Siege of Detroit maintained by Pontiac—The Commandant meditates a retreat—The French propose a conference with Pontiac, which takes place—The latter demands the surrender of the fort, which the Commandant refuses—Vigorous renewal of hostilities—Advantages gained by the Indian army—Arrival of succor to the English—Battle of Bloody Bridge—Pontiac at length raises the siege,—Causes of it—The Indians make peace—His subsequent career until his death—Anecdotes illustrating his influence, energy, magnanimity, integrity and genius—His authority as chieftain—His talents as an orator—His traditionary fame.

We have now to furnish the details of one of the most singular transactions which has ever distinguished the multifarious warfare of the red men with the whites—the protracted siege of a fortified civilized garrison by an army of savages. We shall still avail ourselves of the diary contained in the letters already cited, and of other information from the same source.

"The 10th, in the Morning, (Tuesday) they attacked the Fort very resolutely. There continued a very hot Fire on both Sides until the Evening, when they ceased firing, having had several killed and wounded. They posted themselves behind the Garden-Fences and Houses in the Suburbs, and some Barns and Out-houses that were on the Side of the Fort next the Woods, to which we immediately set Fire by red-hot Spikes &c. from the Cannon." In this manner, and by occasional sorties, the enemy was dislodged and driven back, until they could only annoy the fort by approaching the summit of the low ridge which overlooked the pickets, and there, at intervals, they continued their fire.

Little damage was done in this way, nor did the Indians at any time undertake a close assault. The Commandant, however, ignorant of their style of warfare, apprehended that movement; and he believed that in such a case,—their numbers being now, according to some estimates, six or seven hundred, and according to others, about twice as many,—the situation of the garrison would be hopeless. Besides, he had but three weeks' provision in the fort, "at a pound of bread and two ounces of pork a man per day." Under these circumstances he immediately commenced preparations for an embarkation on board the two vessels which still lay in the stream, with the intention of retreating to Niagara.

He was dissuaded from this course by the French residents, who positively assured him that the enemy would never think of taking the fort by storm. A truce or treaty was then suggested. Some of the French, (who were the chief medium of communication between the belligerent parties,) mentioned the circumstance to Pontiac; and the latter, it is said, soon after sent in five messengers to the fort, proposing that two of the officers should go out and confer with him at his camp. He also requested, that Major Campbell might be one of them. That gentleman accordingly went, with the permission though not by the command of Major Gladwyn, in the afternoon of Wednesday, the 11th. Campbell took Lieutenant M^cDougall with him and both were attended by five or six of the French.

Whether the latter had meditated a treachery or not, does not appear. The French residents generally, at all events, cannot be fairly charged with improper conduct between the contending parties during the siege. They were naturally enough suspected and accused, but we have seen nothing proved against them. The two officers were, however, detained by the Indians; and Pontiac, who is generally supposed to have conceived this scheme for obtaining an advantage over the garrison, now sent in terms of capitulation. These were to the effect, that the troops should immediately surrender, "lay down their arms, as their fathers, the French, had been obliged to do—leave the cannon, magazines, and merchants' goods, and the two vessels—and be escorted in batteaux by Indians to Niagara." The Major promptly made answer, that "his commanding officer had not sent him there to deliver up the fort to Indians or anybody else, and he would therefore defend it so long as a single man could stand at his side."

Hostilities now recommenced, and were so vigorously sustained on the part of Pontiac, that for some months, (says the diary,) "the whole Garrison, Officers, Soldiers, Merchants and Servants, were upon the Ramparts every Night, not one having slept in a House, except the sick and wounded in the Hospital."

Three weeks after the commencement of the siege,—on the 30th of May,—the English sentinel on duty announced, that a fleet of boats, supposed to contain a supply of provisions and a reinforcement of troops from Niagara, was coming round "the point," at a place called the Huron Church. The garrison flocked to the bastions, and for a moment at least hope shone upon every countenance. But presently the death-cry of the Indians was heard, and the fate of the detachment was at once known. Their approach having been ascertained, Pontiac had stationed a body of warriors at Point PelÉe. Twenty small batteaux, manned by a considerable number of troops, and laden with stores, landed there in the evening. The Indians watched their movements, and fell upon them about day-light. One officer, with thirty men, escaped across the lake; but the others were either killed or captured; and the line of barges ascended the river near the opposite shore, escorted by the Indians on the banks and guarded by detachments in each boat, in full view of the garrison and of the whole French settlement.

