  Notices of Indians who submitted to Massachusetts, continued—The Squaw-Sachem of Medford—Her history, family, &c.—Her sons, Sagamore John and Sagamore James—Their intercourse with the English—Anecdotes of them—Complaints, services, death and character—Chickatabot, Sachem of Neponset—His war with the Squaw-Sachem—Visits Boston several times—Appears in court against Plastowe—Anecdotes of his Government—Indian policy of Massachusetts compared with that of Plymouth—Anecdotes of Chickatabot—His death. Having heretofore had occasion frequently to introduce the names of Indians who subjected themselves, more or less, to the Government of Massachusetts, we propose in this chapter to notice a few of the most prominent of that class, who have not yet been mentioned. [FN] [FN] See a sketch of Cutchamequin, of Braintee in Chapter XI, Vol. I. Some years previous to the arrival of the English, the various Massachusetts tribes, properly so called, are believed to have been confederated, like the Pokanokets and others, under the government of one great Sachem, whose name was Nanepashemet, or the New-Moon. His usual residence was in Medford, near Mystic Pond. He was killed in 1619,—by what enemy is unknown. Two years afterwards, a Plymouth party visited this section; and they then discovered the remains of one of Nanepashemet's forts. It was built in a valley. There was a trench about it, breast-high, with a periphery of palisades reaching up more than thirty feet. It was accessible only in one direction, by a narrow bridge. The Sachem's grave had been made under the frame of a house within the enclosure, which was still standing; and another, upon a neighboring hill, marked the spot where he fell in battle. His dwelling-house had been built on a large scaffold, six feet high, also near the summit of a hill. [FN] It is evident that Nanepashemet was a chieftain of very considerable state and power. [FN] Prince. His successor, to a certain extent, was his widow, well known in history as the Squaw-Sachem, and otherwise called the Massachusetts Queen. It is probably from the latter circumstance, in part, that some modern historians have described her as inheriting the power of her husband; but this is believed to be incorrect. We find no evidence of it among the old writers; though it appears, on the other hand, that some of the other Massachusetts tribes were at war with hers, when the English first made her acquaintance. It seems highly probable, that these were the enemy—rebels, we should perhaps say—whom Nanepashemet fell in attempting to subdue. His failure and death were sufficient, without the aid of that terrible pestilence which reduced the number of the Massachusetts warriors from three thousand to three hundred, to prevent any attempts on the part of his widow, for recovering or continuing his own ancient dominion. Still, the Squaw-Sachem governed at least the remnants of one tribe. She also laid claim to territory in various places, and among the rest to what is now Concord, a grant of which place she joined with two or three other Indians in conveying to the original settlers, in 1635. Previous to this date, she had taken a second husband, Wappacowet, the chief priest of her tribe, he being by custom entitled to the hand of his Sachem's widow. The land was paid for in wampum, hatchets, hoes, knives, cotton cloth, and chintz; beside which, Wappacowet, who figured only as an evidence in the case, received a gratuity of a suit of cotton cloth, a hat, a white linen band, shoes, stockings, and a great coat. [FN] [FN] Depositions on Concord Records. Several years after the sale of Concord, the Squaw-Sachem visited Boston, for the purpose of subjecting herself to the Massachusetts Government. That object she effected. Whether the priest was included in the submission, or what was the sequel of his history, or even hers, does, not appear. The Squaw-Sachem, like her husband, the New Moon, has maintained her principal dignity in our early annals, as the parent of Wonohaquaham and Montowampate, better known as Sagamore John and Sagamore James. [FN] The former lived, before the English came, at the old residence of his father, in Medford; subsequently, at Winnesimet, anciently called Rumney Marsh, and situated partly in Chelsea, and partly in Saugus. James, who was Sachem of the Saugus Indians, and had jurisdiction of Lynn and Marble-head, resided on Sagamore hill, near the eastern end of Lynn beach. [FN] There has been a controversy about the meaning of this title, and the difference between Sagamore, (or Sagamo) and Sachem. We agree with Mr. Lewis (from whose accurate history of Lynn we have borrowed above,) in considering them different pronunciations of the same word. John was one of the best, as well as earliest friends the settlers of Boston ever had among the natives; and by their descendants his memory should be cherished for that, if for no other reason. On all occasions, he was courteous, kind and frank. Soon after their coming, he engaged with the governor to make compensation for damages done by his subjects, and to fence in his territories, both which he did. During the same year, 1630, he seasonably gave warning to the Charlestown people, of a plot formed against them among some of the neighboring Indians,—an act on the mention of which an old writer pays him the deserved compliment of having "always loved the English." His attachment was justified by the conduct of his new ally and friends, for though he often brought complaints before the Massachusetts