resting his face upon his hand, his hand upon his knees. While thus seated, one of the young Indians came up, and struck him twice with the tomahawk. For some time, he lay senseless on the ground, the only remaining evidence of life being a feint respiration. The Indians all stood around in solemn silence. Finding him to breathe longer than they expected, they called upon the whites (one or two of whom were spectators,) to take notice how hard he died; pronounced him a wizard,—no good,—then struck him again, and terminated his existence. The office of burial was soon performed." We have given these particulars, disagreeable as they are, to illustrate more clearly the astonishing influence of the Prophet, as well as the means by which he obtained it. The executioners in this case were apparently sincere and conscientious men; and one of the party was a brother of the victim. [FN-1] Tarhe, or The Crane, said to be the oldest Indian at this time in the western country. He lived at Upper Sandusky, about one hundred miles from the mouth of Detroit river, and was principal chief of the Porcupine Wyandots, who resided at that place. More will be seen of him hereafter. [FN-2] A correspondent cited in the History of the Indian Nations. It is not to be presumed, that the Prophet was, in all these instances, without the assistance of his brother, though the latter was for the present acting his part chiefly behind the curtain. But Tecumseh seems rather to have favored a different system, if he did not oppose this; and accordingly we find that about the time when most of the Kickapoos joined the Indian Confederation, one of their leading men, a chieftain, opposed to the new-fangled doctrine and policy, was quietly disabled by being reduced to a private capacity. Again, an Indian scout, sent to the Prophet's encampment, in 1810, by an American authority, to gain information of his designs, reported that the same course had been taken among that proverbially warlike tribe, the Winnebagoes; and that one of their old chiefs had told him, with tears in his eyes, that the other village sachems were divested of their power, and that every thing was managed by the warriors. A more audacious proposal, to murder all the principal chiefs of several tribes, was covertly circulated at one time. These were the men, it was said, who had bartered the Indian territory away for a song, and had traitorously connived at the inroads and trespasses of the settlers. This suggestion bears marks of the energy and courage of Tecumseh, as decidedly as the witchcraft policy does of the cunning and ingenuity of the Prophet. There is an anecdote recorded of the former, which would lead us to the same inference respecting his character. Two or three years after the bloody transactions just detailed, which happened chiefly in 1807, Tecumseh had a conference, (to be noticed more fully hereafter) with Governor Harrison of Indiana, at Vincennes. On that occasion, being charged with hostile designs against the Americans, he disclaimed them. A Potawatamie, called the Dead Chief, from being deaf, was present, but did not learn what passed until the next day. He then came to the Governor, and asked him why he had not been called upon to confront Tecumseh, in relation to those charges. He said he should have been very willing to assert the truth in the presence of the brothers and their followers. This declaration being made in the presence of several Indians, soon came to the knowledge of Tecumseh, who gave directions to his brother, to have the Potawatamie killed on his return home. A friend of the latter informed him of his danger, but, no way alarmed, the intrepid Chief returned to his family, who were encamped on the bank of the Wabash, opposite Vincennes, and having put on his war-dress, and painted himself in the best style of a warrior, he seized his rifle, his tomahawk, war-club, and scalping-knife, and thus equipped, paddled over in his canoe to the camp of Tecumseh. The Governor's interpreter, Mr. Baron, was at that time in the tent of the latter. As soon as the Potawatamie came near it, he upbraided Tecumseh for having given the order to assassinate him, as cowardly, and unworthy of a warrior; "but here I am now," said he, "come and kill me." Tecumseh made no answer. "You and your men," he added, "can kill the white people's hogs, and call them bears, but you dare not face a warrior." Tecumseh still remaining silent, he heaped upon him every insult that could provoke him to fight. He reproached him with being the slave of the "red-coats," (the British,) and finally applied to him a term of reproach which can never be forgotten by an Indian. During the whole time, Tecumseh seemed not in the least to regard him, but continued to converse with Mr. Baron. Wearied, at length, with his useless efforts to draw out his adversary, he gave the war-whoop of defiance, and paddled on in his canoe. There is reason, adds our authority, to believe that the order of Tecumseh was obeyed. The Dead Chief was no more seen at Vincennes. [FN] [FN] Dawson's Memoirs of Harrison. |