  The Pequot territory claimed by Uncas—His tribe, family, and early history—Services in the Pequot expedition rewarded by the English—Effect of their favor—His contest with Miantonomo, and result—Subsequent wars and quarrels with various tribes and chiefs—Assistance rendered him by the English—Complaints brought against him to them—His Christianity considered—His morality—Evidence of his fraud, falsehood, violence, tyranny, ambition—His services, and those of his tribe to the English—Manner in which he met the accusations made against him—Cunning and servility—His treatment of neighboring sachems—Various negotiations with the English—His death—Fate of his tribe. On the conquest of the Pequots, the whole of their territory, about thirty miles square, was claimed by the Mohegans. The best opinion is, that this tribe was originally a part of the Pequot nation; and that their subsequent name was derived from the place of their subsequent residence. The first chief sachem of the Mohegans personally known to the English, was Uncas, [FN] who was a Pequot by birth, and of the royal line, both by his father and mother. His wife was a daughter of Tatobam, one of the Pequot sachems. Probably he had been himself a war-captain under Sassacus. But when the English began their settlements in Connecticut, he was in a state of rebellion against him, in consequence of some misunderstanding between them, for which either he had expatriated himself; or Sassacus had expelled him from his dominions. At this time, his influence was inconsiderable; but his great address and ambition soon made him the leading Sagamore of the Mohegans, as they afterwards made that tribe the leading one in Connecticut.—[See Appendix No. 1.] [FN]
The English were more indebted to Uncas for his zealous services in the Pequot war, than to all the other Indians together, though they at first entertained doubts of his fidelity. Governor Wolcott says: "'Twas here [at Hartford] that Uncass did the army meet, With many stout Moheagans at his feet. He to the general [Mason] goes, and doth declare, He came for our assistance in the war. "He was that Sagamore, whom great Sassacus' rage Had hitherto kept under vassalage. But weary of his great severity, He now revolts and to the English fly. With cheerful air our captain him embraces, And him and his chief men with titles graces; But over them preserved a jealous eye, Lest all this might be done in treachery." But he was soon convinced, that his supicions were unjust. The Mohegans embarked with Mason's ninety men, on board a pink or pinnace and a shallop, both which, the water being low in the river, fell aground several times. The Indians disliked this new species of navigation, and especially so much of it as pertained to the flats and sands; and Uncas was still more impatient to recommend himself by an active commencement of the war. He therefore requested, that he and his men might be set on shore, promising to join Mason again at Saybrook. His request was granted; and he not only redeemed his pledge, but, meeting a considerable party of Pequots on the route, he attacked them with great spirit, and killed seven of their number—"which," says Captain Mason, "we looked at as a special Providence; for before we were somewhat doubtful of his fidelity." This good opinion was daily confirmed by the Sachem's conversation and conduct. "Indeed," our writer elsewhere adds, "he was a great friend and did great service—I shall never forget him." At the commencement of the campaign, the various Indians who engaged in it, were in high glee. They gathered into a ring, and one by one made solemn protestations how gallantly they would demean themselves, and how many men they would kill. But Uncas said very little, until Mason inquired of him what he thought these Indians would do. "Nothing," answered he, gravely; "The Narraghansetts will leave you to a man. I can only say for myself that I never will." And he never did. The Narraghansetts, who had vaunted themselves on the example they should be obliged to set the English, to encourage them in their attack upon the enemy, soon fell into the back ground, and many of them returned home. The English marched on through the woods by moonlight, until, finding themselves altogether abandoned by these spirited allies, they halted, and sent messengers to know what had become of them. At last, "—After long waiting for the same, Up trusty Uncass and stout Wequash came, Of whom the general in strict terms demands, Where stands the fort, and how their judgement stands About the enterprise? and what's the cause They left their post [the van] against all martial laws." From the answer given to these questions, it would appear that, however it might be with the Sachems, the Indians generally were in horrible fear of the Pequots. The apology however was cogent; "when once they were engaged," said they, "—'tis hard to get A dispensation from them to retreat," But no such reasoning influenced the resolution or the fidelity of Uncas. Even after the great success which attended the assault, most of the Indians deserted, or at least disappeared, in consequence of an apprehension of falling in with the wandering Pequots. But Uncas remained steadfast. He also did active service afterwards, against a band of the enemy who had settled themselves at Pawcatuck, contrary to the terms of their submission to the English; joining his friend Mason, on that occasion, with one hundred of his men and twenty canoes. A small harbor in the southern part of the town of Guilford, (in Connecticut) has to this day a name derived from one of his achievements. He and his Mohegans, with a few of the English, having undertaken, when the enemy fled westward, to scour the shores near the seas for the purpose of cutting off stragglers, came up with a Pequot sachem and a few men, not far from this harbor, and pursued them. As the south side of the harbor is formed by a long narrow neck of land, the Pequots went out upon that point, hoping that their pursuers would pass by them. But Uncas, perceiving the stratagem, ordered some of his men to give chase, which the enemy observing, swam over the mouth of the harbor. There they were waylaid, and taken as they landed. A council being held, and the sachem sentenced to death, Uncas himself is said to have shot him with an arrow, cut off his head, and set it up in the crotch of a large oak-tree near the water. The skull remained there many years, and the name of the Sachem's-Head has been ever since attached to the harbor. [FN] [FN] History of Guilford, Mass. His. Coll. The remuneration to Uncas for the part which he took in this war, was a portion of the