NOTES AND REFERENCES CHAPTER I

Previous
Thomas Teakle

[1] See Richman’s John Brown Among the Quakers, and Other Sketches, p. 203.

[2] Senate Documents, 1st Session, 32nd Congress, Vol. III, Doc. No. 1, p. 411.

[3] Flandrau’s State-Building in the West in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. VIII, pp. 483, 484.

[4] Judge Charles E. Flandrau’s State-Building in the West in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. VIII, p. 483.

[5] Rev. Moses N. Adams’s The Sioux Outbreak in the Year 1862 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. IX, p. 432.

[6] “The inferior power knows perfectly well that, if it does not accept the terms, it will ultimately be forced out of its domains, and it accepts. This comprises the elements of all Indian treaties.”—Flandrau’s State-Building in the West in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. VIII, p. 483.

[7] Flandrau’s State-Building in the West in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. VIII, pp. 483, 484.

[8] The massacre at Ash Hollow, often mentioned as a cause of the massacre at Okoboji, was the culmination of a campaign of terror planned by Gen. Harney against the Oglala and BrulÉ Sioux. The line of march was Fort Leavenworth, Fort Kearney, Fort Laramie, and Fort Pierre. At Ash Hollow near the Blue River and about four miles from the left bank of the North Platte he found Little Thunder’s band of the BrulÉ Sioux. When his cavalry had surrounded the Indians, he planned an advance with his infantry. Little Thunder desired a council. Gen. Harney refused, saying that he had come to fight. As Harney advanced, he motioned the Indians to run. They did so and ran directly into Harney’s cavalry. Finding themselves trapped, they fought savagely to the end. “The battle of Ash Hollow was little more than a massacre of the BrulÉs.... Though hailed as a great victory ... the battle of Ash Hollow was a ... disgrace to the officer who planned and executed it. The Indians were trapped and knew it ... and the massacre which ensued was as needless and as barbarous as any which the Dakotas have at any time visited upon the white people.”—Robinson’s History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 224, 225. See also General Harney in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. I, pp. 107, 108; Beam’s Reminiscences of Early Days in Nebraska in the Transactions and Reports of the Nebraska State Historical Society, Vol. III, pp. 301, 302; House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 34th Congress, Vol. I, Pt. II, Doc. No. 1, pp. 49-51.

[9] Royce’s Indian Land Cessions in the United States in the Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part II, pp. 710-712, 726; Kappler’s Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 250-255, 305-310.

[10] See references in note 9 above.

[11] Royce’s Indian Land Cessions, p. 736; Kappler’s Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, p. 346.

[12] Royce’s Indian Land Cessions, p. 737.

[13] Royce’s Indian Land Cessions, pp. 736, 737, 762, 763, 766-768, 778, 779; Kappler’s Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 349, 474-477, 495, 546-549.

[14] Royce’s Indian Land Cessions, pp. 768, 772; Kappler’s Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 500, 518.

[15] Royce’s Indian Land Cessions, p. 778; Kappler’s Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 557-560.

[16] In exchange for all lands claimed by the Sioux in northwestern Iowa and southwestern Minnesota they were granted a reservation as follows: “all that tract of country on either side of the Minnesota River, from the western boundary of the lands herein ceded, east, to the Tchay-tam-bay River on the north, and to Yellow Medicine River on the south side, to extend, on each side, a distance of not less than 10 miles from the general course of said river; the boundaries of said tract to be marked out by as straight lines as practicable”.—Kappler’s Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, p. 590; Hughes’s The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux in 1851 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. X, Pt. I, pp. 112, 113.

[17] Royce’s Indian Land Cessions, p. 784; Kappler’s Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 591-593.

[18] “It was with great reluctance that the Sioux Indians consented to surrender this favorite hunting and camping ground to the whites, as they did by the treaty of 1851.”—Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, p. 288.

CHAPTER II

[19] The Indian Chief Jagmani said of this treaty: “The Indians sold their lands at Traverse des Sioux. I say what we were told. For fifty years they were to be paid $50,000 per annum. We were also promised $300,000 that we have not seen.”—Bryant and Murch’s A History of the Great Massacre by the Sioux Indians, in Minnesota, pp. 34, 35. See House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 401.

[20] Senate Documents, 1st Session, 32nd Congress, Vol. III, Doc. No. 1, p. 414.

[21] Pond’s The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 1834 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 377.

[22] Pond’s The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 1834 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 376.

[23] “At Crow-wing [Minnesota] there are no less than five whiskey shops, and [they] are only five miles from this agency. Five whiskey shops and not half a dozen habitations beside!”—Senate Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 339, 340, 342. See the Letter of Governor Grimes to President Pierce in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 890; Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 136.

[24] This treaty “did away with all the employÉs ... whereas, before, the agent had a force to assist him in finding, destroying, and preventing the introduction of whiskey; now, he is entirely alone.”—Senate Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 342.

[25] Senate Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 338.

[26] Hughes’s The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux in 1851 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. X, Pt. I, pp. 106, 107.

[27] Murray’s Recollections of Early Territorial Days and Legislation in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 120.

[28] Hughes’s The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux in 1851 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. X, Pt. I, p. 107.

[29] Robinson’s History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 210.

[30] Thomas Hughes, in his article on The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux in 1851, says concerning this: “The Indians, however, repudiated this agreement, and asserted that it was a base fraud, that, as they were told and believed at the time, the paper they signed was represented to be only another copy of the treaty, and that they did not discover its real import, and the trick played upon them, until long afterward.”—Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. X, Pt. I, p. 114.