The prisoners were compelled to navigate the boats. As the first batteaux arrived opposite to the town, four British soldiers determined to effect their liberation, or to perish in the attempt. They suddenly changed the course of the boat, and by loud cries made known their intention to the crew of the vessel. The Indians in the other boats, and the escort on the bank, fired upon the fugitives, but they were soon driven from their positions by a cannonade from the armed schooner. The guard on board this boat leaped overboard, and one them dragged a soldier with him into the water, where both were drowned. The others escaped to the shore, and the boat reached the vessel, with but one soldier wounded. Lest the other prisoners might escape, they were immediately landed, and marched up the shore, to the lower point of Hog Island, where they crossed the river, and were immediately put to death, with all the horrible accompaniments of savage cruelty.

During the month of June, an attempt to relieve the garrison proved more successful. A vessel which had been sent to Niagara, arrived at the mouth of the river, with about fifty troops on board, and a supply of stores. The Indians generally left the siege, and repaired to Fighting Island, for the purpose of intercepting her. They annoyed the English very much in their canoes, till the latter reached the point of the Island, where, on account of the wind failing, they were compelled to anchor.

The captain had concealed his men in the hold, so that the Indians were not aware of the strength of the crew. Soon after dark, they embarked in their canoes, and proceeded to board the vessel. The men were silently ordered up, and took their stations at the guns. The Indians were suffered to approach close to the vessel, when the captain, by the stroke of a hammer upon the mast, which had been previously concerted, gave the signal for action. An immediate discharge took place, and the Indians precipitately fled, with many killed and wounded. The next morning, the vessel dropped down to the mouth of the river, where she remained six days, waiting for a wind. On the thirteenth, she succeeded in ascending the river, and reaching the fort in safety.

Pontiac felt the necessity of destroying these vessels, and he therefore constructed rafts for that purpose. The barns of some of the inhabitants were demolished, and the materials employed in this work. Pitch and other combustibles were added, and the whole so formed, as to burn with rapidity and intensity. They were of considerable length, and were towed to a proper position, above the vessels, when fire was applied, and they were left to the stream, in the expectation that they would be carried into contact with the vessels, and immediately set fire to them. Twice the attempt was made, without success. The British were aware of the design, and took their measures accordingly. Boats were constructed, and anchored with chains above the vessels, and every precaution was used to ward off the blow. The blazing rafts passed harmlessly by, and other incidents soon occurred to engage the attention of the Indians. [FN]

[FN] Discourse of Gov. Cass.

A week subsequent to this date, we find various letters from Detroit published, in Atlantic papers, of which the following passages are extracts. They will furnish the reader with an idea of the true situation of the garrison at this time, much better than could be derived from any description of our own.

"Detroit, July 6, 1763.

"We have been besieged here two Months, by Six Hundred Indians. We have been upon the Watch Night and Day, from the Commanding Officer to the lowest Soldier, from the 8th of May, and have not had our Cloaths off, nor slept all Night since it began; and shall continue so till we have a Reinforcement up. We then hope soon to give a good Account of the Savages. Their Camp lies about a Mile and a half from the Fort; and that's the nearest they choose to come now. For the first two or three Days we were attacked by three or four Hundred of them, but we gave them so warm a Reception that they don't care for coming to see us, tho' they now and then get behind a House or Garden, and fire at us about three or four Hundred Yards' distance. The Day before Yesterday, we killed a Chief and three others, and wounded some more; yesterday went up with our Sloop, and battered their Cabins in such a Manner that they are glad to keep farther off."

The next letter is under date of the 9th.

"You have long ago heard of our pleasant Situation; but the Storm is blown over. Was it not very agreeable to hear every day, of their cutting, carving, boiling and eating our Companions? To see every Day dead Bodies floating down the River, mangled and disfigured. But Britons, you know, never shrink; we always appeared gay, to spite the Rascals. They boiled and eat Sir Robert Devers; and we are informed by Mr. Pauly, who escaped the other Day from one of the Stations surprised at the breaking out of the War, and commanded by himself, that he had seen an Indian have the Skin of Captain Robertson's Arm for a Tobacco-Pouch!"