Pequot territory, (which he afterwards sold to the English,) and one hundred captives of that tribe; and this, with the honor of having subdued his great Pequot rival, and the reputation of being upon the most flattering and favorable terms of intercourse with the English, made him at once a character of high dignity and of no little influence. Indians began to collect around him from neighboring tribes, and he could now muster four or five hundred warriors. The state of Connecticut treated with him, and made him presents, and permitted him to exercise dominion and to give deeds of territory, in all respects like an independent and sovereign authority, while he enjoyed at the same time the benefit of their personal patronage and the protection of his tribe from their enemies. In July, 1638, Uncas visited in person the authorities of Massachusetts at Boston—the only visit of mere ceremony which is recorded of him in history. Ostensible ceremony, we should perhaps say; for considering the time, the company, and especially the deportment on that occasion, there can be little doubt that the Sachem had an object in view which lightened the weariness of his long journey. He came attended by thirty-seven men, and accompanied by Governor Haynes, whom he had called upon by the way. He offered the Governor of Massachusetts a present of twenty fathoms of Wampum, which being in open court, the Council thought fit to refuse it, "till he had given satisfaction about the Pequods he kept," &c. [FN] Upon this he appeared much dejected, and even affected to apprehend that his life was in danger. But he was not long at a loss. Evidence was produced which counteracted the main suspicions that rested upon him; and he promised to submit his controversy with the Narraghansetts to English arbitration, and to follow any arrangement they should make as to his Pequots. [FN] Winthrop. The present was now accepted, and about half an hour afterwards, he went to the Governor, and addressed him in the following terms: "This heart"—he said, laying his hand on his breast—"is not mine, but yours. I have no men. They are all yours. Command me any hard thing—I will do it. I will not believe any Indian's words against the English. If any man shall kill an English man, I will put him to death were he never so dear to me." The Governor gave him a handsome red coat, defrayed the expenses of his visit, and furnished him with provisions for his return-journey, and a general letter of protection—and so "he departed very Joyful." This transaction throws some light upon what is far the most singular point in the history of the cunning Sachem, viz: that he invariably maintained at once the best terms with his civilized ally and the worst with his Indian neighbors. The latter circumstance indeed naturally ensued from the former; on account of which, as well as from other causes partially explained heretofore, the inveterate hatred which had so long existed between the Mohegans and the Narraghansetts, previous to their union with the English or the suppression of the common enemy of all, broke out again soon after the treaty of 1638, and continued from that time forward until the proud Narraghansetts in their turn fell beneath the power of the English. Ostensibly, (as we have seen in the life of Miantonomo,) the war was brought on by the quarrel of Uncas with Sequassen, of whose outrage he complained to the Governor and Court of the Colony. The high estimate he set upon his own dignity appears from his demanding six of Sequassen's men for the murder of his subject. With great difficulty he was finally persuaded to accept of the offender alone. But Sequassen objected even to these terms; for he would do nothing but fight. A contest ensued, and Uncas was the victor. His subsequent war with Miantonomo, and the proceedings which ensued upon his triumph over that formidable chieftain, have been detailed. From this period, so long as the Narraghansetts remained able to send an army into the field, there was no rest for Uncas or his people, day nor night. Truces and promises were negotiated and passed between the parties by the English; but the power which imposed, or the influence which induced these obligations was scarcely withdrawn, when the unextinguishable flame blazed forth, the more furiously for its brief suspension. The Narraghansetts repeatedly invaded the Mohegan country in the course of the year 1645, assaulted Uncas in his own fort, killed and captured numbers of his men, and finally so pressed him, that both Connecticut and New Haven were obliged to send troops to his assistance, as Hartford had done before, to prevent the enemy from completely subduing him and his country. In 1648, the Mohawks, Pocomtocks, and other tribes were induced to take part against him. Nine years afterwards, he was again beset in his fortress, and again rescued by the Connecticut forces; and so late as 1660, the same emergency led to the same measures. On that occasion, he was besieged until his provisions were nearly exhausted, and he saw that, without speedy relief, he and his men must soon perish by famine or sword. In this crisis, he found means of communicating his danger to the scouts of the English, who had been sent out from Saybrook fort. The case being urgent, one Lefingwell, an ensign of the garrison, and a bold enterprising man, loaded a canoe with beef, corn and pease, and paddled it under cover of the night from Saybrook into the Thames river, where he had the address to get the whole into the besieged fort, which stood near the water's edge. The enemy soon ascertained that Uncas was relieved, and raised the siege. The Sachem is said to have rewarded Lefingwell for his services by a deed of the town of Norwich. [FN] [FN] Trumbull. And not open and honorable arms, (as civilized foes would consider them,) alone, were employed against Uncas. One of the Pequots, in 1643, shot him through the arm, at the instigation, as was generally supposed, of Miantonomo; and the war with that chieftain was brought on by similar attempts on the part of Sequassen. The Narraghansett sachems hired an Indian to assassinate him in 1649, and he succeeded so far as to give him a wound in the breast with a sword, which for some time was thought mortal. Sorcery and poison were also tried. Attempts were meanwhile made to injure him in the estimation of the English; his enemies believing, and with good reason, that the withdrawal of their protection would be fatal to him. Sequassen, whose hatred was inveterate, went so far, in 1646, as to form a plan for murdering Governor Haynes and other of the principal inhabitants of Hartford, with the view of having the crime