[31] Address of Greenleaf Clark on The Life and Influence of Judge Flandrau in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. X, Pt. II, p. 774; Daniels’s Reminiscences of Little Crow in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 519.

CHAPTER III

[32] C. C. Carpenter’s Major William Williams in Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, p. 150; Senate Executive Documents, 1st Session, 31st Congress, Vol. II, pp. 235, 242, 243.

[33] This fort was established by Brevet Major Samuel Woods, Sixth Infantry, with Company E of the same, from Ft. Snelling, Minnesota. It was established by General Orders No. 19, War Department, Adjutant General’s Office, of May 31, 1850. Major Woods and men were detailed by Orders No. 22, 6th Military District, St. Louis, Missouri, July 14, 1850. Major Woods and men arrived on the site August 23, 1850. See Fort Dodge, Iowa, in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. IV, pp. 534, 535; Jacob Van der Zee’s Forts in the Iowa Country in The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 197-199.

[34] Fort Dodge, Iowa, in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. IV, p. 535.

[35] Flickinger’s Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa, p. 27; Fulton’s Red Men of Iowa, p. 288.

[36] Samuel J. Albright’s First Organized Government of Dakota in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. VIII, p. 139; Fulton’s Red Men of Iowa, p. 288.

[37] Fort Clarke, by General Orders No. 34, Army Headquarters, on June 25, 1851, had been changed in name to Fort Dodge. By Order No. 9, Sixth Military Department Headquarters, St. Louis, Missouri, on March 30, 1853, the abandonment of Fort Dodge was ordered. By the same order, Major Woods was directed to establish the new post.—See Fort Dodge, Iowa, in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. IV, pp. 536, 537; Carpenter’s Major William Williams in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, pp. 148, 149; Van der Zee’s Forts in the Iowa Country in The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, p. 199.

[38] Flickinger’s Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa, p. 26.

[39] Carpenter’s Major William Williams in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, p. 151.

[40] While Major Woods’ detail was on its way from Fort Snelling en route to the future site of Fort Dodge it was joined on the Iowa River by Major Williams who became later the post sutler and was destined to play a large part in the history of northwestern Iowa. This was in 1850.—Carpenter’s Major William Williams in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, p. 147.

[41] Carpenter’s Major William Williams in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, p. 151; letter from William Williams to Governor Hempstead, September 1, 1854, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa.

[42] Letters from Governor Grimes to Secretary of State, George W. McCleary, February 14, November 5, and December 1, 1855, and to Congressman S. R. Curtis, February 28, 1855, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa.

[43] Letter from Governor Grimes to the Iowa Congressional Delegation, January 3, 1855, in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, pp. 627-630.

[44] Letter from Governor Grimes to the Iowa Congressional Delegation, January 3, 1855, in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, p. 629.

[45] Letter of Governor Grimes to Congressman S. R. Curtis, February 28, 1855, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa.

[46] Letter of Governor Grimes to President Pierce, December 3, 1855, in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 135-137; Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 889, 890.

[47] Smith’s The Iowa Frontier During the War of the Rebellion in the Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers’ Association of Iowa for 1898, p. 59.

[48] “He [Secretary of State in Iowa, Geo. W. McCleary] also writes me that these Indians are manifestly making preparations for war, and have been and are now making great efforts to induce all the Mississippi River Sioux to unite with them in hostilities upon the whites. I hear from various sources that several runners have been sent by the Sioux west of the Missouri river, to those in this State, and in Minnesota, with war belts, urging the latter to make common cause with them. The result of all this is a great state of alarm along the whole frontier.”—Letter of Governor Grimes to President Pierce, December 3, 1855, in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 136. Charles Aldrich in an editorial in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 566, remarked that “Had the earnest appeals of Gov. Grimes been heeded, the Spirit Lake Massacre would not have occurred.”

[49] The notable depredations charged to Indian outlawry at this time were in Buena Vista County where whole settlements were routed; at Dakota City in Humboldt County; near Algona and Bancroft in Kossuth County. In fact both the spring and summer of 1855 and 1856 were never free from depredations somewhere. For further information consult The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 889, 890; Ingham’s Ink-pa-du-tah’s Revenge in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 272.

[50] Hughes’s The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux in 1851 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. X, Pt. I, p. 117.

[51] Albright’s The First Organized Government of Dakota in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. VIII, p. 138.

[52] “It is a matter of history that whiskey is, and has been since the advent of white men in this country, the ‘bane of the Indians,’ and that there is scarcely a tribe or an individual Indian but that would at times give all his possessions for whiskey. When under its influence he knows not what he does. All of the depredations committed by them upon the whites; all murders among themselves; or personal injuries inflicted by them upon each other, are perpetrated while under the influence of that destructive bane, or to revenge acts done while laboring under intoxication ... men will wonder why the agent will let whiskey go into the Indian country, as has been heretofore reported, ‘without let or hindrance.’ The same men, being in the Indian country ostensibly, solely for the good of the ‘poor Indian,’ will pass an Indian with a five or ten gallon keg on his back, and not attempt to destroy it; knowing at the same time that he has an equal authority for so doing as the agent, and just as much money furnished for expenses of prosecutions.”—Report of D. B. Herriman, Chippewa Agent, September 15, 1857, in Senate Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 341, 342.

