Account of the Ottawas—Their first Chief-Sachem known to the English, Pontiac—His interview with Major Rogers—Protects that officer and his troops—Saves Detroit from an army of Indians—Hostility of the northern tribes to the English, after the conquest of Canada—Adventures of Henry—Anecdotes of Minavavana—Supposed feelings of Pontiac towards the English—His great project of combination.

Having arrived regularly, according to the order observed in this work, at the commencement of the eighteenth century, we shall now turn our attention to a section of the continent hitherto mostly unnoticed, but which at that period began to be the theatre of important events, and to be illustrated by at least one character comparable to any in the whole compass of Indian annals. We refer to the vicinity of the Northern Lakes, to the numerous and powerful tribes resident in that region, and particularly to Pontiac.

It has been stated by respectable authority, that this celebrated individual was a member of the tribe of Sacs, or Saukies; but there appears to us no sufficient reason for disputing the almost universal opinion which makes him an Ottawa. That tribe, when the commerce of the early French colonists of Canada first began to extend itself to the Upper Lakes, was found in their vicinity, in connection with two others, the Chippewas and the Pottawatamies. All three are supposed to have been originally a scion of the Algonquin stock,—that being the general name of the nation, which, in Champlain's time, was settled along the north banks of the St. Lawrence, between Quebec and Lake St. Peters. According to their own traditions, preserved to this day, the three tribes (as they afterwards became,) in their flight or emigration, went together from the East, as far as Lake Huron. A separation afterwards took place, the result of which was, that the Ottawas, being most inclined to agriculture, remained near what has since been Michilimackinac, while their companions preferred venturing to still more distant regions of the North and West.

Detroit was founded by the French in July, 1701, and from that time the Ottawas began to give frequent manifestations of a spirit which finally made them, respectively, an ally or an enemy of the first importance to the different civilized parties with whom they held intercourse. Only three years after the French settled in their vicinity, several of their chiefs were induced to visit the English at Albany. The almost inevitable consequence of the interview was, that they returned home with a firm persuasion that the French intended to subdue them. They attempted to fire the town, therefore, in one instance; and about the same time, a war-party, on their return from a successful expedition against the Iroquois,—whom they were bold enough to attack in their own country,—paraded in front of the Detroit fortress, and offered battle. After some hard fighting, they were defeated and driven off.

But the French have always effected more among the Indians in peace than in war, and thus it was with the Ottawas; for, from the date of the skirmish just mentioned, they were almost uniformly among the best friends and even protectors of the colony. "When the French arrived at these falls," said a Chippewa Chief at a Council held but a few years since, "they came and kissed us. They called us children, and we found them fathers. We lived like brethren in the same lodge," &c. [FN] Such was the impression made also upon the Ottawas; and we accordingly find them, in conjunction with the Chippewas, aiding the French on all occasions, until the latter surrendered the jurisdiction of the Canadas to the English. Several hundred of their warriors distinguished themselves at the disastrous defeat of Braddock.

[FN] See a Discourse delivered before the Michigan Historical Society, in 1830, by Mr. Schoolcraft. We also acknowledge our obligations, in preparing our notice of Pontiac, to Governor Cass's Discourse of the year previous, before the same body.

Pontiac was probably at the head of this force. Several years before, he was known as a warrior of high standing and great success; and as early as 1746, he commanded a powerful body of Indians, mostly Ottawas, who gallantly defended the people of Detroit against the formidable attack of a number of combined Northern tribes. But a far more important trial, both of his principles and his talents, was yet to come, in the transfer of power from the French to the English, which took place at the termination of the long war between those nations, ending with the peace of 1761. The stations upon the Lakes were given up in 1760. The first detachment of British troops which ever penetrated into that region, was sent, during this year, for the purpose of taking formal possession. That force was commanded by Major Rogers, and from the "Concise Account of North America," written by him, [FN] we obtain our knowledge of the earliest interview between Pontiac and the English. It is allowed to have the merit of authenticity; and although not so definite as might be desired, it furnishes a variety of characteristic and singular facts.

[FN] Published in London: 1765. We have a "Journal" of the same expedition, from the same pen.

Major Rogers says, that "on the way,"—meaning generally the route from Montreal to Detroit,—he was met by an embassy from Pontiac, consisting of some of his own warriors, together with several chiefs belonging to subordinate tribes. The object was, to inform him that Pontiac, in person, proposed to visit him; that he was then not far distant, coming peaceably; and that he desired the Major to halt his detachment, "till such time as he could see him with his own eyes." The Deputies were also directed to represent their master as the King and Lord of the country which the English had now entered.

