Sequel of the lives of Ninigret and Pessacus, from 1653—Various accusations, deputations, and hostile movements between them and the English—Controversy between Ninigret and Harmon Garrett—Application for justice in 1675—Conduct of Ninigret in Philip's War—Consequences of it—His death—Death of Pessacus—Some of the charges against the former considered—His hostility to Uncas, and the Long Islanders, and "League with the Dutch"—Remarks on his character.

In September, 1653, new complaints were made against the Narraghansett and Niantick Sachems. It was reported to the commissioners, that they had attacked the Long Island Indians, and slain two Sachems and thirty others. This was deemed a case requiring their interference; and messengers were forthwith despatched as usual, to demand explanation and satisfaction, on penalty that the commissioners would otherwise "proceed as they should find cause." These men executed their errand, and returned on the 19th of the month. According to their own account, they were not very graciously received, as indeed it was hardly to be expected they should be.

They declared upon oath that, on entering the Niantick country, they saw about forty or fifty Indians, all in arms, who came up to them as they rode by; and the leader having a gun in his hand, "did, in the presence of Thomas Staunton Serjeant Waite and Vallentyne Whitman, put his hand back as if hee would have cocked it; Richard Waite said this man will shoote; whervpon the English men faced about, Rode vp to the said Indians, asked what they intended to doe and bedd them goe before, which some of them did but others would not; and particularly the said Captaine Refused. The English rode on in the way towards Ninigrett, but coming vp into the Woods, the former company of Indians first fell on shouting in a triumphing way. After the English Messengers came to a greater company of Indians, all armed, whoe comaund them to stand to alight and to tye there horses to a tree showed them, which the Messengers refused to doe. The Indians then strove to becompase the English, which they would not suffer, but being Informed that Ninnigrett would come thither they stayed awhile, but Ninnigrett not coming the English tould the Indians that if they might neither passe nor Ninnigrett come then they would return home. The Indians answared hee would com presently, but hee not coming the English rode forward and mett Ninnigrett; the Indians running on both sides hollowing, the English Messengers made a stand, when they mett Ninnigrett haveing many armed men with him and him selfe a pistoll in his hand. Ninnigrett sat doune and desired them to alight which they did. The Indians then surrounded them and som of them charged their guns with powder and bullets and som primed their guns. The English in the meen time delivering their message to Ninnigrett his men were so Tumultus in speaking especially one whoe they said was a Mohauke they were much desturbed." [FN]

[FN] This Valentyne is apparently the same whom Ninigret familiarly called "Voll," and another chief, "Poll."

The messengers were afterwards informed by one of Ninigret's chief men, "that the aforementioned Mohauke came to see what news, for they heard that English were coming to warr against the Narraghansetts, which if true the Mohaukes take what is doun against the Narraghansetts as doun against themselues." After leaving Ninigret, two Indians, with bows and arrows in their hands, came running out of the woods, and roughly demanded of Staunton whither he was going, when he was coming back, and which way he should come.—Upon this report, the commissioners decided to make war at once, with the exception of Mr. Bradstreet alone, (the member from Massachusetts,) who protested against such a proceeding, and thereby prevented it.

In 1654, the commissioners were informed, that Ninigret was not only prosecuting hostilities against the Long-Island Indians as before, but had hired the Mohawks, Pocomtocks and Wampanoags to assist him. They immediately sent messengers demanding his appearance at Hartford, and the payment of the tribute so long due, as they alleged, for the Pequots under his dominion. One article in the messenger's instructions was expressed thus. "That vnlesse hee either com himselfe forthwithe to Hartford or give som satisfying securitie to the commissioners for the true and constant paiment of the said Tribute the commissioners shall thinke of some course forthwithe to despose of the said Pequots some other way." On the 18th of September, the following report was made of the result of the interview.

"1. When Ninigret was told, that the commissioners had perused the letter he had sent to the governor of Massachusetts [FN] concerning the suspicions he had of Uncas, he answered, that he knew nothing of such letter, and expressed great wonder at its being charged upon him."

[FN] We see no previous mention of this letter. It must have been one of many cases where the commissioners were deceived by false testimony.