[53] See note 29 above, and Senate Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 342.

[54] Pond’s The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 1834 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, pp. 378, 379.

[55] Ida M. Street’s A Chapter of Indian History in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 601, 602.

CHAPTER IV

[56] Petition of R. B. Clark, et al, to Governor Hempstead, July 6, 1854, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa; Report of Major William Williams to Governor Hempstead, September 1, 1854, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa.

[57] Mrs. Abbie Gardner-Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1885 edition), pp. 24-31; Flickinger’s Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa, pp. 28, 29.

[58] Fulton’s Red Men of Iowa, p. 298; Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, p. 292; Ingham’s Ink-pa-du-tah’s Revenge in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 272; Hughes’s Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 268.

[59] Fulton’s Red Men of Iowa, p. 281.

[60] Fulton’s Red Men of Iowa, pp. 281, 282; N. H. Winchell’s Aborigines of Minnesota, p. 551.

[61] Other Indian chieftains who were leaders of the consolidated bands and who were to play a prominent part in later Indian history were Titonka, Ishtahabah or Young Sleepy Eyes, Umpashotah, Wahkonsa, and Kasominee.

The great battles of Iowa’s inter-tribal Indian history were fought during the period of the supremacy of these leaders. These battles were mostly fought along the Des Moines, Skunk, Iowa, and Cedar rivers. The most notable were: Mud Lake, southeast of the present site of Webster City, against the Musquakies; a terrific contest with the Sac and Fox near Adel; a second contest quite as sanguinary with the same Indians about six miles north of the present city of Algona in 1852; a second battle with the Musquakies in April, 1852, near Clear Lake; and one on the banks of the Lizard, in which the Sioux, victorious, ended their long contest with the Sac and Fox. It was in the Algona battle that the “lingering remnants of two great nations who had for more than two hundred years waged unrelenting warfare against each other had their last and final struggle.”—Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 25. Also Fulton’s Red Men of Iowa, pp. 282-287; Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 288, 289.

[62] Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 29; Hoover’s Tragedy of Okoboji in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. V, p. 15; Richman’s The Tragedy at Minnewaukon in John Brown among the Quakers, p. 208.

[63] Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 29.

[64] See note 32 above.

[65] Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 29. The date of settlement here is frequently stated as 1847.

[66] Hughes’s Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 264.

[67] For statements concerning the character of Henry Lott see Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 222; Lucas’s The Milton Lott Tragedy, pp. 1-10; Hughes’s Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, pp. 264-268; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 890; Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, p. 289; etc.

[68] Flickinger’s Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa, p. 28.

[69] The Madrid (Iowa) Historical Society, on December 18, 1905, the fifty-ninth anniversary of the boy’s death, placed an iron marker upon his grave which had but lately been identified.—Lucas’s The Milton Lott Tragedy, p. 8.

[70] The death of Mrs. Lott is said to have been the first white death in what is now Webster County.—Fulton’s Red Men of Iowa, p. 296.

[71] This cabin was in Dallas County, about five miles southwest of Madrid. Here Lott lived until the autumn of 1847.—Lucas’s The Milton Lott Tragedy, p. 5.

[72] To be definite, the cabin of Lott was in Section 16, Township 93, Range 28 West, very near the west line of the section.—Fulton’s Red Men of Iowa, p. 297.

[73] Stories as to the ruse used differ, but all now quite generally accept the elk incident. At the same time the assertion has been made that the incident never happened, but that Lott found at the lodge of Sidominadota silverware stolen from him in 1847, and committed murder forthwith.

[74] Some writers concerning this incident aver that both the girl and boy escaped unharmed while others more romantically mention the boy as left for dead, while the girl escaping unharmed in the darkness later returned to the rescue of her brother. The boy, whose name was Joshpaduta, was later taken charge of by a white family named Carter who gave him a home. The boy would often leave and be gone for many days when he would again return. He is said, just before the Spirit Lake Massacre, to have warned these people of the impending trouble and then to have disappeared. He never returned, and the presumption is that he became a member of that band or was killed by them for telling.—Flickinger’s Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa, p. 28; Gue ’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, p. 291; Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 30.

[75] See Fulton’s Red Men of Iowa, pp. 293-299; Flickinger’s Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa, p. 28; Ingham’s Ink-pa-du-tah’s Revenge in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 271; Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, pp. 29, 31; Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 289-292.

[76] Fulton’s Red Men of Iowa, pp. 298, 299; Flickinger’s Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa, p. 28; Lucas’s The Milton Lott Tragedy, p. 7; Hughes’s Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 268.

[77] Another report declared that the prosecuting attorney of Hamilton County had nailed the head above the entrance to his home in Homer. Note what is said in Flickinger’s Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa, p. 28; Ingham’s Ink-pa-du-tah’s Revenge in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 271; Hughes’s Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, pp. 268, 269.

CHAPTER V

[78] Smith’s The Iowa Frontier During the War of the Rebellion in the Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers’ Association of Iowa for 1898, p. 56.

[79] Smith’s The Iowa Frontier During the War of the Rebellion in the Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers’ Association of Iowa for 1898, p. 56.

[80] Carpenter’s Major William Williams in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, p. 151.

[81] Ingham’s Ink-pa-du-tah’s Revenge in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 272.

[82] The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 892.

[83] Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, p. 292; Fulton’s Red Men of Iowa, pp. 300, 301; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 892; Gillespie and Steele’s History of Clay County, Iowa, pp. 55, 56.