authorities, it was as rarely without effect as it was without cause. At one time, two of his wigwams were carelessly set on fire by some English fowlers, and destroyed. The chief offender was a servant of Sir Richard Saltonstall, and the Court ordered him to give satisfaction, which he did, being mulcted in seven yards of cloth, valued at fifty shillings sterling. The act of firing one of the buildings, was not very easily proved; but, say the Court, "lest he should think us not sedulous enough to find it out, and so should depart discontentedly from us, we gave both him and his subject satisfaction for them both." So when he and his brother James, a few weeks afterwards, applied to the Governor for an order, to procure the return of twenty beaver-skins which had been obtained unfairly from them by an Englishman, "the governor entertained them kindly, and gave them his letter, &c." [FN] John must have been permitted to manage his relations with other sachems also, as he pleased; for when Chickatabot fought for Canonicus in 1632, as we shall soon see, he also joined him at the head of thirty men, and the fact is recorded not only without censure, but without comment. [FN] New-England Chronology, 1631. James was a more troublesome personage, and was more than once in difficulty with both Indians and English. A party of that formidable eastern people, the Tarratines, attacked him in 1631, slew seven of his men, wounded both him and his brother John, and carried off his wife captive. Hubbard observes, that he had treacherously killed some of the Tarratines before this, "and was therefore the less pitied of the English that were informed thereof:" but the latter nevertheless procured the redemption of his wife. The following extract from Mr. Winthrop's Journal, throws some light, both on the authority which he exercised upon his own subjects, and the liberties he took with the English. The Government, it must be observed, had made a prudent regulation, forbidding the sale of arms to the natives. "September 4th, 1632. "One Hopkins of Watertown was convict for selling a piece and pistol, with powder and shot, to James Sagamore, for which he had sentence to be whipped and branded in the cheek."—It was discovered by an Indian, one of James's men, upon promise of concealing him, or otherwise he was sure to be killed. It was probably for some offence of this description that James was once forbidden to enter any English plantation under penalty of ten beaver-skins; a much better dispensation of justice, clearly, than to have sent an armed force, as the good people of Plymouth had been in the habit of doing on such occasions, to punish him in person. [FN] [FN] Winthrop. The following is an item in the account of Treasurer Pyncheon, stated to the General Court for 1632, under the head of Payments out of the Common Treasury. "Paid John Sagamore's brother, the 9th Oct. 1632 for killing a wolf, one coat at £0. 12s. 0." This account of James indicates that he was much less known among the English than his brother; and as it appears in company of several charges like these,—
It may be fairly inferred that the Sagamore hesitated not to put his dignity, so far as he was known, on a level, in the eyes of the English, with the lowest of his countrymen. John and James died about the same time, in 1633, of a mortal epidemic then prevalent among the Massachusetts Indians. Hubbard says, that both promised, if they recovered from their sickness, to live with the English and serve their God. The reason why John, at least, had not already taken such a course, may be gathered from some expressions in that curious tract, New England's First Fruits, which we cite the more willingly because it places the character of John in its true light. "Sagamore John," says the learned author, "Prince of Massaquesetts, was from our very first landing, more courteous, ingenious, and to the English more loving than others of them; he desired to learne and speake our language, and loved to imitate us in our behaviour and apparell, and began to hearken after our God and his ways. . . . And did resolve and promise to leave the Indians and come live with us; but yet, kept down by feare of the scoffin of the Indians, had not power to make good his purpose, &c." The same writer thus refers to the poor Sagamore's last moments. Being struck with death, we are told, he began fearfully to reproach himself that he had not lived with the English, and known their God. "But now," he added, "I must die. The God of the English is much angry with me, and will destroy me. Ah! I was afraid of the scoffs of these wicked Indians. But my child shall live with the English, to know their God, when I am dead. I'll give him to Mr. Wilson—he much good man, and much love me." Mr. Wilson, (clergyman at Boston,) was accordingly sent for, and when he attended, as he did promptly, the Sagamore "committed his only child to his care, and so died."