The Major drew up his troops as requested, and before long the Ottawa Chieftain made his appearance. He wore, we are told, an air of majesty and princely grandeur. After the first salutation, he sternly demanded of the Englishman his business in his territory, and how he had dared to venture upon it without his permission. Rogers was too prudent and too intelligent to take offence at this style of reception. Nor did he undertake to argue any question of actual or abstract right. He said that he had no design against the Indians, but, on the contrary, wished to remove from their country a nation who had been an obstacle to mutual friendship and commerce between them and the English. He also made known his commission to this effect, and concluded with a present of several belts of wampum. Pontiac received them with the single observation,—"I shall stand in the path you are walking till morning,"—and gave, at the same time, a small string of wampum. This, writes the Major, was as much as to say, "I must not march farther without his leave."

Such, undoubtedly, was the safest construction; and the sequel shows that Pontiac considered it the most civil. On departing for the night, he asked Rogers whether he wanted any thing which his country afforded; if so, his warriors should bring it for him. The reply was discreet as the offer was generous,—that whatever provisions might be brought in, should be well paid for. Probably they were; but the English were at all events supplied, the next morning, with several bags of parched corn and other necessaries. Pontiac himself, at the second meeting, offered the pipe of peace, and he and the English officer smoked it by turns. He declared that he thereby made peace with the Englishman and his troops; and that they should pass through his dominions, not only unmolested by his subjects, but protected by them from all other parties who might incline to be hostile.

These were no idle promises. Pontiac remained in company with his new friend constantly after the first interview, until he arrived at Detroit. He employed one hundred of his warriors to protect and assist a corps of soldiers, in driving a large number of fat cattle which had been sent on for the use of the troops, from Pittsburgh, by the way of Presque Isle. He also despatched messengers to the several Indian towns on the south side and west end of Lake Erie, to inform them that Rogers had his consent to march through the country. Under such auspices, the Major might reasonably have felt himself safe, after reaching his destination. But the chieftain understood his situation better than himself. He kept near him so long as he remained at Detroit; and Rogers acknowledges that he was once at least "the means of preserving the detachment" from the fury of a body of Indians, who had assembled with sinister purposes at the mouth of the Strait.

This incident leads us to remark, that almost all the tribes on the Northern waters who had associated and traded with the French during the term of their jurisdiction,—and but few of them there were who had not,—sincerely lamented the change which had occurred in public affairs. They were very generally prejudiced against the new comers, as they were attached to the old residents. Perhaps the latter, individually, if not otherwise, fomented the spirit of discontent. But, however this might be, there were reasons enough in the ancient relations maintained between the French and the Indians, independently of argument or comment, why such a spirit should manifest itself under the circumstances we have mentioned.

The fact itself is indisputable. It is proved by facts, subsequent and consequent. It is also proved by many, respectable authorities, only one of which will be here referred to, for the sake of illustration.

Mr. Henry, the well known author of "Travels and Adventures in Canada and the Indian Territories, between the years 1760 and 1766," speaks of an affair in point, which happened at the little island of La Cloche, [FN] in Lake Huron, on his voyage, in the spring of 1761, from Montreal to Michilimackinac. He found a large village of Indians at this place, who treated him in the kindest manner, until "discovering that he was an Englishman," they told his men that the Michilimackinac Indians would certainly kill him, and that they might therefore as well anticipate their own share of the pillage. On this principle they demanded a part of his stores, and he deemed it prudent to make no resistance. He observes, afterwards, that his mind was "oppressed" with the repeated warnings he received of sure destruction where he was going. Again,—"the hostility of the Indians was exclusively against the English;" and this circumstance suggested to Henry a prospect of security in assuming a Canadian disguise, which fortunately enabled him to complete his expedition.

[FN] So named by the French, from a rock on the island which, being struck, rings like a bell.

But the difficulty did not cease here. He was now in the neighborhood of Pontiac, and among the tribes subject to his influence. What manner of men they were, and how for the master-spirit may be supposed to, have filled them with the fire of his own soul, will appear from a speech of one of the Chippewa Chiefs, Minavavana, who, with a band of his own tribe, visited the newly arrived trader at his house in Michilimackinac. The courage and the eloquence of this man, blended as they are with the highest degree of savage chivalry, almost make us suspect his identity with the Ottawa Chieftain himself. The name is by no means conclusive against such a conjecture, for it would be an extraordinary fact in Indian History, if so distinguished a man as Pontiac were known only by one appellation, and especially when he associated with a large number of tribes, speaking as many different languages.