[84] See note 83 above and also Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 43; House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 357.

[85] A. Warner and Company’s History of the Counties of Woodbury and Plymouth, Iowa, p. 295.

[86] W. S. Dunbar and Company’s Biographical History of Cherokee County, Iowa, pp. 233-238.

[87] Wegerslev and Walpole’s Past and Present of Buena Vista County, Iowa, pp. 37, 38; Perkins’s History of O’Brien County, Iowa, pp. 10, 11.

[88] Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 388.

[89] Smith’s The Iowa Frontier During the War of the Rebellion in the Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers’ Association of Iowa for 1898, p. 56.

[90] Carpenter’s Major William Williams in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, p. 152.

[91] Hughes’s Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 270.

[92] For further reading concerning the character of the winter of 1856-1857 see Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 223; Richman’s The Tragedy at Minnewaukon in John Brown among the Quakers, pp. 210-212; J. F. Duncombe’s The Spirit Lake Relief Expedition of 1857 in the Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers’ Association of Iowa for 1898, p. 38; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 892; Carpenter’s Major William Williams in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, p. 152; Hughes’s Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 270; Carpenter’s The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, pp. 19, 20.

CHAPTER VI

[93] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 7; Lee’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, p. 7.

[94] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 8-14; Lee’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, pp. 7, 8.

[95] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 14-35.

[96] Lee’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, p. 11; Carpenter’s The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 17; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 36.

[97] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 36-38.

[98] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 43, 44; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 891.

[99] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 42, 43.

[100] Hughes’s Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 271; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 42-45; Carpenter’s The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 19; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 891.

[101] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 44; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 891, 892.

[102] Neill’s The History of Minnesota, p. 621; Mrs. Abigail Gardner Sharp in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 32.

[103] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 44, 45; Carpenter’s The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 17; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 891; Hughes’s Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 270.

[104] Lee’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, p. 11; Carpenter’s The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, pp. 17, 18; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 891; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 45, 46.

[105] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 46.

[106] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 48.

[107] Jareb Palmer’s Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman, July 23, 1857; Hughes’s Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, pp. 272, 273.

[108] Dr. Strong had gone from Fort Dodge to Okoboji with the thought of locating there, but had finally decided upon Springfield. Eliza Gardner had been induced to spend the winter with the Strong family at Springfield.

[109] Jareb Palmer’s Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 1857; Hoover’s Tragedy of Okoboji in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. V, pp. 19, 20.

[110] Jareb Palmer’s Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 1857.

CHAPTER VII

[111] Some authors give only three, Robert Clark, Enoch Ryan, and Jonathan Howe, as accompanying them upon their return. There seems good evidence to support the claim that Asa Burtch also made the return trip. See The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 893; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 51; Smith’s A History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 64; Carpenter’s The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 19.

CHAPTER VIII

[112] In spite of their villainous character the Sioux pitied the apparent misfortunes of the Inkpaduta band and explained their unhappy lot as follows: “Long ago some chiefs and principal men of the Iowas returned from Canada to Prairie du Chien in the winter, and attempted to pass through the Dakota territory to their own country. They were kindly received and hospitably entertained by the Wabashaw band, who sent messengers to the Wahpekutas, then encamped at Dry Wood, requesting them to receive the Iowas in a friendly manner and to aid them in their journey. The Wahpekutas returned a favorable answer and prepared a feast for the Iowas, but killed them all while they were eating it.” Thereafter, these Wahpekutas were very unfortunate, many were killed, and the band nearly perished. Their wickedness on this particular occasion was held to account for all their calamities of the future. In this connection read Pond’s The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 1834 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 425.

[113] Lee’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, p. 14.

[114] Hughes’s Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 264.

[115] The term gens, as here used, implies descent in the male line. It is also well in this connection to recall the fact that the Sioux were in no sense a nation but acted as bands, each band being entirely separate, distinct, and independent from any other.—See Dorsey’s Siouan Sociology in the Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 213 ff.

[116] Richman’s The Tragedy at Minnewaukon in John Brown among the Quakers, pp. 207, 208; Hodge’s Handbook of the American Indians, Pt. II, pp. 891, 902; Robinson’s A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 215, 216; House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 359.

[117] House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 359; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 887.

[118] Robinson’s History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 204, 216.

[119] Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 389; Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. II, p. 220.

[120] Following the murder of Tasagi, Inkpaduta either through choice or fear became an exile from the band of Tasagi. His flight to the band of his father had automatically made him one. Doane Robinson in his Sioux Indian Courts in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. V, pp. 404, 405, thus describes how a Wahpekuta became an exile:

“If the offense was peculiarly repellent to the better sentiment of the camp the court might insist upon the summary infliction of the sentence imposed. This might be the death penalty, exile or whipping; or it might be the destruction of the tepee and other property of the convict.... For some offenses a convict was exiled from the camp, given an old tepee and a blanket, but no arms, and was allowed to make a living if he could. Sometimes he would go off and join some other band, but such conduct was not considered good form and he usually set up his establishment on some small hill near the home camp and made the best of the situation. If he conducted himself properly he was usually soon forgiven and restored to his rights in the community. If he went off to another people he lost all standing among the Sioux and was thereafter treated as an outlaw and a renegade. The entire band of Inkpaduta, once the terror of the Dakota frontier, was composed of these outlaws.” It was Inkpaduta’s flight to his father’s band at this time that lost, for him, all standing with the followers of Tasagi. See also Robinson’s A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 343, 344.