charged upon Uncas. Watohibrough, a Waranoke Indian was engaged to do the business; and he and Sequassen, after leaving matters in a proper train, were to take refuge among the Mohawks. The price of blood was already paid in girdles of Wampum; but Watohibrough wanted courage to perform what avarice only had led him to undertake. Having altered his mind thus far, he soon bethought himself that the English had given rewards to those who discovered a similar conspiracy on a former occasion; and concluding they would do so again, he went to Hartford, and disclosed every thing he knew. Messengers were immediately sent to demand the attendance of Sequassen, for the purpose of clearing himself from the charge; but he thought it more politic to avoid the messengers, and so escaped unpunished. The English authorities invariably took cognizance of all these and similar proceedings; and no doubt, but for their interference, and the expectation of it, many more of the same nature would have taken place, and might finally have succeeded. Thus it was the extraordinary good fortune of Uncas to be a favorite with his early allies, from first to last. He complained of no grievance in vain; and as a natural consequence, he uniformly complained upon good occasion, as well as frequently upon bad or none. The Mohansick Sachem, of Long-Island, committed trespasses on his men and forthwith "hee desires the commissioners that hee may be righted therein;" and four persons are immediately appointed to examine the Mohansick Sachem, "and if proof bee cleare to labor to convince him thereof, require satisfaccon, and in case of reasonable complyance endeauor a Composure thereof; but if no satisfaccon will bee giuen for Iniuries, proceed then to lett him know they give the English just cause of offence, and will bring trouble vpon themselues." [FN] Records of the Colonies: 1649. The possibility of his giving false testimony against his enemies and rivals, seems scarcely to have entered the Commissioners' minds. Upon rumors of fresh assaults by the Narraghansetts upon the Long-Islanders, in 1653, they sent messengers to the former, requiring their attendance at Boston, for the purpose of compromising the quarrel. These messengers were further instructed to notify, not only to the Long-Islanders, but to Uncas, that if they or any of them find any thing "to enforme charge or propound either in the foremencioned or any other," they were to send witnesses accordingly—"and by Thomas Staunton or otherwise you are to giue notice to Captaine Mason, Vncus &c. that there may bee noe fayling for want of Witnesse or Euidence." It is not wonderful, that Ninigret asked the messengers, on this occasion, after being told of their errand—"Why doe the English slight mee, and respect the Longe-Islanders and the Mohegins, seeing all around mee do love mee and are my frinds?" [FN] [FN] Ibid for 1653. In 1654, great complaints were made against Uncas himself. On that occasion, the same messenger sent to the Mohegan sachem was sent also to Ninigret; but although the former was the accused party, it will be observed, that a peculiar provision was made to accommodate him, while the only one made in relation to Ninigret's visit was, that "hee may not bring with him aboue twenty or thirty men; nor may Newcome, or as the Indians call him, Mattackist, come with him whoe last yeare gaue offence att Boston." It is clear, that the plaintiff in this suit was no favorite; and it is further remarkable, that the messenger was directed to take the present occasion of reminding him of his old debts and defaults, and (as if to prevent his appearance) requiring satisfaction to be given at the time of his visit. The following are the messengers instructions: "You are to informe both Vncus and his brother Woweque that the Commissioners haue receiued information of some purpose of theires to invade the Narraghansetts or Ninnigrett; they haue alsoe heard of some differences lately groune twixt Vncus and his brother and betwixt them and theire men. They are not willing to receive reports without due enquiry; they haue therefore sent for Ninnigrett, the better to secure the longe-Island Indians, and to heare what hee hath to allege against the Mohegens, and compose all other differences. The Commissioners therfore desire and expect that both Vncus and his brother doe forthwith Come to hartford, &c. You are alsoe to informe both Vncus and his brother [FN] and theire men, that the English doe oune Vncus so longs as hee carrieth himselfe well, and shall bee loth hee suffer wrong." &c. [FN] Woweque, a very troublesome fellow, elsewhere noticed under some ten or fifteen other names. Next follow the "Instruccons for John Gilbert and John Baily whoe were sent to continue att Vncus his fortt during his absence. "You shall Repaire to Mohegen, and acquaint Vncus and all other Indians that you are to reside att his fortt by the Commisioners of all the Collonies, to the Intent that Vncus and all others may know the realitie of the English to continew his frinds whiles hee coutinueth faithfull to the English; and because the Commissioners have now sent for Vncus to speak with him concerning some affaires of concernment relating to himselfe Ninnigret and Woweque, and being Informed some sturrs may arise in his absence to his prejudice you shall vse youer Indeauors to keep all things quiett and informe the Indians that such attempts wil bee offenciue to the English." &c. No fears seem to have been entertained, that "sturrs" would arise in the Niantick country during Ninigret's absence, although the message itself was founded upon the rumor of an attack to be made upon him by the other party. So, when Captain Mason had been commissioned to march against Ninigret with an armed force, on a former occasion, he was ordered "to advise particularly that Vncus Fort be secured when any strength is sent forth against the enemie, lest hee and wee recieue more damage by some Indian stratageme than the enemie." A multitude of other decisions and directions might be cited to the same purpose. Uncas was in less favor with the English towards the latter part of his life than formerly, for reasons which will soon be mentioned. He did not however come to an open rupture with them at any time; and his subjects, though frequently insolent, were never hostile. On the contrary, they assisted their ally on many occasions, the Commissioners never hesitating to notify them when their services would be acceptable, and they never hesitating to attend a summons. For this zeal, directed as it invariably was against their Indian neighbors, and generally their old enemies, it would be easy to suggest