"Again, as to the breach of covenant alleged against him, he desired to know who could say that he had any Pequots under him. 2. Mr. Eaton and Mr. Hopkins, being both at New Haven, had told him that he was to pay for the Pequots only ten years. And 3. Those ten years had elapsed three years before." [FN]

[FN] Such an agreement was made in 1651, between the commissioners, Uncas, and some of Ninigret's men. The ten years were to commence with 1650; but, probably, Ninigret was either uninformed or misinformed respecting this stipulation. Frequently, treaties were not understood even by those who subscribed them.

"3. In respect to the Long-Islanders he answered in the following remarkable manner: Wherefore should he acquaint the commissioners therewith when the long-islanders had slayne a sachem's son and sixty other of his men; and therefore he will not make peace with the long-islanders, but doth desire the English would lett him alone, and doth desire that the commissioners would not Request him to goe to hartford; for hee had doun noe hurt what should he doe there; hee had bene many times in the Bay, and when was Uncas there; Jonathan [the messenger] asked him whether he would send two or three of is men that might act in his Rome and steed if hee would not goe him selfe hee answared what should hee or his men doe att hartford; Adding if youer Governor's sonne were slayne and seuerall other men would [you] aske counsell of another Nation how and when to Right yourselves; and againe said hee would not goe nor send to Hartford.

"4. Concerning the vpland Indians his answsre was they are my frinds and came to healp mee against the long-islanders which had killed seuerall of my men; wherefore should I acquaint the commissioners with it; I doe but Right my owne quarell which the long-islanders began with mee."

This spirited reply, alone sufficient to immortalize Ninigret, brought on open war. A body of troops was raised in the three united colonies, and sent into the Niantick country, under Major Willard of Massachusetts, with orders to demand of Ninigret the Pequots subject to his control, the tribute already due from them, and also a cessation of hostilities against the Indians of Long Island. On refusal to comply with these terms, they were to reduce him to submission and tribute by force, and take hostages for security. The place of general rendezvous was appointed at Stanton's house in the Narraghansett country. On arriving there, Major Willard found that Ninigret had fled into a swamp ten or fifteen miles distant from the army leaving his country, corn, and wigwams, at the invader's mercy. Messengers were sent to him, inviting him to a conference, and pledging the safety of his person. He returned answer that aggressions had already been made upon his territory and property, and he did not think it safe for him to visit the Major. He wished to know, too, what had occasioned the present invasion. What had he done to the English, that they beset him in this manner?—Whatever the difficulty was, he was ready to settle it by messengers, but not in person.

A day or two afterwards, as he was still in close quarters, six new messengers were sent to him, two of whom, only, after much debate with his guards and scouts, were admitted to his own presence. They began with demanding the Pequots; to which he replied, that most of that people had left him already—nearly one hundred had deserted to the English army—; and the few that remained were hunting and straggling up and down the country. He however set his mark to the following agreement, dated Oct. 18, 1654.

"Wheras the commissioners of the vnited collonies demaund by theire Messengers that I deliuer vp to the English all the captiue Pequotes in my countrey I heerby ingage myselfe to surrender the said Pequotes within seuen daies to Mr. Winthrope or Captain Mason Witnesse my hand.

"Witnesse Thomas Stanton and Vallentine Whitman Interpretors Witnesse alsoe Thomas Bligh."

The messengers next demanded the tribute due for the Pequots. He replied, that he never engaged to pay it. "Why then," said they, "did you pay it, or part of it, at New Haven?" "Because," he readily answered, "I feared they would be taken from me if I did not, and therefore made a gratuity out of my own wampum to please you." Being now forbidden in the commissioners' name, to pursue hostilities against the Indians of Long-Island, he stood silent for some time, and then asked if it was right that his men—such men—should lose their lives and their blood, and not be revenged. The English observed, that he should have offered his complaints to the commissioners; but to this he made no reply; nor yet to the unceremonious if not uncivil declaration of the messengers, that in case he gave any farther trouble to any of the friends of the English, they should forthwith take the liberty to set his head upon a pole. The conference ended with their requesting him to pay the expenses of the expedition, which he refused to do; "Hee was not the cause of it, but longe-Island Indians killed him a man att Connecticott." Thus the affair ended. The commander was censured by the commissioners, for neglecting a good opportunity of humbling a troublesome enemy, but no farther strictures ensued. [FN] They contented themselves with stationing an armed vessel in the road between Neanticut and Long-Island, with orders to prevent hostile movements on the part of Ninigret, and with encouraging his Indian adversaries by promises of English assistance. The next year, Ninigret continuing his attacks, they thought themselves under obligation to furnish it.