[121] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 220.

[122] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 221.

[123] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 217.

[124] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 220.

[125] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, pp. 217-222.

[126] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, pp. 221, 222; Robinson’s A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 209.

[127] Ingham’s Ink-pa-du-tah’s Revenge in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 272.

[128] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, pp. 267, 268; South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 226.

[129] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 56, 57.

[130] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 57. It is to be regretted that much of Mrs. Sharp’s characterization of the Sioux evidences an animus and a tendency to emphasize the bad rather than the good traits. The following from page 57 of her book is evidently unfair: “No other tribe of aborigines has ever exhibited more savage ferocity or so appalled and sickened the soul of humanity by wholesale slaughtering of the white race as has the Sioux”.

[131] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 223.

[132] Robinson’s History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 346, 347.

[133] Hodge’s Hand Book of the American Indians, Pt. II, pp. 891, 902; South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. I, pp. 110, 111; House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 359, 389; Mrs. Sharp’s Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 54-56.

CHAPTER IX

[134] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 223.

[135] Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 892; Fulton’s Red Men of Iowa, p. 301; Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 53; Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 223.

[136] Robinson’s History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 344.

[137] The strength of the band was not great. Originally it is said to have numbered one hundred fifty lodges, but this estimate appears to be too high. At the time it started up the Little Sioux from Smithland it probably numbered not more than fifteen lodges at the highest estimate. Its depletion was due to dissatisfaction in the band and to the fact that the band did not draw annuities which caused many to drop out and return to the Agency in order to secure them. See Mrs. Sharp’s Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 56; Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 248; House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 359; Hodge’s Handbook of American Indians, Pt. II, p. 891.

[138] Powell’s On Kinship and the Tribe in the Third Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. xxxviii; Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 223.

[139] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 223.

For further support of the view that Sidominadota’s death was not a cause as here set forth see J. W. Powell’s Kinship and the Tribe in the preface to the Third Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. xxxviii-xl; Senate Documents, 1st Session, 32nd Congress, Vol. III, Doc. No. 1, p. 280; Pond’s The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 1834 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 389; Dorsey’s Siouan Sociology in the Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 213-218.

CHAPTER X

[140] Smith’s A History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 53; Flickinger’s Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa, p. 29.

[141] Flandrau’s Inkpaduta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 388; Mrs. Sharp’s Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 60; House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 358, 389; Senate Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. III, p. 146; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 892.

[142] A. Warner and Company’s History of the Counties of Woodbury and Plymouth, Iowa, pp. 305, 306.

[143] Smith’s A History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 55; Fulton’s Red Men of Iowa, p. 303.

CHAPTER XI

[144] W. S. Dunbar and Company’s Biographical History of Cherokee County, Iowa, p. 242; Fulton’s The Red Men of Iowa, p. 303.

[145] Peck and Montzheimer’s Past and Present of O’Brien and Osceola Counties, Iowa, Vol. I, p. 38.

[146] Gillespie and Steele’s History of Clay County, Iowa, pp. 56, 57; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 61; Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 56.

[147] William H. Hart’s History of Sac County, Iowa, p. 38; Gillespie and Steele’s History of Clay County, Iowa, p. 57.

[148] The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 892; Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, pp. 58-61.

[149] John F. Duncombe’s Spirit Lake Relief Expedition of 1857 in the Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers’ Association of Iowa for 1898, p. 38; Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 493, 494.

CHAPTER XII

[150] Pond’s The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 1834 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, pp. 436, 437.

[151] The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 893; Mrs. Sharp’s Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 63, 64; Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 65.

[152] Concerning the events at the Gardner cabin we must, of necessity, rely upon the statements of Mrs. Abbie Gardner Sharp who remained the only living witness of the scene. See Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 63-65.

[153] Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, pp. 65, 66; Carpenter’s The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 21; Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 297, 298; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 65-67.

[154] Richman’s The Tragedy at Minnewaukon in John Brown among the Quakers, pp. 214-216; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 67-71; Carpenter’s The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 21.

[155] Pond’s The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They were in 1834 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, pp. 437, 438.

[156] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 73.

[157] See Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 73, where the statement is made that five men, two women, and four children were killed at the Mattock cabin.

[158] Hughes’s Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, pp. 271, 272.

But there is a third view as to the outcome of the conflict at the Mattock cabin. This version is sponsored by Major William Williams who was a member of the relief expedition sent from Fort Dodge. Major Williams believed that the Indians purposely concealed their losses. In his report to Governor Grimes, made upon his return to Fort Dodge under date of April 12th, he stated that “the number of Indians killed or wounded must be from fifteen to twenty.”—(Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, p. 299.) This estimate would seem to be entirely too high. Only under exceptionally favorable conditions would it have been possible for five men, suffering every possible handicap, to have killed or wounded so many concealed enemies. Again, there were in all probability not more than fifteen or twenty warriors in the party of the red men. The loss or crippling of such a number would have meant practical annihilation. Later when the party was encountered in its flight from the scene of the massacre, various individuals who had the opportunity of recognizing the individual members of the band reported them to be the same in membership as at the beginning of the raid at Smithland. Thus the statement of Major Williams could not have been accurate. Mrs. Sharp speaks of only one Indian as being injured and of no deaths—which is more probable.

[159] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 74.