"Three Days ago, a Party of us went to demolish a Breast-work they had made. We finished our Work, and were returning Home; but the Fort espying a Party of Indians coming up, as if they intended to fight, we were ordered back, made our Dispositions, and advanced briskly. Our Front was fired upon warmly, and returned the Fire for about five Minutes. In the mean time, Captain Hopkins, with about twenty Men, filed off to the left, and about twenty French volunteers filed off to the Right, and got between them and their Fires. The Villains immediately fled, and we returned, as was prudent, for a Centry whom I had placed, informed me he saw a Body of them coming down from the Woods, and our Party being but about eighty, was not able to cope with their united bands. In short, we beat them handsomely, and yet did not much Hurt to them, for they ran extremely well. We only killed their Leader, and wounded three others. One of them fired at me at the Distance of fifteen or twenty Paces, but I suppose my terrible Visage made him tremble. I think I shot him."

This "leader" was, according to some accounts, an Ottawa Chief; according to others, the son of a Chief. At all events, he was a popular if not an important man; and his death was severely revenged by one of his relatives, in the massacre of Captain Campbell. That gentleman had been detained a prisoner ever since the proposal of a capitulation, together with his friend M^cDougall. The latter escaped a day or two before the skirmish; but his unfortunate comrade was tomahawked by the infuriated savage. One account says, "they boiled his heart and ate it, and made a pouch of the skin of his arms!" The brutal assassin fled to Saginaw, apprehensive of the vengeance of Pontiac; and it is but justice to the memory of that Chieftain to say, that he was indignant at the atrocious act, and used every possible exertion to apprehend the murderer.

The reinforcement mentioned above as expected, arrived on the 26th of July. It was a detachment of three hundred regular troops. Arrangements were made the same evening, for an attack on the Indian camp. But by some unknown means, Pontiac obtained information of the design; and he not only removed the women and children from his camp, but seasonably stationed two strong parties in ambuscades, where they were protected by pickets and cord-wood, and concealed by the high grass. Three hundred men left the fort, about an hour before day, and marched rapidly up the bank. They were suffered to reach the bridge over Bloody-Run, and to proceed about half way across it, before the slightest movement indicated that the enemy was aware of their approach. Suddenly a volume of musketry was poured in upon the troops; the commander fell at the first discharge, and they were thrown into instant confusion. A retreat was with some difficulty effected by driving the Indians from all their positions at the bayonet's point, but the English lost seventy men killed, and forty wounded.

This was the last important event attending the prosecution of the siege. A modern author observes, that Pontiac relaxed in his efforts, that the Indians soon began to depart for their wintering-grounds, and that the various bands, as they arrived in the spring, professed their desire for peace. Such seems to have been the case at a much earlier date; for we find it stated under date of the 18th of August (1763,) that "the Hurons, who begin to be wearied of the war," had brought in and given up eight prisoners. The writer adds, that "the Hurons and Pouteouatamies, who were partly forced into the war by the menaces of the Ottawas, begin to withdraw." Pontiac had been so confident of success as to have made some arrangements, it is said, for dividing the conquered territory with the French; and several Indians planted fields of corn. But his warriors grew weary of the siege, and his army was at this time reduced to about five hundred.

Where or how he passed the winter, we are not told. But his movements were still watched with anxiety, and the garrison at Detroit, especially, seem not to have thought themselves safe from his operations, from day to day. "We have lately been very busy," says a respectable writer, under date of December 3, 1763,—"in providing Abundance of Wheat, Flour, Indian Corn and Pease, from the Country, in which we have so far succeeded as not to be in Danger of being starved out." It further appears, that detachments of the enemy were still in the neighborhood; "The Approach of Major Wilkins' Party had a very good effect; the Enemy moved farther off. 'Tis said that Pondiac and his tribe have gone to the Mississippi, but we don't believe it." Again,—-"The Wyandots, of Sandusky, are much animated against us; they have been reinforced lately by many villains from all the nations concerned in the war." So late as March 25th, we are told that "about twelve Days ago, several scalping-Parties of the Potewatamies came to the Settlement, &c. We now sleep in our Clothes, expecting an Alarm every Night."