more reasons than one. They thought themselves fortunate in these secure and sanctioned opportunities of revenge and plunder, even had they not also been richly repaid by the protection of the English, reciprocated to them in all emergencies of their own. Their last services during the life of Uncas were during Philip's war, when a party of them was commanded by Onecho, a son of Uncas, and by other sachems. The father was then too old a man to endure much more labor and weariness. It has been stated, that Uncas was at least convinced of the truth of Christianity, and that he died in the faith; but we fear this information can hardly be relied upon. The only proof of it we have seen is derived from the following anecdote. In the summer of 1676, a great drought prevailed throughout New England, which was extremely severe in the Mohegan country. The corn was dried up in August, and the fruit and leaves fell from the trees, as in autumn. The Indians were alarmed, but knew not what to do. According to custom, they applied to their Powahs to intercede with the Great Spirit for rain, after their manner; but these men labored to no purpose. They then went to the English settlement at Norwich, and Uncas went with them. He told Mr. Fitch, the clergyman at that place, that it was a hard case with them—the Powahs could do them no service—they must apply to the English God. Mr. Fitch appointed a fast-day at these and other suggestions. The weather on that occasion proved to be clear; but about sunset, at the close of the religious services, some clouds arose. The next day also was cloudy. Uncas now went to the house of Mr. Fitch, with many Indians, and again lamented the great want of rain. "If God shall send it," said Mr. Fitch, "will you not attribute it to your Powahs?" "No," answered the sachem; "we have done our utmost, but all in vain." The clergyman then told him, that if he would make this declaration before the Indians, they should see what God would do for them. Uncas then made a speech to the Indians, confessing with particular emphasis, that if God should grant this favor, it could not be in consequence of their powowing, but must be ascribed to the clergyman's prayers. Of the sequel we only know, that upon the day following there was so copious a rain that the river rose more than two feet. This testimony proves but little. On the other hand, Mr. Fitch himself in a letter cited by Gookin gives a very clear opinion as follows: "—Since God hath called me to labor in this work among the Indians nearer to me, the first of my time was spent among them at Moheek, where Unkas, and his son, and Wanuho are sachems. These at first carried it teachably and tractably; until at length the sachems did discern that religion would not consist with a mere receiving, and that practical religion will throw down their heathenish idols, and the sachems' tyrannical authority. Discerning this, they did not only go away, but drew off their people, and would not suffer them to give so much as an outward attendance to the ministry of the word of God. . . . At this time Unkas and his sons seem as if they would come on again. But it is no other but in envy against these [the converts] and to promote some present self-design." When Mr. Gookin, with the Apostle Elliot, visited the towns of the Massachusetts Praying Indians, in 1674, he says, that on one occasion, a large part of the night was spent at Sagamore's wigwam, in company with the principal Indians then at the settlement, in prayer, singing psalms and exhortation. There was one person present, who sat mute during all these exercises. At length he arose and said, that he was an agent for Uncas, the Mohegan sachem, and that in his name he challenged a right to, and dominion over this people of Wabquissit. [FN] "Uncas is not well pleased," added he, "that the English should pass over Mohegan river, to call his Indians to pray to God." Mr. Gookin replied, that Wabquissit was within the Massachusetts jurisdiction, and that no harm need be feared at all events; the English only wished to bring the Indians to the knowledge of Christ, and to suppress among them the sins of drunkenness, idolatry, powowing, witchcraft, murder, and the like. [FN] The South-East corner of Woodstock, and still called Wabequasset. It was in truth, as it still is, part of Connecticut, though claimed by Massachusetts, as well as by Uncas. This was plainly a lecture meant for the benefit of Uncas himself, and his agent was specially requested to inform him of the answer made to his protest. In another connexion, we find Mr. Gookin's opinion expressed to the same effect, without the same circumlocution. "I am apt to fear," is his language, [FN] "that a great obstruction unto his [Mr. Fitch's] labors, is in the sachem of those Indians, whose name is Unkas; an old wicked and wilful man; a drunkard, and otherwise very vicious; who hath always been an opposer and underminer of praying to God—some hints whereof I have given in the narrative of my journey to Wabquissit, before mentioned." The Sachem once took the trouble to visit Hartford for the express purpose of complaining to the Colonial authorities of the attempts made to convert his subjects to Christianity. [FN] His. Coll. Chapter X. His piety, then, will hardly bear rigid examination. Whether his morality was quite so objectionable as Mr. Gookin supposed, or whether that good man was unduly prejudiced against him for his opposition to the ministry, may not be easily decided. There is but too much reason for believing, however, that there was great truth in most of the charges, and a most pertinent application for the lecture referred to above. The United Commissioners themselves seem to pay but a sorry compliment to his previous habits when, so late as 1672, they directed a letter to be written to him, "to incurrage him to attende on the Minnestrey." What is more to the purpose, we find a complaint entered against him before them, in 1647, by one of his Pequot subjects, named Obechiquod. The grievance was, that Uncas had taken possession of and detained the man's wife; and though Foxon, the deputy of the Mohegan sachem, ingeniously argued, that this accident had happened only in consequence of Obechiquod's having unlawfully withdrawn from the jurisdiction of Uncas, and left his wife behind him, to be of course appropriated, according to Indian law, by any other person who desired such a connexion; yet even the Commissioners felt themselves obliged, upon a hearing of the whole case, to express their abhorrence "of that lustfull adulterous carriage of Vncus." He was adjudged to restore the complainant's wife, and allow the husband to