CHAPTER XIII

[160] The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 894; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 76-78; Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, pp. 68, 69; Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 300, 301

Mrs. Noble and Mrs. Thatcher in later relations of the massacre spoke of their children as having been killed at their own cabin. If such were the facts then their dead bodies must have been carried to the Howe home; for there they were found by the members of the rescue party rather than at the place of death. This fact has led to the statement that five small Howe children were killed in addition to Sardis and Jonathan. There were, however, only three smaller children in the Howe family—Alfred, Jacob, and Philetus.

[161] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 78-80; Neill’s History of Minnesota, pp. 622, 623.

CHAPTER XIV

[162] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 81, 82.

[163] Agnes C. Laut’s Heroines of Spirit Lake in Outing Magazine, Vol. LI, p. 692.

[164] Gue in his History of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 301, 302, says that Marble fired first at the target, and when he went out to see what had been the result of his shot the Indians fired on him; while Carpenter in his article on The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 22, states that when Marble’s gun became empty and he was defenseless he was shot.

[165] This is the list as it appears on the east tablet of the State Memorial near the Gardner cabin with the exception of the omission of the names of those not killed at the lakes but who were massacred in the vicinity of Springfield, Minnesota.—The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 920.

[166] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 83, 84; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 895.

R. A. Smith, in his History of Dickinson County, appears skeptical concerning the real character or meaning of this attempt at Indian pictographic writing, and in commenting upon it notes that “many of the writers who have mentioned this incident have made more of it than the facts would warrant. The three or four published accounts which have been given to the public agree in stating that the picture record gave the position and number of victims correctly, and also represented those killed as being pierced with arrows. Now this is mainly fiction. The first discovery of the tree on which the hieroglyphics were delineated was by a party consisting of O. C. Howe, R. U. Wheelock and the writer sometime in May.... It was a white ash tree standing a little way to the southeast of the door of the Marble cabin.... The rough outside bark had been hewed off for a distance of some twelve or fifteen inches up and down the tree. Upon the smoothed surface thus made were the representations. The number of cabins (six) was correctly given, the largest of which was represented as being in flames. There were also representations of human figures and with the help of the imagination it was possible to distinguish which were meant for the whites and which the Indians. There were not over ten or a dozen all told, and except for the hint contained in the cabins, the largest one being in flames, we could not have figured any meaning out of it. This talk of the victims being pierced with arrows and their number and position given, is all nonsense. Mr. Howe and the writer spent some time studying it, and, while they came to the conclusion that it would convey a definite meaning to those understanding it, they could not make much out of it.”

[167] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 93; Hamilton Freeman, July 13, 1857; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 895.

CHAPTER XV

[168] Carpenter’s The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 23; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 85-87; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 895; Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, pp. 72, 73.

[169] The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 895; Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, pp. 73, 74.

[170] The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 895; Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 225; Hughes’s Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 272; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 85-89; Carpenter’s The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 23.

[171] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 225.

[172] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 226.

[173] Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, pp. 389, 390.

[174] Daniels’s Reminiscences of Little Crow in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 519; Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 237; Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 390.

CHAPTER XVI

[175] This was the Barnard E. Bee who was later to win fame as a general of the South during the Civil War. During that conflict, he it was who fastened the sobriquet of “Stonewall” upon the Confederate General Thomas E. Jackson in his now famous charge to his men—“For God’s sake stand, men. Stand like Jackson’s brigade, on your right, there they stand like a stone wall.” Bee was killed in an attempt to hold his brigade in line of battle against a murderous fire in the first battle of Bull Run, July 21, 1861.—Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 238; Heitman’s Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, Vol. I, p. 205.

[176] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 237; Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 390; report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 350.

[177] Report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, No. 2, p. 350.

[178] Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, pp. 390, 391.

[179] Hughes’s Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 273; House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 358.

[180] Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 391.

[181] Report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 351.

CHAPTER XVII

[182] Palmer’s Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 1857.

[183] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, pp. 226, 230; Palmer’s Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 1857.

[184] Hoover’s The Tragedy of Okoboji in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. V, pp. 19, 20; Palmer’s Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 1857.

[185] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 234; Palmer’s Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 1857.

[186] Palmer’s Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 1857.

[187] Palmer’s Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 1857.

[188] The gold with which they paid for their purchases was presumably a portion of that which was taken from Marble’s body.—See Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 227.

[189] The Moccasin’s camp had been about six miles up the river to the north of Springfield, while the trading post here referred to was nine miles distant. Coursalle, or “Joe Gaboo”, was a well-known half-blood Sisseton Sioux. At all times Indians in small numbers were grouped about him; they were always friendly.—Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 226.

[190] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, pp. 227, 228.

[191] Palmer’s Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 1857; Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 228.

CHAPTER XVIII

[192] Carpenter’s The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 23; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 94, 95; Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 229. See also a different version in Palmer’s Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 30, 1857.

[193] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, pp. 229, 230; Laut’s Heroines of Spirit Lake in the Outing Magazine, Vol. LI, p. 692; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 94-99.

[194] Dr. Strong has been considerably maligned as one who upon the first alarm had become so terrified that he summarily fled south, leaving his wife and children to the mercies of an Indian attack. For a more charitable view see Palmer’s Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 30, 1857.

[195] For somewhat varying accounts of the attack upon the Thomas cabin see Palmer’s Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 30, 1857; Carpenter’s The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, pp. 23-25; Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 304, 305; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 94-99; Hughes’s Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, pp. 275, 276; Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, pp. 229, 230; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 898, 899.