[FN] A Mss. private letter of Major Willard is extant, (in the possession of Mr. Shattuck, author of a very valuable History of Concord, which we hope may be soon published,) in which, alluding to this expedition, he rather mysteriously speaks of his "hands being tied" Whether this alludes to his general instructions, or to something more secret, every reader will judge for himself.

From this time forward, there is little of interest in the life either of Pessacus or Ninigret. We hear of them occasionally, but not much farther than is sufficient to indicate their existence. Whether they gave less reason to be complained of than before, or whether the English at length grew weary of sending messages to them, cannot be ascertained; but there is probably some truth in both suppositions.

One of the last deputations to Ninigret, in 1656, was occasioned by complaints which he made to the English of grievances received from the Long-Islanders. He failed to prove them as alleged, and the commissioners took that occasion to remind him of his own duties and defaults, in their wonted manner. The lesson was repeated in 1657, some affrays and assaults having meanwhile occurred, which threatened to bring on more serious troubles between the Indian tribes. The most remarkable circumstance connected with the deputation of this season, is the dissent of the commissioners of Massachusetts, who frequently had occasion to differ with their associates in regard to intercourse with the Indians. The terms of this opinion, expressed in the records, are worthy of notice, as throwing a casual light on the charges brought against Ninigret.

"There hauing bine," say they, "many messengers to this purpose formerly sent from the commissioners to the Indian Sachems, but seldom obserued by them, which now to Renew againe when many complaints have bine made against Vncus by seuerall sachems and other Indians of his proud Insolent and prouocking speeches and Trecherous actions, and with much probabilitie of truth, besides his hostile attempts at Potunck &c.—seems vnseasonable; and can in Reason have no other attendance in conclusion than to Render vs lo and contemptable in the eyes of the Indians, or engage vs to vindicate our honer in a dangerouse and vnecessarie warr vpon Indian quarrells, the grounds whereof wee can hardly euer satisfactoryly understand, &c." There is manifestly great truth, as well as some severity, in this declaration. We may hereafter allude again to what is said respecting Uncas.

We now refer to the instructions of messengers sent two years after the embassy last named, merely to illustrate the style of diplomacy which still continued to be used. They were directed "to Repaire to Ninnigrett, Pessicus, Woqnocanoote, and the Rest of the Narraghansett Sachems, and distinctly and clearly deliuer to them the following message." One article of complaint runs thus:

"The comissioners doe require ninety-five fathom of Wampam ordered by them to bee payed the last yeare for the Insolencyes committed att mistress Brewster's feet to her great affrightment and stealing corne &c. and other affronts."

Again: "The comissioners doe charge Ninnigrett with breach of couenant and high neglect of theire order sent them by Major Willard six yeares since not to Inuade the longe Iland Indians; and doe account this surprising the longe-Iland Indians att Gull Iland and murthering of them to be an insolent carriage to the English and a barbarous and inhumaine acte; therefore the comissioners haue proeuided for his entertainment at longe-Iland if hee shall dare further to attempt vpon them before hee hath satisfied the comissioners of the justnes of his quarrell, ordering the English there to assist the Indians and driue him from thence." It will be recollected, that Ninigret had always disclaimed the right of the English to interfere in this contest with his neighbors, though he explained to them, so far as to justify himself on the ground of having been first aggrieved and attacked by his enemy. More recently he had chosen—probably for the sake of keeping peace with the English—to make complaints to them; but because he had failed to prove them (—and no doubt they were mostly incapable of being proved, in their very nature—) the commissioners had taken no other notice of his suit than to send Thomas Stanton and others to reprimand him at once for his present insolence and his old sins.