Henry describes his hero as a person of remarkable appearance, of commanding stature, and with a singularly fine countenance. He entered the room where the traveler was anxiously awaiting the result of his visit, followed by sixty warriors, dressed and decorated in the most formal and imposing fashion of war. Not a word was spoken as they came in, one by one, seated themselves on the floor at a signal from the Chief, and began composedly smoking their pipes. Minavavana, meanwhile, looking steadfastly at Henry, made various enquiries of his head-boatman, a Canadian. He then coolly observed, that "the English were brave men, and not afraid of death, since they dared to come thus fearlessly among their enemies. A solemn pause now ensued for some time, until the Indians having finished their pipes, the Chieftain took a few wampum-strings in his hand, and commenced the following harangue:

"Englishman!—It is to you that I speak, and I demand your attention!

"Englishman!—You know that the French King is our father. He promised to be such; and we, in return, promised to be his children. This promise we have kept.

"Englishman!—It is you that have made war with this our father. You are his enemy; and how then could you have the boldness to venture among us, his children? You know that his enemies are ours.

"Englishman!—We are informed that our father, the king of France, is old and infirm; and that being fatigued with making war upon your nation, he is fallen asleep. During his sleep, you have taken advantage of him, and possessed yourselves of Canada. But his nap is almost at an end. I think I hear him already stirring, and inquiring for his children the Indians;—and, when he does awake, what must become of you? He will destroy you utterly!

"Englishman!—Although you have conquered the French, you have not yet conquered us! We are not your slaves. These lakes, these woods and mountains, were left to us by our ancestors. They are our inheritance, and we will part with them to none. Your nation supposes that we, like the white people, cannot live without bread, and pork, and beef! But, you ought to know, that He,—the Great Spirit and Master of Life,—has provided food for us, in these broad lakes, and upon these mountains.

"Englishman!—-Our father, the king of France, employed our young men to make war upon your nation. In this warfare, many of them have been killed; and it is our custom to retaliate, until such time as the spirits of the slain are satisfied. Now the spirits of the slain are to be satisfied in either of two ways. The first is by the spilling of the blood of the nation by which they fell; the other, by covering the bodies of the dead, and thus allaying the resentment of their relations. This is done by making presents.

"Englishman!—Your king has never sent us any presents, nor entered into any treaty with us. Wherefore he and we are still at war; and, until he does these things, we must consider that we have no other father, nor friend, among the white men, than the king of France. But, for you, we have taken into consideration, that you have ventured your life among us, in the expectation that we should not molest you. You do not come armed, with an intention to make war. You come in peace, to trade with us, and supply us with necessaries, of which we are much in want. We shall regard you, therefore, as a brother; and you may sleep tranquilly, without fear of the Chippewas. As a token of our friendship, we present you with this pipe, to smoke."

The interview terminated in a manner which reminds us of Pontiac's meeting with Rogers. Minavavana gave the Englishman his hand—his companions followed his example—the pipe went round in due order—and, after being politely entertained, all quietly departed. If this was not the Ottawa himself; he was certainly a kindred spirit; and if the former exercised authority over many such characters,—as he probably did,—it is not difficult to account far the confidence which dictated the design, or for the measure of success which attended the prosecution of one of the mightiest projects ever conceived in the brain of an American savage.

This project was a combination of all the tribes on and about the Northern waters, perhaps partially with an ultimate view to the restoration of the French Government, but directly and distinctly to the complete extirpation of the English.

It has been observed by a writer who has done signal justice to the genius of Pontiac, "that we are nowhere told the causes of disaffection which separated him from the British interest." [FN-1] There is an allusion here to the information furnished by Rogers, who indeed states that Pontiac "often intimated to him that he should be content to reign in his country, in subordination to the king of Great Britain, and was willing to pay him such annual acknowledgment as he was able, in furs, and to call him his Uncle." [FN-2] But, without in the least disparaging the honesty of Rogers, we are inclined to dispute the propriety of what we suppose to have been rather his own inference than the Chieftain's declaration. A disregard to niceties of expression, on the part of both speaker and hearer, was no uncommon thing at interviews of this kind,—one party being always eager, and both frequently ignorant enough, had they even tolerable means of communicating together in language at all.

[FN-1] Discourse of Governor Cass.

[FN-2] Rogers' Accounts, 242; London Edition.