live where he chose, on condition of his assisting Uncas in his wars whenever the English desired. He was discharged from another accusation of the same nature made by Sanops, a Connecticut Indian, at the same time—the evidence not being sufficient to convict him. The proofs of fraud and falsehood are still more abundant. Miantonomo hesitated not to accuse him of foul play, even in the Pequot war; and the account given by Roger Williams of the reports which he rendered in to the English authorities, of the Pequot captives who fell into his hands, goes very far to establish the charge. Six, whom he had taken at one time, he represented to be Mohegans, although an Indian who gave information of the fact to Mr. Williams, knew them as Pequots personally, and perfectly well, and mentioned the names of all. His conduct at the Hartford conference in 1637, has already been the subject of comment. Some time after Miantonomo's arrival, who had been delayed by his machinations, he sent in messengers to the court that he was lame, and could not visit them. Governor Haynes observed, that this was a lame excuse, at best, and immediately despatched a cogent request for him to attend without fail or delay. He came at length, and the Governor then accused him of the flagrant outrages which he and his subjects had committed on the Narraghansetts. Some altercation ensued between the rival chieftains, but, by the persuasion of the English, they were finally induced to shake hands. Miantonomo then cordially invited Uncas to sup with him, his men having just killed some venison; but he would not consent. The sachems were now called upon to make returns of their Pequot prisoners. Miantonomo made his promptly, and no fault was found. "Okace [Uncas] was desired to give in the names of his. He answered, that he knew not their names. He said there were forty on Long-Island; and that Juanemo [alias Janemoh] and three Nayantaquit Sachims had Pequts, and that he himself had but twenty. Thomas Stanton [Interpreter] told him and the magistrates, that he dealt very falsely; and it was affirmed by others, that he fetched thirty or forty from Long-Island at one time. Then he acknowledged that he had thirty, but the names he could not give. It pleased the magistrates to request me to send to Nayantaquit, that the names of the Pequts might be sent to Cunnihticut; as also to give Okace ten days to bring in the number and names of his Pequts and their runaways, Mr. Haynes threatening also (in case of failing) to fetch them." [FN] This transaction speaks clearly enough for itself. [FN] Letters of Williams in Mass. His. Coll. Third Series. The sachem's treatment of the Pequots surrendered to him on this occasion, does him little more credit. In 1647, ten years after the conquest, these unfortunate people sent in a complaint to the commissioners, in which they stated that Uncas had drawn Wampum from them unjustly, on all manner of pretexts, and without any pretext. When his child had died, for example, he made, or pretended to make, a present to his wife, and ordered the Pequots to do the same. Frightened by his threats, they collected one hundred fathoms of Wampum, and gave it as directed. Uncas appeared to be pleased, and promised to treat them from that time forward as his own ancient subjects. But only a few days afterwards, his brother (Woweque) came and told them, that Uncas and his Council had determined to kill some of them. They now thought it necessary to appeal to the English protection, and they set about collecting a quantity of wampum to be sent in to Connecticut with that view. Uncas received a hint of their movements; and the next morning he came to the fort where they were, with a body of warriors, armed, and apparently bent upon killing some of their number. They however escaped safe to Connecticut. It was farther alleged, that they had given Uncas Wampum forty times. Twenty-five times they had sent it by him to the English, in payment of tribute; but they knew not that any part of it was delivered.—Also, that Uncas favored the Mohegans to their prejudice. If they won anything of one of them in play, it could never be collected.—Also, that he had cut all their fishing nets for not aiding him—as they were not bound to do in certain of his forays against the Indians of Long Island. The reply of Foxon to these charges—no doubt by instruction from his master—is full of his usual ingenuity. 1. As to the Wampum—"he belieueth the Pequats haue for tribute and vpon other occasions at sundry times paid wampam to Vncus, but denyeth that they in particular had giuen him any for the English; but the Moyhegens and they had sometimes joyned togeither to giue in wampam, which had been sent as a presente twice into the Mattachusets, and sometimes to Mr. Haynes at Hartford, but he thinckes the nomber of twenty-fiue times to be altogeither false. "2. He concieues that the Pequats being an vnder people might haue some wrong from the Mohegens in play and durst not presse for their right, but denyeth that Vncus had any hand therein. "3. He acknowledgeth that the Pequats did bring in 100 fathome of wampam at the death of Vncus child, and were promised favoure as is expressed, but the latter was only a treacherous plott of Vncus brother perswading the Pequats to withdraw from Vncus into theire oune Country, and there he would come vnto them, and to prouoke them thereunto he tould them (though falsly) that Vncus had determined to kill some of them. "4. Though Vncus at first apprehended noe inconvenience in such a present to the English, yet being after, informed it was a plott on a fruit of crooked counsell giuen them by Tassaquanott, Sassacus his brother, who had suggested vnto them that most of the cheife Sachems were cutt off, Vncus to them but a stranger, why should they serue or giue wampam to him herewith Vncus was justly offended. "5. He had heard some of the Mohegans tooke fish from them, but knoweth not that hee cutt theire netts, though he cannot deny it." The Commissioners decreed, that the Pequots should return to the dominion of Uncas, who should receive them without charge or revenge for the manner in which they deserted; and on the other hand that he should himself be reproved for his tyranny, and seriously informed, that the English would not support him "in any unlawful, much less treacherous and outrageous courses." Unquestionably, this "brother" of Uncas was quite as troublesome to himself as he was to the white people. Mr. Winthrop complained at this very meeting, that he has fallen upon the Nopnet Indians entirely without provocation, with one hundred and thirty Mohegans, and carried off wampum, copper kettles, great