But the reign of terror maintained by the movements of Pontiac was drawing to its close. The power of the civilized party was too much for a combination like his. General Bradstreet, with a force of three thousand men, proceeded to Niagara early in the summer of 1764, on his way to the north-west. Here a grand council was held, at which nearly two thousand Indians attended. One account says there were representatives present from twenty-two different tribes, including eleven of the western,—a fact strikingly indicating the immense train of operations managed by the influence of Pontiac. Many of his best allies had now deserted the chieftain. The traveler, Henry, who was under Bradstreet's command, mentions that he was himself appointed leader of ninety six Chippewas of the Sault de Sainte-Marie, and other savages, under the name of the Indian Battalion;—"Me," he adds, "whose best hope it had very lately been, to live through their forbearance." It ought to be observed, however, in justice to the men who were thus led against their own countrymen and kinsmen, that by the time the army reached Fort Erie, their number was reduced to fourteen by desertion.

On the arrival of the army at Detroit, which they reached without opposition, all the tribes in that region came in and concluded a peace, with the exception of the Delawares and Shawanees. But Pontiac was no more seen. He not only took no part in the pending negotiation, but abandoned the country, and repaired to the Illinois.

We find no authority for the assertion of Carver, that henceforward he laid aside his animosity for the English; and still less, that "to reward this new attachment, Government allowed him a handsome pension." Even this writer admits that his conduct "at length grew suspicious." Rogers, on the other hand, who had good opportunities of knowing the facts, says, that while "some of the Indians left him, and by his consent made a separate peace, he would not be personally concerned in it, saying, that when he made a peace, it should be such a one as would be useful and honorable to himself, and to the King of Great Britain. But he has not as yet proposed his terms." [FN]

[FN] Rogers' Account, p. 244.

This account bears manifest marks of correctness. It agrees with many other illustrations of a magnanimity which might have made Pontiac a fit comrade for the Knights of the middle ages. But confirmations of it may be found elsewhere. It was the common belief of the times, that he had gone among the Illinois, with a view of there holding himself in readiness for whatever might happen to the benefit of the great cause for which he was resolved to live and die; and probably, also, to use active measures as fast and as far as might be advisable. The following passage occurs in an authentic letter from Detroit, dated May 19, 1765.

"Pondiac is now raising the St Joseph Indians, the Miamies, the Mascontins, the Ouiattenons, the Pians and the Illinois, to come to this place the beginning of next month, to make what effect they can against us; for which purpose he has procured a large belt for each nation, and one larger than the rest for a 'hatchet' for the whole. They are to be joined by some of the northern Indians, as is reported. This, they say, is to be an undertaking of their own, as they are not to have any assistance from the French. . . . When Pondiac left the Miamies, he told them to remain quiet till he came back; it should then be 'all war, or all peace.' . . . I make no doubt of their intention to perform what we have heard of, though I don't think it will come to any head. I am likewise well convinced, if Pondiac be made to believe he would be well received at this place, he would desist from any intention he may have; but it will be impossible to convince him of that, while there are such a number of traitorous villains about him. You can't imagine what most infamous lies they tell," &c.

It appears from this testimony, that Pontiac had at this period re-engaged in his plan of combination. It would also appear, that he was instigated by some of the French; for it is believed that only individuals among them were guilty of the practices alleged. Those at Detroit conducted themselves amicably, even during the war; and some of them, we have seen, volunteered to fight against the Indians. Still, where Pontiac now was, there would be the best possible opportunity of exerting a sinister influence over him, there being many Frenchmen among the Illinois, and they not of the most exemplary character in all cases. On the whole, it seems to us probable, that while the last mentioned combination was really "an undertaking of his own," it might have been checked at any moment, and perhaps never would have been commenced, had not Pontiac been renewedly and repeatedly prejudiced against the English interest by the artifice of some of the French, and perhaps some of the Indians. However his principles in regard to that subject might remain unchanged, no abstract inducement, we think, would have urged him to his present measures under the circumstances to which he was now reduced. But, be that as it may, the principles themselves need not be doubted; nor can we forbear admiring the energy of the man in pursuing the exemplification and vindication of them in practice. His exertions grew only the more daring, as his prospects became more desperate.