Still, he was not utterly discouraged, for he did not invariably fail of having justice done him. In 1662, the commissioners being informed of his intention to sell a certain tract of land in his actual possession, which was nevertheless claimed by one Harmon Garrett, they sent to him—not a message of threats by Thomas Stanton—but "a writing vnder theire hands sertifying the said Harmon Garrett's claime, which being made knowne to Ninnigrett, the said Ninnigrett by his Messengers to the comissioners att theire last meeting att Plymouth made claime to the said land, and Refered the Determination therof to the next meeting of the court att Boston, desireing that notice might bee given to the said harmon Garrett att the said Meeting of the comissioners to apperr."

This honorable proposition was adopted. Garrett made his appearance, and Ninigret sent his attorney to meet him at Boston. Garrett stated, that his father was a great sachem, and was possessed of the lands in controversy, and that Ninigret was the said Sachem's younger brother. On the other side, Cornman in behalf of Ninigret, showed that his master was possessed of said lands according to the Indian custom, being allowed to be the chief sachem, and having married the sister of Harmon Garrett; and that said Harmon was not of the whole [Niantick] blood, because his mother was a stranger. This evidence was furnished orally by divers Narraghansett and Pequot Indians, as also by Uncas and others in writing. The commissioners decided, that it was "not meet to prejudice the title of Ninnigrett, being in posession by any acte of theires, and that the writing giuen vnder theire hand att New-hauen conserning harmon Garrett bee not vnderstood nor made vse of to prejudice Ninnigrett's title and posession, but aduise all the English to forbeare to disturbe Ninnirett." [FN]

[FN] Records of the Colonies. Hazard, Vol. II.

The good effect of this decision is to be seen in the almost total silence of history in regard to Ninigret for the next twelve or thirteen years, when we find him coming forward, confidently and amicably, in a similar case. The particulars may be best gathered from a letter written by Mr. John Easton, (probably a magistrate living near the sachem,) to the Governor of Plymouth Colony. It runs thus:

"Ninigret, one of the two chief sachems of the Narraghansetts in our colony, importuned me thus to write to you, that, as he saith, it is the Indian custom or law, that when any sachem's men are driven and cast ashore, or their goods, upon any other sachem's Jurisdiction, or taken up by any other sachem's men, that the goods are to be restored to the sachem whose men they were; and this spring, twelve Indians, at a time, were drowned in the sea, coming from an Island, and some of their goods drove up in your jurisdiction at Dartmouth; and he desireth you to inform those Indians [at Dartmouth] that they should restore to him all the goods of those drowned that they have got." [FN]

[FN] Sixth volume of the Mass. His. Col. 1st series.

This letter was written in March, 1675, just on the eve of the great war of King Philip. The friendly disposition of Ninigret was now put to the test. The Nipmucks, Nashaways, Pocontocks, the Hadley and Springfield Indians, the Pokanokets of Philip, the tribes of Maine, and still nearer home the Narraghansetts, were involved in the common controversy of the times. But Ninigret remained faithful to the English; and though he took no personal part in the war, some of his warriors distinguished themselves more than once by their zealous cooperation with their allies. Ninigret was one of the signers of the treaty of July, wherein the Narraghansetts bound themselves to remain neutral; and in October his counsellor, Cornman, signed a confirmation of the same instrument, in his name, at Boston, with an additional agreement to surrender up such Pokanoket refugees as might be found in his territories. Several of the Narraghansett sachems did the same, but Ninigret, alone, seems to have maintained his fidelity. At all events, he alone had the credit of it, and the consequent benefit. The Narraghansetts were completely subdued, and their country overrun and subjected. The tribe and territory of Ninigret were spared; and several of their descendants were living on the premises so late as 1738, when few, if any, of the Narraghansett blood could be found within the limits of Rhode Island. [FN]

[FN] Callender's Century Discourse.

The precise time of the death of Ninigret is not recorded. It is not probable that he lived long after Philip's war, for two good reasons. He is rarely if at all mentioned, subsequently; and he must have been already quite advanced in age. It was now over forty years since that Pequot war, at the date of which he is mentioned by Prince. Pessacus must have died previous to Phillip's war. We do not find his name in the Colonial Records after 1658, though it would certainly have been among the signatures to the treaty last mentioned, had he been living at the date of its execution. The English regarded him as the leading man of his tribe.