hempen baskets, bear-skins, deer-skins and many other things to a great value. These facts were admitted by Foxon, who also asserted that Uncas had no part either in the assault or the spoil, he being at New Haven when the affair happened. Other complaints being brought forward and proved, the Commissioners directed that Uncas should either disown his brother entirely, or else regulate him in a more suitable manner for the future. This was correct. It is clear that he either instigated these flagrant outrages, or at least connived at them by sufferance. He was able to prevent them as far as he thought proper. It would be tedious, though not wholly without matter of amusement, to detail at large all the accusations brought against the Mohegan Sachem by various complainants at various times. Massachusetts and Connecticut arraigned him. The English settlements nearest to him accused him of insolence and violent assaults. The Mohawks quarrelled with his tribe. The Narraghansetts and Nianticks charged him repeatedly with inroads and insults upon them. Necwash Cooke, a Pequot under English protection, complained of being plundered with open force. Sanops, an Indian mentioned heretofore, was robbed of his corn and beans, (perhaps hardly less valuable to him than his wife.) Mr. Winthrop stated, in behalf of a Long Island Sachem, that he had sent sixty fathoms of Wampum to the Governor of Massachusetts by Uncas; and though he made the bearer himself a present of twenty at the same time, he had embezzled the whole. Again, one Apumps "complained against Vncus, that about sixe weekes since hee tooke sixe of his people at Quinnapauge, killed one, and wounded another." "Pomham [a Massachusetts Sachem] appearing before the Commissioners [at the same meeting] said that about a month agone Vncus or some of his men killed a man and two wemen at Cawesett, the one of them belonging to himselfe, the other vnto Tupayamen, both without provocation." "Wee desire the English Sachims"—wrote the Pocomptocks in answer to an English message of inquiry—"not to perswade vs to a peace with Vncus; for though hee promiseth much yett will hee performe nothinge. We have experience of his falcenes" &c. In 1656, he, or his brother, invaded the Norwootucks; and he even joined arms with Ninigret against a Sachem of Long Island. About two years before this, he had taken occasion to push his conquests beyond the river Connecticut by quarrelling and then fighting with Arrhamamet, Sachem of Mussauco (now Simsbury, near Hartford.) He sent one of his warriors to take and burn a Wigwam in the outskirts of the village, killing a few of the inhabitants, and then leaving marks of the Mohawks. His orders were executed, and the stratagem took effect. Arrhamamet ascribed the mischief to the Mohawks, and, burning with resentment, fitted out a war-party, and went in pursuit of them to the Northwest. Uncas thus gained time to equip his men, and fall upon the enemy's town in his absence. Arrhamamet was subjugated and his tribe, the Podunks, were ever afterwards tributary to Uncas. The season before this, Meeksaw [probably Mexham] a Narraghansett Sachem, complained that Uncas had killed one of his men, and also that he had "afronted him by abusiuely naming and jeering his dead ancestors, and sending him a challenge this summer to fight." The Commissioners inquired of Foxon the truth of the charge, "and hee not giuing a satisfactory answare, they tooke the matter into consideration." &c. Soon afterwards the same person complained "of a gun taken from a Narraghansett Indian by Vncus his son, which some of Vncus his men acknowlidged to bee true." The commissioners' judgment in this case was, substantially, that although Mexham had not sufficient proof, yet, knowing that Uncas out of his pride and folly was apt to insult people, they would send him a suitable reprimand. In some other cases, they went so far as to adjudge, and perhaps enforce restitution. Not to examine the records farther, it is only necessary to observe, that though all these accusations were not strictly correct, many of them, and many others, were proved; and perhaps a tithe of the truth never appeared after all. Some of the sufferers were too proud to complain. Others had no evidence to offer but their own. Many supposed it impracticable to obtain a fair hearing or decision of the Commissioners, against a chieftain regarded as their ward; and many more were too much irritated not to right themselves in a more customary and summary manner upon the spot. The secret source of this extraordinary series of wars, forays, challenges, robberies and adulteries, like that of the Sachem's inveterate opposition to Christianity, was in his lawless appetites and passions; but especially an inordinate and uncontrolled ambition. It might be with justice that Miantonomo was accused of a design to make himself Universal Sagamore—as the phrase, was—of New England. But the Narraghansett took no measures for the attainment of his object which were in his own view either mean or malicious. He neither kept back part of the captives, nor embezzled the tribute which they deposited in his hands, nor plundered his neighbors in time of peace, nor unduly availed himself of foreign assistance for the annihilation of his rivals. He sent a few of his men, it is true, to aid in the Pequot expedition—or rather did not, perhaps could not, prevent them from going—but these were only two hundred, out of two thousand; and he neither headed them himself, like Uncas, nor even engaged personally at all in the contest. Indeed, he at most only continued, on this occasion, the hostilities which had existed between the two nations for a long series of years; and all historians admit, that he was very near joining Sassacus at one time against the English themselves. Uncas, on the other hand, made the most of the opportunity, to revenge himself upon Sassacus, and to exalt his reputation and power upon the wreck of the Pequots. Miantonomo became in his turn a victim to the same over-reaching spirit. He began the war, indeed—or rather the campaign—and Uncas, on the other hand, was encouraged in his course by his allies;—but a magnanimous soul would never have permitted either circumstance to affect the treatment of a sovereign like himself, who had fallen into his hands by the chances of battle. Ninigret next became the grand object of his scrutiny. He went forward as often as practicable to prejudice the character of that chieftain in the eyes of the English, as well as to reduce his resources by direct attacks. No man was so zealous as he in furnishing evidence—such as it was—to convict him of a conspiracy with