But his death at length ended at once his disappointments and hopes, together with the fears of his enemies. This event is supposed to have taken place in 1767. He was assassinated, at a council held among the Illinois, by an Indian of the Peoria tribe. Carver says, that "either commissioned by one of the English Governors, or instigated by the love he bore the English nation, the savage attended him as a spy, and being convinced from the speech Pontiac made in the council, that he still retained his former prejudices against those for whom he now professed a friendship, he plunged his knife into his heart, as soon as he had done speaking, and laid him dead on the spot."

As to what is here said of professed friendship, the writer evidently alludes to his own previous assertion, which we have shown to be unfounded, and for which we are still unable to perceive the slightest grounds. Still several of these suppositions, though only to be received as such, are probably true. There is little doubt that Pontiac continued firm in his original principles and purpose; that he expressed himself without disguise; that he endeavored to influence, and did influence, a large number of his countrymen; and that the Peoria savage, whether a personal enemy or a "spy"—or what is most probable, both, (a spy because an enemy,)—did assassinate him with the expectation, to say the least, of doing an acceptable service to some foreign party, and a lucrative one for himself. We need not assert that he was "commissioned by an English Governor." Pontiac was an indefatigable and powerful man, and a dangerous foe to the English. He was in a situation to make enemies among his countrymen, and the English were generally in a situation and disposition to avail themselves of that circumstance.

From the manner of life adopted by the chieftain subsequent to the treaty at Detroit, it might be inferred, perhaps, that he became alienated from the Northern tribes, including his own, who had been his best friends, or that they became alienated from him. We are inclined to believe, on the contrary, that their negotiations took place "by his consent," as has been stated heretofore; and that he removed southward, as well with a view to their good (as regarded the friendship of the English,) as at the same time for the purpose of recommencing his own operations upon a new theatre, and with fresh actors. He would thereby gain new influence, while he would lose little or none of the old.

This supposition is confirmed by the well-authenticated fact that the Ottawas, the Chippewas, and the Pottawatamies—some writers add the Sacs and Foxes—made common cause in the revenge of his death. Following that principle with the customary Indian latitude of application, they made war upon the Peoria tribe. The latter associated with themselves, in defence, the Kaskaskias, the Cahokias, and the Illinois; but to no purpose. The two latter tribes are believed to have been wholly exterminated, and of the former only a few families remain. "The memory of the great Ottawa Chief," says a distinguished historian of that section, "is yet held in reverence among his countrymen; and whatever is the fate which may await them, his name and deeds will live in their traditionary narratives, increasing in interest as they increase in years."

The astonishing influence exerted by this remarkable man so long as he lived, may be inferred from the period of peace which succeeded his death and the punishment of his murderer, still more forcibly than from any circumstances we have noticed. It has been seen, that more than twenty tribes, who had engaged in his combination, appeared at the Niagara Council. His movements are believed to have been felt as far east as among the Micmacks of Nova-Scotia. As far south as Virginia, they were not only perceptible, but formidable in the highest degree. The agitation produced among the inhabitants of a part of our Western territory, within a few months, by Black-Hawk and his associates, scarcely illustrates the similar excitement which, in 1763, prevailed over a much larger portion of the continent A few passages from periodical publications of that date will give a better conception of the truth.

"New York, June 13th, 1763.

"We hear that on Monday last arrived an Express from Pittsburgh, advising that a Party of Indians had murdered Col. Clapham and all his Family." . . .

"Fort Pitt, May 31st.

"There is most melancholy News here. The Indians have broken out in divers Places, and have murdered Col. C. and his Family. An Indian has brought a War belt to Tusquerora, who says Detroit was invested, and St. Dusky cut off. All Levy's goods are stopped at Tusquerora by the Indians; and last Night eight or ten Men were killed at Beaver Creek. We hear of scalping every Hour. Messrs. Cray and Allison's Horses, twenty-five, loaded with Skins, are all taken." . . .