The three principal complaints made against Ninigret, and the occasion of the ill-treatment he received from the English, were his hostility to Uncas, his intercourse with the Dutch, and the wars which he waged with the Long Islanders. Respecting the latter, enough has already been said. Enough appears in the protest of the Massachusetts commissioners, alone, to show that the English had but a poor reason for interfering as they did. They barely alleged that these Indians were their friends; but nothing is more obvious than that such reasoning, however satisfactory to themselves, could only render them, in the words of the protest, "low and contemptible in the eyes of the Indians."

"There being noe agreement produced or proved,"—said Mr. Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, in 1653—"whereby the collenies are obliged to protect the Long Island Indians against Ninnegrett or others, and so noe Reason to engage them in theire quarrells the grounds whereof they cannot well vnderstand: I therefore see not sufficient light to this vote."

It is obvious that even an "obligation," by agreement, to protect those Indians, might not imply a right to do so as regarded other parties—but granting such a right as consequent upon sufficient provocation, it still remains to prove upon which party lay the blame of the first attack. Ninigret always asserted that he acted in self-defence, and no doubt such was his real opinion. The English only reprimanded him upon old scores, when he laid his grievances before them; and then sent an armed vessel and a body of troops to fight for his enemies. The Long Islanders told a different story; but this was at best but one Indian testimony against another; and how much theirs in particular could be relied upon, appears from the fact, that within a year or two after this same affair, they themselves committed the most flagrant depredations upon the English. Trumbull says, that in 1657, "after all the trouble and expense which the English had been at for their defence, they became tumultuous, and did great damage to the inhabitants of Southampton."

To conclude this discussion, we introduce some passages of a manuscript letter from Roger Williams to the government of one of the colonies, which has already been cited. It bears date of Oct. 5, 1654, and was written to prevent war. [FN]

[FN] Col. Rec. of R.I.

"The Cause and Roote of all y^e present mischief is y^e Pride of 2 Barbarians, AscassassÔtick, y^e Long Island Sachim, and Nenekunat, of the Narigansett. The former is proud and foolish. The latter is proud and fierce. I have not seene him these many years, yet from their sober men I hear he pleads,

"First, y^t AscassassÔtick, a very Inferior Sachim (bearing himself upon y^e English) hath slain 3 or 4 of his people and since y^t sent him challenges and darings to fight and mend himself.

"2dly. He, Nenekunat, consulted by Solemn messengers with the chiefe of the English Governors, Major Endicott then Gov^r of y^e Massachusetts, who sent him an Implicite consent to right himselfe.

"3. After he had taken revenge, upon y^e Long Islanders and brought away about 14 Captives, yet he restored them all again upon y^e mediation and desire of y^e English.

"4. After this peace made, the Long Islanders pretending to visit Nenekunat at Block Island, slaughtered of his Narigansetts neere 30 persons at midnight, 2 of them of great note, especially Wepiteammock's sonn, to whom Nenekunat was uncle."

Mr. Williams afterwards says;

"1. I know it is said y^e Long Islanders are subjects; But I have heard this greatly questioned, and indeed I question whether any Indians in this Country, remayning Barbarous and Pagan, may with truth or honor be cald y^e English subjects.

"2. But graunt them subjects, what capacitie hath their late massacre of y^e Narigansetts (with whom they had made peace) without y^e English consent, though still under y^e English name, put them into?"

As to a league between Ninigret and "the Duch Governor," his own reply to the charge has been given. It will furnish some amusement, at least, to review parts of the evidence upon which it was founded. Ninigret and Pessacus sent an Indian named Awashaw to the commissioners, in pursuance of their agreement to give what satisfaction they could in regard to this subject; "whoe being demanded why Ninigret went to the Manhatoes the last winter, answared that Ninigret told him that hee went thether to bee cured of his disease, hearing there was a Frenchman there that could cure him; that Mr. Iohn Winthorpe knew of his going; that he carried thirty fathom of wampam, ten whereof he gave the Doctor and fifteen to the governor; and the governor gave him in Lieue thereof sleived coates but not one gun, but the Indians there gave Ninigrett two guns." This was in 1653.