the Dutch against the colonies; and though he is understood to have been ostensibly at peace with him at that period, he carried his interference to such a length as to lay wait and intercept a Niantick canoe which, as he pretended to suspect, was laden with certain palpable evidences of the hostile coalition. So we find him falling upon Mexham, Necwash Cooke, Woosamequin, and last of all, King Philip. No doubt, he had sagacity enough to perceive, that such a course must prove unfavorable, if not fatal to his race; but patriotism, honor, friendship, generosity, truth, every nobler feeling of his nature was merged in a barbarous, ferocious ambition. There is a curious illustration of this weakness upon record:—"Vncus complained that Sequasson som yeares sence as is well knoune began hostile actes vpon him to the desturbance of the publicke peace. Whervpon hee was ocationed to fight and in the Issue ouercame him and conquared his Country, which though hee gaue to the English and did not oppose the fauor they were pleased to shew him in sparing his life, yet hee cannot but look on himselfe as wronged, in that Sequaason, as hee is informed, is set up and endeauoured to bee made a great Sachem, notwithstanding hee hath refused to pay an acknoulidgment of wampam to him according to engagements." Of this acknowledgement, no proof appears but the Sachem's own assertion; and whether true or not, no real cause of complaint can be gathered from the whole context. The Commissioners, with their usual complaisance, "disclaimed any Endeauors of theirs to make Sequasson great, and are ignorant of what hee afeirmes concerning the other [acknowledgement] yet recommended it to the Gouernment of Conectncot to examine the case, and to provide vpon due proofe Vcus may be owned in what may be just and equall, and Mr. Ludlow was entreated to promote the same." This passage will be found in the Records for 1651. No subsequent mention is made of the suit. It might be a subject of some speculation, what were the causes of the extraordinary partiality of the English for Uncas; and especially what were the means whereby he counteracted the strong current of reproach which set against him from all other quarters. Different opinions have been entertained upon this point. We suppose, however, the Commissioners considered it good policy, to select some one among the principal uncivilized and unsubjected Indian chiefs, to be made a channel of intercourse and influence with and over all. This one would naturally be the most ambitious, and at the same time least scrupulous of the number. Such was Uncas; and hence it was, that with his shrewdness, he found no difficulty in maintaining a tolerably good understanding with them under all circumstances. The "proud Ninigret" disdained the English interference. Massasoit protected rather than courted them. Sassacus fought them at the first provocation. Philip hated them and kept aloof; and Miantonomo, though he met them and treated them as friends, yet forgot not a soul of his own, more sovereign than his royal blood. But Uncas was neither more nor less than their humble servant. He fought for them, and gave evidence for them, with about the same alacrity, and the same indifference as to subject or occasion, antagonist or defendant. Whenever complaints were made against himself; he of course had resources for defence. There was something in the testimony he could generally bring forward in his favor; and still more in the ingenuity of his explanations, or the humility of his acknowledgements and apologies. Other Sachems, irritated by suspicion and accusation, frequently committed themselves in reality by rash speeches and rude acts. But Uncas never lost sight of his interest in his pride. The pliability of Indian evidence, and the manoeuvres of Indian politicians, appear singularly in the case of Necwash Cooke. Uncas was at New Haven, attending a meeting of the Commissioners, in 1646, when one William Morton came forward, and charged him with having hired Wampushet, a Pequot Powah then present, "by himselfe or some other with a hatchet to wounde another Indian and lay it vpon Neckwash Cooke." The consideration for the bargain was said to be fifteen fathoms of Wampum, and the Indian was assaulted according to the terms. After some inquiry into the evidence, Wampushet himself was brought upon the stand, and questioned by the English interpreter. Much to the astonishment of Mr. Morton, and of the Pequots who came into court with him, he cleared Uncas and cast the plot upon Cooke himself, and Robin, Mr. Winthrop's Indian; and though the other two Pequots, whereof one was Robin's brother, were much offended, "and after [afterwards] said Uncas had hired him to withdrawe and after his chardge, yet hee persisted and said Necwash Cooke and Robin had giuen him a payre of breeches and promised him twenty-five fathome of wampam to cast the plott vpon Uncas." As to the main allegation in Cooke's case, which was proved, the Sachem acknowledged some miscarriages or misdemeanors in vindicating what he called his right, so near the English plantations,—but alleged provocation. Then follows the sentence. 1. That it was an error to quarrel with Cooke to the public disturbance, without consent of the English. 2. That to do it near an English plantation was worse still; and the Commissioners required him to acknowledge his fault to that plantation, (as he did to themselves) and by promise to secure them from any such disturbance or the future. For Uncas it was an easy matter to make such satisfaction. But as if it was thought too harsh by those who decreed it, they took occasion at the same time to sweeten the dispensation with promises of protection and professions of respect. After all, so strong was the additional testimony advanced against him on the same matters, at the next session, that they were induced to modify their decision as follows:—"All which being duly considered the insolency and outrage of Vncus and his men appeared much more heinous than the complaints at Newhaven the last yeere imported. The Commissioners (having the last yeere ordered that Vncus should acknowledge his fault to the English plantation, which they heare he performed in Captain Mason's presence) thought fitt now to add that vpon the return of the Pequots to his subjection Vncus foorthwith pay into the hands of Mr. Jo. Winthrop, to be by him divided to the English and ould Pequots and other innocent Indians, towards the repaire of theire losses in proportion as he shall finde cause, one hundred fathome of wampam." We conclude these expositions with a literal copy from Hazard, of one of the last formal messages