Fort Pitt, June 16th.

"We have destroyed the Upper and Lower Towns, and by Tomorrow Night shall be in a good Posture of Defence. Every Morning, an Hour before Day, the whole Garrison are at their Alarm-posts. Ten Days ago, they killed one Patrick Dunn, and a man of Major Smallman's; also two other men. Capt. Callender's people are all killed, and the goods taken. There is no account of Mr. Welch, &c. Mr. Crawford is made prisoner, and his people all murdered. Our small posts, I am afraid, are gone." . . .

"Fort Bedford, June 8th.

"On Tuesday, one Smith was attacked, and by an Indian without arms, at Beaver Creek, who endeavored to put him under water; but Smith proving too strong for him, put the Indian under water, and brought off a piece of his ear, and left him. . . . We have a numerous militia who are under arms almost continually. Regular piquets, town-guards, fort-guards, centinels, &c. are observed." . . .

"Albany, June 16th.

"You must have heard of the many murders committed on the English, by different tribes of Indians, at different places, which makes many fear the rupture is or will become general among the southern tribes. We have accounts, &c. . . . Lieut. Cuyler, with a party of Green's rangers, consisting of ninety-seven men, set out from Niagara, with provisions for Detroit. On the evening of the 4th, they went on shore to encamp, within fifty miles of Detroit. Cuyler sent his servant to gather greens, and the lad being gone so long, a party was sent for him, who found him scalped; He put his men in the best position for a sudden attack. The Indians fell upon them, and killed and took all but the Lieutenant and thirty of his men, who retreated back to Niagara, leaving near two hundred barrels of provision with the enemy. . . .

"Philadelphia, June 23d.

"By an express just now from Fort Pitt, we learn that the Indians are continually about that place; that out of one hundred and twenty traders but two or three escaped," &c. . . . "It is now out of doubt it is a general insurrection among all the Indians." . . .

"Winchester, (Virginia,) June 22d.

"Last night I reached this place. I have been at Fort Cumberland several days, but fine Indians having killed nine people there, made me think it prudent to remove from those parts, from which I suppose near five hundred families have run away within this week. It was a most melancholy sight to see such numbers of poor people, who had abandoned their settlement in such consternation and hurry, that they had scarcely anything with them but their children." . . .

"Carlisle, July 3d.

"Ligonier was attacked on the 23d, by the Savages, for a day and a night, but they were beat off; this we had from an Indian. We killed one of the Scoundrel's from the Fort, who had trusted himself a little too near." . . .

"Philadelphia, July 27th.

"I returned home last night. . . . There has been a good deal said in the papers, but not more than is strictly true. Shippersburgh and Carlisle are now become our frontiers, none living at their plantations but such as have their houses stockaded. Upwards of two hundred women and children are now living in Fort Loudoun, a spot not more than one hundred feet square. I saw a letter from Col. S. late of the Virginia Regiment, to Col. A. wherein he mentions that Great-Brier and Jackson's River are depopulated—upwards of three hundred persons killed or taken prisoners; that for one hundred miles in breadth and three hundred in length, not one family is to be found in their plantations; by which means there are near twenty thousand people left destitute of their habitations. The seven hundred men voted by the assembly, recruit but very slowly, &c. . . .

"Goshen, N. Y. August 5th.

"Last week the following accident happened in this place. Several men having been out upon the hills hunting for deer, in their return they met with a flock of partridges, at which four guns were discharged, three of them pretty quick after each other. This, being an uncommon accident in the Place, was mistaken by some of the inhabitants of the Wall-Kill for firing of Indians. Immediately alarm-guns were fired and spread over the whole Place, which produced an amazing panic and confusion among the people, near five hundred families. Some for haste cut the harnesses of their horses from their ploughs and carts, and rode off with what they were most concerned to preserve. Others, who had no vessel to cross the river, plunged through, carrying their wives and children on their backs. Some, we have already heard, proceeded as far as New-England, spreading the alarm as they went, and how far they may go is uncertain." . . .

"Bethlehem, (Penn.) Oct 9th.