—In confirmation of this honorable testimony, the author of the Wonder Working Providence may be cited. He observes, that the English clergymen were much moved to see the Indians depart this life without the knowledge of God in Christ, "and therefore were very frequent among them, for all the Noysomness of their Disease, entering their Wigwams, and exhorting them in the name of the Lord." John is said to have given some good hopes, as being always very courteous to them. Then follows the request to Mr. Wilson: "Quoth hee, 'by and by mee Mattamoy, [dead]—may bee my sons live—you take them to teach much to know God.'" [FN] [FN] Johnson speaks as if there were several sons, and therein is clearly incorrect. Mr. Cotton is much better authority in this case. Mr. Cotton, himself a preacher also at Boston, at the same period, and probably an eye-witness, furnishes a more particular and interesting account of this scene, with which we shall conclude our notice. "At our first coming hither John Sagamore was the chiefest Sachim in these parts. He falling sick, our Pastor Mr. Wilson hearing of it (and being of some acquaintance with him) went to visit him, taking one of the deacons of our Church with him, and withall, a little Mithridate and strong water. When he came to his lodging, (which they call a Wigwam) hearing a noyse within, hee looked over the mat of the door, to discerne what it meant, and saw many Indians gathered together, and some Powwaws amongst them, who are their Priests, Physitians, and Witches. They by course spake earnestly to the sick Sagamore, and to his disease, (in a way of charming of it and him) and one to another in a kind of Antiphonies. When they had done, all kept silence, our Pastour went in with the Deacon, and found the man farre spent, his eyes set in his bead, his speech leaving him, his mother (old Squaw-Sachim) sitting weeping at his bed's head. Well (saith our Pastour) our God save Sagamore John, Powwaw Cram (that is, kill) Sagamore John; and thereupon hee fell to prayer with his Deacon, and after prayer forced into the sick man's mouth with a spoon, a little Mithridate dissolved in the strong water; soon after the Sagamore looked up, and three dayes after went abroad on hunting. This providence so farre prevailed with the Sagamore, that he promised to look after the English man's God, to heare their sermons, to weare English apparell, &c. But his neighbor Indians, Sagamores, and Powwaws, hearing of this, threatened to Cram him (that is, to kill him) if he did so degenerate from his Country Gods, and Religion, he thereupon fell off, and took up his Indian course of life again. Whatsoever facility may seeme to offer itself of the conversion of the Indians, it is not so easie a matter for them to hold out, no not in a semblance of profession of the true Religion. Afterwards God struck John Sagamore againe, (and as I remember with the Small Pox) but then when they desired like succour from our Pastour as before, he told them now the Lord was angry with Sagamore John, and it was doubtful hee would not so easily be intreated. The Sagamore blamed himself and justified God, and confessed, he should not have been discouraged by their threats from seeking our God: for those Sagamores and Powwaws who did most terrifie him, hee had seene God sweeping them away by death, before himself, in a short time after. And therefore, when hee saw hee must die (for he died of that sickness) he left his sonne to the education of our Pastour, that he might keep closer to the English, and to their God, than himself had done. But his sonne also died of the same disease soon after." [FN] [FN] The Way of Congregational Churches Cleared: London, 1648. Another Sachem carried off by the pestilence was Chickatabot, otherwise called Chickataubut and Chickatalbott; and whose name, under the form of Chickatabak, is appended with those of eight other sachems, to the deed of submission to King James, dated 1622, which has already been mentioned in the life of Massasoit. Some writers call him the Chief Sachem of the Massachusetts. But so Sagamore John, and his mother, if not some others, were vaguely entitled; nor can any thing more be inferred from the expressions, we conceive, than that he was one of the principal chiefs. That conclusion might be drawn also from the fact, that when the English first knew him (in 1621,) he was at war with the Squaw-Sachem of Medford. No doubt he had been subject to her husband, and probably she was now struggling to continue and enforce the dominion. [FN] [FN] Since writing the above, we have availed ourselves of Mr. Shattuck's researches. He believes that Chickatabot was subject to Massasoit. One of his reasons is the improbability of his contending against his superior Sachem; and another, the circumstance that all his recorded conveyances of land are south of Charles River, which Mr. S. considers the southern boundary of the Massachusetts. With deference to an accurate writer, we shall leave the question without an argument—only reminding the reader that Chickatabot fought for Canonicus in 1632, that being about the time when the latter made sundry attacks on Massasoit—and also that the case of Sassacus and Uncas, (not to refer to Powhatan's history,) is a precedent exactly in point. The same causes which enabled Chickatabot and other sagamores of his section of the country, to maintain their independence of each other, probably induced them to submit so readily to whatever authority appeared able and willing to protect them. King James, Massachusetts and Plymouth, were the same to him, in this particular, with Massasoit and Canonicus; and he submitted with an equal grace to all or either, as the case might require. No doubt it was the influence of the Pokanoket Sachem that induced him to visit Plymouth for the purpose of Subscribing the submission—which he probably neither knew nor cared any thing about, except in relation to the promised consequences of the act of signing. With the same accommodating disposition, or rather from the same necessity, he turned out with all his men, in 1632—to