of complaint sent by the Commissioners to Uncas, together with his answer. The date is 1661: "Vncus "We have Receiued Information and Complaint from the Generall Court of Massachusetts of youer hostile Invading of Wosamequin and the Indians of Quabakutt whoe are and longe haue bine Subjects to the English killing some and Carrying away others captiues spoyling theire goods to the vallue of 33 lb. as they alledge, and all this contrary to youer couenant and promise to the Comissioners seuerall times Renewed, not to make warr against any of our Tributaries without the allowance of the Comissioners wee alsoe vnderstand that the Generall Court of Massachusetts whose subjects the said Indians are, haue formerly signified theire offence vnto you Requiring the Returne of youer Captiues and Satisfaction for the wronge you haue done to which you haue not returned any answare which seemes to bee an Insolent and proud carriage of youers wee cannot but wonder att it and must beare witnes against it and doe heerby will and require you forthwith to returne the said Captiues with due Satisfaction for other wrongs done them or to make out sufficient grounds and Reesons for youer Invading the said Indians the which you are speedily to send to the Governor of the Massachusetts and if it appeer they haue done you any wronge vpon due proofe wee shall take care that they may make you satisfaction if you shall neglect to obserue our order and Injunction herein contained; wee must leaue the Massachusetts to Right themselues as formerly signifyed vnto you; in which case wee must oune and if need bee assist our Confederates; "The Comisioners of the Vnited Collonies; (Signed)
Then follows the answer given in on behalf of Uncas by Major Mason. As nothing more is heard of the affair, it may be presumed that the reasons alleged were considered sufficient. "Whereas there was a warrant sent from the Court of Boston dated, in May last to Vncus wherein it was declared upon the Complaint of Wesamequen that the said, Vncus had offered a great violence to theire Subjects at quabauk killing some and taking others captiue; which warrant came not to Vncus aboue 20 daies before these presents whoe being summoned by Major John Mason in the full scope of the said warrant wherin hee was chardged if hee did not Returne the Captiues and thirty-three pounds damage then the Massachusetts would Recouer it by force of armes which to him was very grieuous; professing hee was altogether ignorant they were subjects belonging to the Massachusetts and further said they were none of Wesamequen's men but belonging to Onopequin his deadly enemie whoe was there borne; one of the men then taken was his oune Cousin, who had formerly fought against him in his oune person; and yett sett him at libertie and further saith that all the Captiues were sent home alsoe that Wesamequin's son and diuers of his men had fought against him diuers times this hee desired might bee returned as his answare to the Commissioners." Concessions of this nature it was—which no other Indian Sachem of equal power ever submitted to—that went farther than anything else to keep Uncas secure in the English favor. His actual services, which were considerable, have been alluded to. His tribe were an out-guard for the settlements in Connecticut. After selling the town of Norwich, that place being first colonized in a period of general excitement and hostility among the tribes, the Mohegans kept out spies and runners to give the inhabitants intelligence of their enemies' movements, and were a continual defence against them. In times of greater danger, they often moved, and pitched their wigwams near the town. On one occasion, a hostile party of savages approached the outskirts, on the sabbath, with a design to make a descent upon the village; but viewing it from an eminence, and seeing the Mohegan huts, they were intimidated, and retreated without doing the least damage. The sale just mentioned was but one of a large number with which Uncas was always ready to oblige his civilized friends; and which constituted another claim to their good will. In 1648, on receiving presents to his satisfaction, he conveyed to the Governor and Magistrates of the English on Connecticut river all his lands, called by whatever name, reserving only the ground then planted by him for himself and his tribe. In 1641, he granted to Henry Whitefield and others, certain lands near Guilford, in consideration of four coats, two kettles, four fathoms of wampum, four hatchets, and three hoes. In 1659, he granted all his lands, with all his corn, to his old comrade and friend, Major John Mason, who the next year surrendered it to the Colony of Connecticut. Trumbull says, that the individual towns in this great tract were very generally purchased, either of him or his successors, a second or third time. It is remarkable, that a very late mention made of Uncas in history, casts an imputation upon his friendship for the English. "It is suggested by them who know him best"—says Hubbard in his Narrative—"that in his heart he is no better affected to the English, or their religion, than the rest of his countrymen, and that it hath been his own advantage hath led him to be this time." &c. This was written in 1667. Only two years previous, at the commencement of Philip's war it was reported to governor Winslow of Plymouth, that the Mohegan Sachem had sent twenty men to join his Pokanoket brother, with a message that if Philip would send him six English heads, all the Indians in his territories would go for him. [FN-1] Uncas is last heard of in 1680, when he must have been a very old man, though still likely, we are told, to survive all his enemies. [FN-2] [FN-1] Sixth Vol. Mass. Coll. First Series. [FN-2] Hubbard's General History. The best comment on the Sachem's husbandry of his own interest is perhaps, after all, in the fact that a remnant of his tribe exists to this day (on a reservation of about three thousand acres of land,) in the neighborhood of Norwich; and are the only natives yet lingering within the limits of the state. The last sachem of the tribe was Isaiah Uncas, once a pupil in the famous school of Dr. Wheelock, at Lebanon. The following epitaph, copied by President Stiles from a grave-stone in the old Indian burial-ground at Mohegan, indicates the end of the genealogy: Here lies the body of Sunseeto, Own son to Uncas, grandson to Oneko, Who were the famous sachems of Moheagan; But now they are all dead, I think it is Weeheegen. [FN] [FN] The Mohegan term for All is well or Good-news. Oneko, or Oneoho, is the same who commanded in Philip's war. |
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