"I cannot describe the deplorable condition this poor country is in. Most of the inhabitants of Allen's town, and other places, are fled from their habitations. I cannot ascertain the number killed, but think it exceeds twenty. The people at Nazareth, and the other places belonging to the [United] Brethren, have put themselves in the best posture of defence they can; they keep a strong watch every night, and hope, by the blessing of God, if they are attacked, to make a stand."

Nothing can be added, to enforce the impression which these various descriptions must make upon the mind of the reader. They shew that the apprehension excited by the movements of Pontiac, though the Chieftain himself was not yet thoroughly appreciated, exceeded every thing of the kind which has occurred on the continent since the days of King Philip.

It is mainly from his actions, of necessity, that the character of such a man, in such a situation, must be judged. There are, however, some items of personal information respecting him, and these all go to confirm the opinion we have already expressed. His anxiety to learn the English methods or manufacturing cloth, iron and some other articles, was such that he offered Major Rogers a part of his territory, if he would take him to England for that purpose. He also endeavored to inform himself of the tactics and discipline of the English troops. Probably it was in consequence of suggestions made by Rogers at some of the conversations he had with that officer, (and at which the latter allows that "he discovered great strength of judgment, and a thirst after knowledge,") that afterwards, in the course of the war, he appointed an Indian Commissary, and began to issue bills of credit. These, which are said to have been punctually redeemed, are described as having the figure of whatever he wanted in exchange for them, drawn upon them, with the addition of his own stamp in the shape of an otter. The system was set in operation partly for the benefit of the French. They had been subjected, occasionally, to indiscriminate pillage, but Pontiac become satisfied that such a process would soon put an end to itself, besides doing no honor to his cause. The supplies which they subsequently furnished, were regularly levied through the medium of his commissariat department.

The authority Pontiac exercised over the combined tribes, seems to have been little less than that of a complete Dictator. In the Detroit diary, heretofore cited, we are informed that about the commencement of the siege, a Mr. Rutherford "fell into the hands of the savages. One of the garrison afterwards employed a Frenchman to redeem him from his Indian master, and furnished eighty pounds worth of goods for that purpose. The bargain was effected, but the gentleman had been liberated but one day and one night, when Pontiac, whose notice nothing escaped, sent a band of fifty Indians to take him away by force. 'No nation,' he said, 'should have liberty to sell their prisoners till the war was over.'"

As the notice we have given of the fate of Campbell may leave an unfavorable impression in regard to the Chieftain's good faith, it should be observed, that the Indian maxims on the use of artifice in war are universally different from those of most civilized nations. Nor can we expect to know what circumstances might have occurred, subsequent to the visit of Campbell to the Indian camp, which would justify his detention, though contrary to the expectation of all parties. It appears, however, from the Diary, that he was first induced to go out, not by Pontiac, (as we have seen it stated,) but by some of the French, who "told him there was no Risque in going out; they would answer Life for Life, that he should return safe into the Fort."

It is well settled that the detention—whether in pursuance of a scheme of Pontiac, thereby to induce a capitulation, or for other reasons unknown—was by no means intended to result as it unfortunately did. The same writer who states that Pontiac solemnly pledged his word for the Captain's safety, states that the assassin fled to Saginaw, apprehensive of his vengeance; and that he used every exertion to apprehend the murderer, who would no doubt have paid for his temerity with his life. [FN]

[FN] Governor Cass.

No act has ever been ascribed to Pontiac which would lead us to doubt this conclusion. Nothing like sanguinary disposition, or a disposition to tolerate cruelty in others, belonged to his character. We have observed his treatment of Rogers, at a time when he had no doubt resolved upon war, and when he already felt himself to have been ill-treated by the English. That gentleman relates an anecdote of him which occurred during the war, still more honorable to the chieftain. As a compliment, Rogers sent him a bottle of brandy, by the hands of a Frenchman. His Councilors advised him not to taste it; it must be poisoned, said they, and sent with a design to kill him. But Pontiac laughed at their suspicions. "He cannot," he replied, "he cannot take my life, I have saved his!"