fight against the same Massasoit, we suppose—the Narragansett Chief, Canonicus, having "sent for him" to that end. [FN] This movement, together with the absence of all comment upon it in history, illustrates sufficiently the sense which, notwithstanding the submissions alluded to, both himself and his English neighbors still entertained of his independence. [FN] Winthrop. The Sachem took no advantage of the freedom thus silently allowed him. Nor does the liberality, and even courtesy, with which he was on all other occasions treated by the Massachusetts Government, appear to have had any other than the happiest effect upon him. On the contrary, he judged them as they judged him; and being seldom if ever suspected, was rarely exposed to suspicion by his conduct He esteemed his own dignity at least enough to appreciate their politeness. Residing near Neponset river, in Dorchester, he made himself familiar with the settlers of Boston very soon after their arrival, and that in a manner which discredits neither of the parties. As early as March, 1631, (the settlement having commenced in the preceding September,) he went into Boston, attended by quite a company of men and women of his tribe, and carrying with him a hogshead of Indian corn as a present for the Governor. When the latter had provided a dinner for his visitors, with the much esteemed accompaniment of "tobacco and beer," the Sachem sent his escort all home, with the exception of one sanop and one squaw, although it rained, and the Governor rather urged that they might be permitted to stay. He, and the other two who remained, tarried until afternoon of the next day but one. As he had before this time accustomed himself to wear English clothes, we are informed that "the Governor set him at his own table, where he behaved himself as soberly as an Englishman." His host gave him at parting, "cheese and pease, and a mug and some other things;" [FN] and no doubt he returned to Neponset exceedingly gratified with the well-timed munificence of his new friend. [FN] Winthrop. Accordingly, he made his appearance again within a month, on which occasion he requested Mr. Winthrop to negotiate with some tailor, on his behalf for a suit of English clothes. The Governor civilly gave him to understand, that English Sagamores were not accustomed to truck in this way—but he called his own tailor, and directed him to make the proposed suit. Chickatabot presented his host with two large skins of coat-beaver, so called, paid the proper honours to a dinner prepared for him and his attendants, and took his leave, promising to return for his clothes in three days. This was the 13th of April. On the 15th he came again, and the Governor then arrayed him in the new suit, which had been promptly made ready for his use, and also entertained him at dinner. If the Sachem had behaved soberly on his first visit, he deserves still higher praise for the improvement which is evident in his manners since that time. He would not eat now—savage as he was—at the hospitable board of his Christian host, until the latter had craved the customary blessing which attended his own meals; and, "after meat, he desired him to do the like, and so departed." Nor did Chickatabot receive only compliments and new clothes from his Boston ally. Substantial justice was rendered to him and his subjects, whenever emergency required; and an Englishman was punished, at least as promptly and severely for a trespass upon him or them, as an Indian would have been expected to be punished for the same offence against the whites. To illustrate by an instance,—in the latter part of 1631, Chickatabot appeared in Court at Boston, and complained of one Josias Plastowe, for stealing a quantity of his corn. Evidence of the charge having been produced, sufficient to convict the offender, the Court gave judgment as follows: "It is ordered, that Josias Plastowe shall, for stealing four baskets of corn from the Indians, return them eight baskets again, be fined five pounds, and hereafter be called by the name of Josias, and not Mr. as formerly as he used to be; and that William Buckland and Thomas Andrew, [servants] shall be whipped for being accessary to the same offence." Chickatabot knew how to value this honorable policy of the Government, and was grateful for it. But even earlier than the date of the transaction last referred to, he had himself set the example which that Government, so far as regarded him, did but follow. The following single paragraph, taken from the same authority which records the sentence of Plastowe, is among the evidence to this effect: "At a Court, John Sagamore and Chickatabot, being told at last Court of some injuries that their men did to our cattle, and giving consent to make satisfaction, &c. now one of their men was complained of for shooting a pig, &c. for which Chickatabot was ordered to pay a small skin of beaver, which he presently paid." So in August of the next year, two of the Sachem's men having been proved guilty of assaulting some of the settlers at Dorchester in their houses, were detained in the bilboes, until Chickatabot could be notified of the fact, and requested to beat them, "which he did." [FN] [FN] "The most usuall custome amongst them," says Roger Williams, of the Indians, "is for the Sachim either to beate, or whip, or put to death with his owne hand, to which the common sort most quietly submit." Key to the Ind. Languages. It is obvious to remark, how much more satisfactory this course must have been to him, than