[196] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 230.

[197] For the attack upon the Wood brothers see Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 230; Hughes’s Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 275; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 99, 100.

[198] Report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. II, p. 147.

[199] All of the particulars of the events which happened at the Stewart home we owe to the relation of Johnny. He was later adopted into the home of Major William Williams at Fort Dodge and in 1915 was living in Byron, Minnesota, and at that time was one of the four living survivors of the raid. Read accounts in Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, pp. 230, 231; Palmer’s Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 30, 1857; Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, p. 305; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 100, 101.

[200] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 232; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 107.

[201] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 148, 149. For Mrs. Marble’s impressions see an article from the St. Paul Pioneer, May 31, 1857, republished in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 13, 1857.

CHAPTER XIX

[202] Palmer’s Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 30, 1857; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 102-104.

[203] Charles Aldrich in an address at the unveiling of a commemorative tablet in the Hamilton County Court House in Webster City, Iowa, on August 12, 1887, states that they started about midnight. It does not seem, however, that such a late hour could have been possible under the circumstances.—See the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 548.

[204] Palmer’s Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 30, 1857.

[205] Palmer’s Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 30, 1857; Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 233. For a wholly different view of Dr. Strong see Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 307, 308.

[206] One version of the flight of these refugees tells us that Smith and Henderson were not, at first, left behind but were taken for some distance on hand sleds. This proved impracticable and the men were abandoned. Miss Agnes C. Laut has this plainly in mind when she refers to Mrs. Smith as the “one dame, who abandoned an injured husband on a hand sleigh” and hence does not need to “be preserved as a heroine of the West.” This, however, is unfair to Mrs. Smith.—See Miss Laut’s Heroines of Spirit Lake in the Outing Magazine, Vol. LI, p. 692.

[207] For varied versions of the flight of the Wheeler refugees see Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 109, 110; Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 307, 308; Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 234.

CHAPTER XX

[208] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 239.

[209] Report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. II, Doc. No. 2, p. 146.

[210] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 160-162.

[211] Quoted from the St. Paul Pioneer and Democrat for May 16, 1857, in Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 240.

[212] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 158-160.

[213] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, pp. 241, 242.

CHAPTER XXI

[214] For information concerning the journey and findings of Howe, Wheelock, and Parmenter see The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 895, 896; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 125, 126; Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, pp. 49, 74, 75; Carpenter’s The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 26; Flickinger’s Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa, p. 35; Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, p. 311.

[215] Address of Capt. Charles B. Richards, at the placing of a memorial tablet in the Hamilton County Court House, in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 509.

[216] Carpenter’s The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 26; Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 525; Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 75.

[217] Letter from Sergt. Harris Hoover in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 551; Hoover’s The Tragedy of Okoboji in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. V, p. 16.

[218] Hoover’s The Tragedy of Okoboji in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. V, p. 16.

[219] Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 526.

[220] The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 542.

[221] The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 932-937; Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, p. 71. See also the west tablet on the State Memorial Monument near the Gardner cabin, Arnold’s Park, Okoboji, Iowa.

[222] Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 525, 526; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 897.

[223] Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 922, 923, 928; Duncombe’s Spirit Lake Expedition in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 495.

[224] The roster as here given is that found in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 922-932, and is also to be found on the west tablet of the Memorial Monument at Arnold’s Park, Okoboji, Iowa. Harris Hoover in his Expedition to Spirit Lake in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), August 20, 1857, differs somewhat.

[225] Address of Capt. Charles B. Richards in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 510.

[226] Mr. Duncombe’s Address in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 495.

[227] Hoover in his Expedition to Spirit Lake in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), August 20, 1857, speaks of Major Williams as “afflicted with rheumatism, and the frost of 70 winters whitening his brow” as resolutely setting “forward at our head.” This Major Williams resented and took occasion to reply in the succeeding issue of the Freeman that “I can’t agree to be made so old. I was 60 last December [1856], and never have I been afflicted with rheumatism in my life.... I don’t wish to be considered so old.”

CHAPTER XXII

[228] Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 526.

[229] Hoover’s Expedition to Spirit Lake in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), August 20, 1857; Address of Capt. Charles B. Richards in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 510, 511.

[230] A Paper by Michael Sweeney in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 539; The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 542; Hoover’s Expedition to Spirit Lake in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), August 20, 1857.

[231] Duncombe’s Spirit Lake Expedition in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 496.

[232] Address of Capt. Charles B. Richards in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 510.

[233] Hoover’s Expedition to Spirit Lake in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), August 20, 1857. See also Duncombe’s Spirit Lake Expedition in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 496; Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 527; A Paper by Michael Sweeney in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 538.

[234] McKnight’s Point was on the West Fork of the Des Moines, on the Fort Ridgely road, about two miles to the southeast of the mouth of Bridge Creek.—See map in Parker’s Iowa As It Is, 1857.

[235] Hoover’s The Tragedy of Okoboji in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. V, p. 17; Duncombe’s Spirit Lake Expedition in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 497.

[236] A Paper by Michael Sweeney in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 539.

[237] A Paper by Michael Sweeney in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 539.

[238] For this incident see Duncombe’s Spirit Lake Expedition in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 498, 499; Hoover’s The Tragedy of Okoboji in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. V, pp. 17, 18.

[239] Duncombe’s Spirit Lake Expedition in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 499.

[240] Carpenter’s The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 27.