In 1765, an English officer, Lieutenant Frazer, with a company of soldiers, went among the Illinois, where was a French station, at which Pontiac then was,—probably with a view of observing the chieftain's movements. He considered it an aggression, and called upon the French Commandant to deliver his visitors into his bands. The Officer attempted to pacify him, in vain. "You," [the French,] said he, "were the first cause of my striking the English. This is your tomahawk which I hold in my hand." He then ordered his Indians, whom by this time he had mustered in large numbers from the neighborhood, to seize upon the English at once. The order was generally obeyed, but Frazer escaped. The Indians threatened to massacre all the rest, unless he should be given up, upon which, he gallantly came forward, and surrendered to Pontiac.

The sequel is worthy of notice. "With the interest of Pontiac," say the papers of the day, "he [Frazer] got himself and his men back again." On the arrival of another Indian chief; with a white woman for a wife, who did all in their power to exasperate the savages, they seized upon the English again, "But Pontiac ordered them to give the men back," and the order was again obeyed. Frazer wished to stay longer, and Pontiac promised to protect him. He however advised him, considering the disposition of the Indians, to leave the country, and he accordingly went down the river in a batteau, and at length made his way to New-Orleans. "He says, Pontiac is a clever fellow, and had it not been for him, he should never have got away alive."

Of the oratory of the Ottawa Chieftain there remain but few and scanty memorials. Like Philip, he has derived his distinction more from actions than words, and that (as also in Philip's case,) without the aid of any very signal renown as a mere warrior. The only speech of his we have met with, was made on the occasion of a conference with the French at Detroit, held upon the 23d of May, 1763, in the hope of inducing them to join him in the reduction of the fort. The style of delivery cannot now be ascertained; but the reasoning is close and ingenious.

"My Brothers!" he said, "I have no doubt but this war is very troublesome to you, and that my warriors, who are continually passing and re-passing through your settlements, frequently kill your cattle, and injure your property. I am sorry for it, and hope you do not think I am pleased with this conduct of my young men. And as a proof of my friendship, recollect the war you had seventeen years ago, [1746] and the part I took in it. The Northern nations combined together, and came to destroy yon. Who defended you? Was it not myself and my young men? The great Chief Mackinac, [the Turtle] said in Council, that he would carry to his native village the head of your chief warrior, and that he would eat his heart and drink his blood. Did I not then join you, and go to his camp and say to him, if he wished to kill the French, he must pass over my body, and the bodies of my young men? Did I not take hold of the tomahawk with you, and aid you in fighting your battles with Mackinac, and driving him home to his country? Why do you think I would turn my arms against you? Am I not the same French Pontiac, who assisted you seventeen years ago? I am a Frenchman, and I wish to die a Frenchman."

After throwing a war-belt into the midst of the council, he concluded in the following strain:

"My Brothers! I begin to grow tired of this bad meat, which is upon our lands. I begin to see that this is not your case, for instead of assisting us in our war with the English, you are actually assisting them. I have already told you, and I now tell you again, that when I undertook this war, it was only your interest I sought, and that I knew what I was about. I yet know what I am about. This year they must all perish. The Master of Life so orders it. His will is known to us, and we must do as he says. And you, my brothers, who know him better than we do, wish to oppose his will! Until now, I have avoided urging you upon this subject, in the hope, that if you could not aid, you would not injure us. I did not wish to ask you to fight with us against the English, and I did not believe you would take part with them. You will say you are not with them. I know it, but your conduct amounts to the same thing. You will tell them all we do and say. You carry our counsels and plans to them. Now take your choice. You must be entirely French, like ourselves, or entirely English. If you are French, take this belt for yourselves and your young men, and join us. If you are English, we declare war against you." . . .

The man who had the ability and the intrepidity to express himself in this manner, hardly needed either the graces of rhetoric or the powers of the warrior, to enforce that mighty influence which, among every people and under all circumstances, is attached, as closely as shadow to substance, to the energies of a mighty mind. Those energies he exerted, and that influence he possessed, probably beyond all precedent in the history of his race. Hence it is that his memory is still cherished among the tribes of the north. History itself, instead of adding to his character in their eyes, has only reduced him to his true proportions in our own. Tradition still looks upon him as it looked upon the Hercules of the Greeks.