Not long before, it seems that Uncas—the last man whose evidence should have been noticed at all—had called on Governor Haynes at Hartford, and informed him of Ninigret's visit to the Dutch; as also that he had made a league with them, bought up a large quantity of ammunition, and negotiated with the New York Indians for a war against Uncas and the English. Furthermore, it was said that Ninigret had sent to a neighboring Sachem, to procure a man skillful in poisoning, and had promised him one hundred fathoms of Wampum in return. The Wampum was sent by a canoe, which Uncas intercepted, with seven Indians aboard, one of whom his men had killed, (according to his own story,) and two others had confessed Ninigret's whole plot. We are inclined to hold, that this testimony should be received only so far as it goes against Uncas himself, showing that he took the liberty, on the strength of his suspicion alone, to assault a canoe belonging to Ninigret, and to murder one of his subjects. When these accusations were stated by the commissioners to Awashaw, the messenger just mentioned, and he was particularly questioned who and what was in the canoe, he replied, "that in the canoe that was sent back which was taken by Vcus his men, hee sent in it sixty fathom of wampam to pay for the two guns which he had of the Indians whiles hee was att the Monhatoes, and the Remainder of the Phissicke he had there." Being asked what corn Ninigret sent, to the Dutch in the Vessel taken by the English [another aggression it would seem,] he said, "that hee Intended not to send any corne to the Duch Governor, but what come was aboard the Duch vessel was for the hier of the vessel that brought him home," It appears, he had returned by water, while some of his men had walked; and he paid for his passage in corn.

Awashaw on this occasion had an Indian in company with him, named Newcom Matuxes. The means resorted to for obtaining proof of the accusation, are farther illustrated by the information gravely given us in the Records, that this fellow "spake with one Iohn lightfoot of Boston, an Englishman, whoe as Lightfoot saith, told him in Duch that the Duchmen would cutt off the English on Long-island. Newcom also confesseth that Ninnigrett said that hee heard that some shipps were to come from holland to the Monhatoes to cutt off the English; and that when the said Newcom lived att Southhold an Indian tould him that the Duch would come against the English and cutt them of; but they would saue the weemen and children and guns for themselves; But Captaine Simkins and the said Lightfoot doe both affeirme that the said Newcome tould them that the Duch men tould him as before, tho' he now puts it of and saith that an Indian tould him. Further hee the said Newcom tould captaine Simkins (as hee confidently afeirmeth) that if he would goe to serue the Duch the Duch would giue him an hundred pounds a yeare." It matters but little, we conceive, whether Captain Simkins recollected correctly or not, his reminiscences amounting to nothing in any case. Ninigret had himself expounded the transaction, much more completely than all these witnesses together.

But the examination was still pursued, "Thomas Stanton [Interpreter] being there alsoe to charge it vpon him. The said Newcom not being able to cleare himselfe from the guilt of the charge, the comissioners then tould Awashaw that had the said Newcom not bine a Messenger sent by Ninnigrett hee should not have escaped without some punishment, and therfore they willed Awashaw to tell Ninnigrett hee would doe well to send the said Newcom againe to vs, the better to cleare himselfe from all suspition." This manoeuvre has a little too much the air of a pretext for getting a farther opportunity to cross-examine and confuse poor Newcom; he had thus far been able to make out a respectably clear statement.

Before leaving town, Awashaw sent a request to the commissioners for another interview; which being granted, he inquired who had informed them of these matters against Ninigret. They mentioned in reply "severall Indians, and more particularly the Monheage Indian, and the Narraghansett taken by Vncus his men." Awashaw then requested restitution of the wampum taken by these men. The commissioners only said, that they had not yet ascertained the truth of that affair; but when they had thought of it more, he should know their decision.

The following amusing document is a fair specimen of the testimony furnished against Ninigret by other Indians. It is the deposition—taken in May, 1653—of one Adam, of whom nothing further is known. After mentioning what the Dutch Governor had done among the Indians, which is not to our purpose,

"Further hee saith that Ninnegrett the Fiscall [Treasurer] and the Duch Governor were vp two daies in a close Roome with other Sagamores; and there was noe speaking with any of them except when they came for a cole or fier or the like and much sewam [Wampum] was seen at that time in Ninnegret's hand and he carried none away with him; Further hee saith that Ronessocke a Sagamore on longe Island tould the said Addam that the Duch Governor bid him fly for his life; for that the plott was now descovered; and besides hee sends word dayly that they had as good appear now for when hee is cutt of they English will cut them all of.