the more violent mode of doing themselves justice, would have been, which was pursued by many English authorities on most occasions of a similar description. It was dealing with him, as they wished to be dealt with; which policy, whether under the circumstances required by strict justice or not, was unquestionably best calculated to effect the end proposed in each particular case, as well as to secure the general affection and respect of the Indians. It may be remarked here, without impropriety, that the conduct of the Massachusetts Government towards Chickatabot is no more than a just specimen of the course they usually pursued towards his countrymen. The exceptions are few and far between. It is specially worthy of notice, that Chickatabot was never called to account for the part which he took in the combination of the Indians against Master Weston's infamous settlement at Weymouth, of which we shall presently have occasion to make further mention. And yet, there was not only some reason for suspecting him, on account of his vicinity to the residence of the chief ringleaders; but it appears clearly, that he was known to be engaged, and that to such an extent, as to be considered by some the instigator and manager of the whole business. Witness, for example, the following extract from a letter written by Governor Dudley to the Countess of Lincoln, in England, and bearing date at Boston, March 12th, 1630: "There was about the same time, one Mr. Weston, an English merchant, who sent divers men to plant and trade who sate down by the river of Wesaguscus; but these coming not for so good ends as those of Plymouth, sped not so well; for the most of them dying and languishing away, they who survived were rescued by those of Plymouth out of the hands of Chickatalbott, and his Indians, who oppressed those weak English, and intended to have destroyed them," [FN] &c. The writer then goes on to mention a settlement soon after attempted near the same place by one Wollaston, and a company of some thirty men, whose history may be profitably noticed very briefly, for the purpose of comparing the Plymouth with the Massachusetts policy. [FN] Mass. His. Coll. One of the Wollaston crew, mentioned by Prince, in 1625, as having been a kind of pettifogger in England, was Thomas Morton. This person became a notable disturber of the peace; cheating the Indians in trade, and spending the profits with his companions in rioting; drinking, as the annalist just cited specifies, "ten pound worth of wine and spirits in the morning," besides setting up a may-pole for the Indian women to drink and dance about, "with worser practices." But although Thomas changed the name of Wollaston to Merry Mount, [FN] his jollity was not to last forever. Mr. Endecott, of the Massachusetts Company, who landed at Salem in the summer of 1628, visited Master Morton within two months from his arrival, and changing Merry Mount to Mount Dagon, took active measures for correcting that riotous settlement. These were not entirely successful, and even when Morton was at length arrested and sent to England for punishment, he was not only liberated, but sent back again: "upon which," as Prince writes, "he goes to his old nest at Merry Mount." This was in 1629. In the summer of the next year, the Massachusetts colonists came over with Winthrop and Dudley; and as early as September of that season, we find the following order taken upon Master Morton's case by the Court of Assistants:— [FN] Prince's Annals, 1625. "Ordered, that Master Thomas Morton of Mount Wollaston shall presently be set in the bilbows, and after sent prisoner to England by the ship called the Gift; that all his goods be seized to defray the charge of his transportation, payments of his debts, and to give satisfaction to the Indians for a canoe he took unjustly from them; and that his house be burnt down to the ground in sight of the Indians, for their satisfaction for many wrongs he has done them." If this summary course had been taken with Weston and his banditti, there might have been, as we shall see, the saving of the lives of many innocent men. If it could not be taken by the English, who were appealed to, some allowance at least might have been made for those who were finally compelled to assume the administration of justice. In the case of Chickatabot, though not in all, such allowance was made. It also appears, that no evil consequences arose from this policy, but much the reverse. The sachem was uniformly the more ready to give all the satisfaction in his power, and no doubt partly because it was rather requested of him than required. When the Indians were said to be plotting against the English in 1632, and much apprehension was excited in consequence, "the three next Sagamores were sent for," says Winthrop, "who came presently to the Governor," and this is the last we hear of the matter. Chickatabot must have been one of them, and he explained away the causes of suspicions at once. Pursuing this course, the Massachusetts Government continued upon good terms with him until his death, which was occasioned by the prevalent epidemic, in the latter part of 1633. His descendants, to the third generation at least, several of whom were persons of note, followed his own peaceful and friendly example. Among the Suffolk records, there is still to be seen, a quitclaim deed from his grandson Josias,—of Boston, the islands in the harbor, &c. "to the proprietated inhabitants of Boston." |
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