The context confirms this opinion. It appears singular, at first glance, that Pontiac should propose calling the British king his Uncle. An appellation, indeed,—as the Iroquois orators told the English at Albany,—"signified nothing," in itself; and yet, as referring to the term Father, applied by Minavavana and the Northern Indians generally, to his Christian Majesty, it did signify, at least, that Pontiac meant to pay a slighter deference to the British king than to the French. No allegiance was acknowledged to either. As Minavavana said, "the Indians had no Father among the white men"—passing that courtesy for what is was worth—"but the king of France." That, however, did not prevent them from owning and claiming their own woods and mountains. It did not entitle the French king to command the services, instead of "employing" the assistance of their young men. It did not blind them to the fact, that although the English had conquered the French, they had not conquered them. [FN-1] It makes the matter still more dear, in regard to what was the understanding of Pontiac, and what ought to have been that of Rogers, that, according to his own statement, the Chieftain "assured him [on the same occasion when the language last referred to is said to have been uttered.] that he was inclined to live peaceably with the English, while they used him as he deserved, and to encourage their settling in his country, but intimated that if they treated him with neglect, he should shut up the way, and exclude them from it." In short, concludes the same writer, "his whole conversation sufficiently indicated that he was far from considering himself a conquered Prince, and that he expected to be treated with the respect and honor due to a King or Emperor, by all who came into his country or treated with him." [FN-2]

[

FN-1] Speech of of Minavavana.

[FN-2] Rogers' Account, p. 242.

On the whole, we have seen no evidence, and we know of no reason for presuming, that he was ever any farther attached to "the British interest," or rather any otherwise affected towards the idea of becoming attached, than is indicated by the very independent declaration made as above stated. In regard to the question why he never did become attached to the British interest,—taking that for the correct representation of the fact,—history is silent, as unfortunately it is in regard to most of the remarkable occurrences on the frontiers which accompanied and followed his enterprise. The conjectures of any one man, who has intelligently investigated and reflected upon such history as there is, may be worth as much as those of any other. It seems to be probable, however, that although hostilities might have been prevented by a system of good management on the part of the English, (in which their predecessors could have given them a lesson,) they did not arise from any particular acts of aggression.

Pontiac reasoned as well as felt. He reasoned as Philip had done before him, and as Tecumseh will be found to have done since. He had begun to apprehend danger from this new government and people; danger to his own dominion and to the Indian interest at large; danger from their superiority in arms, their ambition, their eagerness in possessing themselves of every military position on the Northern waters;—and we may add also, their want of that ostensible cordiality towards the Indians, personally, to which the latter had been so much accustomed and attached in the golden days of the French, and which they were apt to regard as a necessary indication of good faith as of good will. In the language of the Chippewa orator, the French had lived in the same lodge with them. They had sent them missionaries; and invited them to councils, and made them presents, and talked and traded with them, and manifested an interest in their affairs, [FN] always suspected by the Indians less, and yet always effecting their own purposes better and farther, than any other people.

[FN] Discourse of Schoolcraft.

The English, on the other hand, if they committed no aggressions,—(the expedition of Rogers was perhaps considered one; but that Pontiac forgave,)—yet manifested but a slight disposition for national courtesy, or for individual intercourse, or for a beneficial commerce of any description. In other words, they "neglected"—to use Pontiac's phrase,—all those circumstances which made the neighborhood of the French agreeable, and which might have made their own at least tolerable. The conduct of the latter never gave rise to suspicion. Theirs never gave rest to it.

Thus, we suppose, the case might present itself to the mind of the Ottawa Chieftain. And while such was the apparent disposition, or indifference to any disposition in particular, of the English towards the Indians,—and such the consequent liability, if not the reasonable prospect on the part of the latter, if the former should occupy Canada,—Pontiac was not likely to forget that they had conquered the French. He saw too that they were rapidly and firmly establishing their new dominion, by movements which, at all events, did not purport to promote the interest of the Indians. And he knew, no doubt,—-certainly he soon ascertained,—that whereas the French of Canada and the Colonies of New-England had hitherto, by their action upon each other, left the third party in a good measure disengaged,—the new comers were themselves from Old England, if not New;—speaking the same language (and that a strange one to the natives;) subject to the same government; and ready at all times to be very conveniently supplied and supported, to an indefinite extent, by those powerful Southern Colonies which had long before destroyed or driven off the Indians from their own borders.

So Pontiac reasoned; and he looked into futurity far enough to foresee that ultimate fatal result to his race, which now was the only time, if indeed there was yet time, to prevent. Immediate occasions of hostility there might be besides; but these must be the subject of mere speculation. Affections which do him honor, predisposed him to believe that the English had done injustice to his old friends the French; and the French might further endeavor to persuade him that they had also done injustice to himself. But, it was certain, "they bad treated him with neglect." And therefore, following his own principle, as well as the impulse of pride, he resolved to "shut up the way." How far he succeeded, and by what means, will be our next subjects of consideration.