"This was testifyed aboard Tuson near the white stone

"before John Leverett
William Davis."

Other evidence, considerably relied upon, was an Indian squaw's relation to a person in Wethersfield, (Conn.)—being an assertion, in general terms, that the Dutch and the Indians were leagued against the English. In fine, the commissioners say, "wee heare that some of the Duch att or about the Monhatoes tell the English they shall shortly have an East India breakfast, in which it is conceived they Refer to that horrid Treachervs and crewill plott and execution att Amboina. . . . And not to multiply Indian Testimonies which from all parts of the countrey presse vpon the colonies—[we quote the only definite statement we can find]—nine Indian Sagamores whoe liue about the Monhatoes did voullentarily without any Motion or Reward from the English send theire Messengers to Stanford declaring and afeirming that the Duch had solissited them by promising them guns pouder swords weapons war-coates and coates to cutt of the English" &c. It is of no consequence, so far as regards Ninigret, whether these Sagamores conspired to tell a falsehood or to tell the truth. Nor do we intend to enter at length into this ancient controversy between the colonies and the Dutch. It is sufficient to observe, that the charges of the former were officially and distinctly denied by the latter. Governor Stuyvesant, in a letter to the commissioners dated May 26, 1658, and written by the order of the Counsel of New-Netherlands, says—

"As touching what happened in the Amboyna busines in the East Indies is unknown vnto vs, neither hath there been any of vs there, therefore wee sease to answare to the same or to trouble yourselues or vs therein.

"It is in parte as youer Worships conclude that about January there came a strange Indian from the North called Ninnigrett, Commaunder of the Narraghansetts. But hee came hither with a passe from Mr. John Winthrope vpon which passe as wee remember the occasion of his coming was expressed viz: to be cured and healed," &c. On the whole, the reader of our times, on perusing these records, can hardly go farther with the commissioners than to extenuate their harshness towards Ninigret, like their treatment of Miantonomo, on the score of their exaggerated fears.

Upon the quarrel with Uncas, we shall waste no words. Ninigret and Pessacus no doubt considered the circumstances of Miantonomo's case a sufficient cause for war upon the English. But this they waived; and even engaged, at their instance, to forbear hostilities against Uncas for some months, expressing at the same time a strong desire to be upon friendly terms with the English, if they could be left to pursue their own business in their own way. It is neither necessary nor possible to determine upon which side the provocation began between these sachems and Uncas. It has been seen, that the latter took many liberties for which the English never called him to account, as well as some for which they did; but of still more they must necessarily have remained in ignorance. The truth seems to be most plainly set forth by Hutchinson, who says, it would appear to have been good policy not to interpose in this Indian quarrel; but the English were afraid of the success of the Narraghansetts, and as they had generally espoused the cause of the Mohegans, it was feared, that as soon as they were subdued, if not in the course of the war, the Narraghansetts and their allies would fall upon the plantations of the English, against whom they were then in a peculiar manner enraged for the death of Miantonomo. The same historian acknowledges, that it was with great reluctance the Narraghansetts submitted to the hard terms of the treaty of 1645, and only in consequence of the armed force which had already invaded their country. They must have considered the tribute a most insulting, forcible imposition.

Waiving a statement of the charges which Ninigret made, or might have made, on the other hand, against the English, we shall only observe in conclusion that whatever may be thought of his political course, there are points in his personal character not unworthy of esteem and even of admiration. It was noble in him, according to the principles of a warrior and king, to revenge, as far as he was able, the cool-blooded massacre of his relative and predecessor. That purpose he pursued with undaunted courage and indefatigable energy. He would gladly have avoided a contest with the English; but he would not sacrifice his honor either to his friendship or his interest. The spirit with which he repulsed their attempts to interfere in his contest with the Long-Islanders, indicated a soul of the same stamp. His reasoning upon that occasion—assuming the truth of his premises, which we have no means either of proving or falsifying—appears to us wholly unanswerable.