[241] Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 929, 934.

[242] The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 542.

[243] Duncombe’s Spirit Lake Expedition in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 500.

[244] For the enlistments of these individuals see the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 924, 925, 926.

[245] In the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 929 and 931, it is stated that Thatcher and Burtch enlisted either at Fort Dodge on March twenty-third or at Shippey’s on March twenty-eighth. The latter place and date seem far more probable than do the former.

[246] A Paper by Michael Sweeney in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 539; The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 542.

[247] The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 542.

CHAPTER XXIII

[248] Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 527.

[249] Carpenter’s The Spirit Lake Expedition in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 483.

[250] Carpenter’s The Spirit Lake Expedition in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 500; Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 527; The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 542.

[251] There seems to have been some disagreement as to who had charge of the advance guard. For the view taken by the present writer see Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 80.

[252] Frank R. Mason’s Recollections in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 532, 533; Carpenter’s Spirit Lake Expedition in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 484.

[253] For an account of the discovery of the Springfield fugitives see that of Frank R. Mason’s Recollections in Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 532, 533.

[254] A quotation from Carpenter in Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, p. 314.

[255] Frank R. Mason’s Recollections in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 533; Smith’s A History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 82.

[256] A Paper by Charles Aldrich in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 548.

[257] A Paper by Charles Aldrich in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 548.

[258] Frank R. Mason’s Recollections in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 533.

[259] Address of Capt. Charles B. Richards in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 513; Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 528; Duncombe’s Spirit Lake Expedition in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 502-504.

CHAPTER XXIV

[260] Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 922-937; Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 84.

[261] Address of Captain Charles B. Richards in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 515; Smith’s History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 84.

[262] The reputed finding of the body of Joel Howe may well be questioned. The evidence presented tends to show that the headless skeleton found by Mr. Goodenough could not have been that of Howe. Of the party that took the trail route to the Mattock cabin from Howe’s, H. E. Dalley is the only one who in late years has survived, and in fact he was about the only one of the Johnson party who survived the fearful storm of the fourth and was able to give a coherent tale of what they had done. The leader of the party and its second most active member both were lost in the storm. Mr. Dalley in relating the facts of the burial of Howe has always maintained that Howe’s body, complete and not headless, was found but not buried at the same spot. Instead the party carried the body to the Mattock place where it was interred. He has ever sturdily maintained that this act of the party is the most vivid recollection of the whole experience. Lieutenant Maxwell has also maintained that the body was not headless when found. There is a discrepancy between the number of bodies disinterred in the vicinity of the Mattock cabin and the number of people reported to have been killed there.

The place and conditions under which the skeleton was found also lend an air of controversy. The skeleton is said to have been found about eighteen inches deep under a cow-path and at the head of a small ravine worn back about thirty feet from the lake shore. In soil conditions as they exist at the lakes, such a ravine would not have been the result of years of work, as is implied, but would have been the work of a freshet. That the wearing back was the result of the work of years is implied in the statement that “Turning at the head of this recession is a cattle path.” Here the inference is plain that the cattle for years had turned to avoid the ravine. Once started, the spring freshets and summer rains would have rapidly worn the ravine back to a greater distance than thirty feet. All those stating that the body was buried where found say it was buried upon the summit of a bluff. The conclusion is evident that a thirty foot backward recession of a ravine would hardly have occurred in the face of a bluff. By its finders the body is said to have been buried only about eighteen inches deep. With the eroding effects of a cattle path would it have been still that depth below the surface after a lapse of nearly a half century? One would think that such could hardly be. For discovery and interment of the remains of Joel Howe, see Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. XI, pp. 551-553.

[263] There will probably always be more or less controversy as to the number of bodies found and buried. The present writer has sought to be conservative in accepting evidence. See Smith’s A History of Dickinson County, Iowa, pp. 88, 89; Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 539, 540; The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 543; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 74.

[264] Smith’s A History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 90; Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 922-937.

[265] Smith’s A History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 90.

[266] Smith’s A History of Dickinson County, Iowa, pp. 91-94.

[267] The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 544.

[268] Smith’s A History of Dickinson County, Iowa, pp. 98, 99; Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 530; The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 544.

[269] The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 995, 996; Narrative of W. L. Laughlin in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 544; Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 531.

[270] Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 531; The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 544.

[271] The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 544, 545.

[272] Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 531, 532; The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 544, 545; Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, p. 317.

[273] Captain Johnson had come to Bach Grove on the Boone River Troy Township, Wright County, from Pennsylvania. Mention has been made of the manner of his enlistment. Upon his failure to return, his mother disposed of the claim and returned to Pennsylvania. When the bodies were found, Angus McBane of Fort Dodge took charge of the remains and sent them to his mother for burial. The remains of Burkholder were taken charge of by his brother-in-law, Governor C. C. Carpenter. They were given a military funeral at Fort Dodge, conducted by Major Williams. All the members of Company C that could be brought together at that time attended.—A Paper by Michael Sweeney in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), III, p. 541.

CHAPTER XXV

[274] Address of Capt. Charles B. Richardsin the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 516.

[275] Captain Richards speaks of their attempt to secure supplies at the settlement upon their return as follows: “The settlers at the Colony were on short rations and could spare nothing. We decided to buy a steer and kill for the party, but we had no money and the owner refused to sell without pay. We offered to give the personal obligation of all the officers, and assured him the State would pay a good price; but this was not satisfactory. We therefore decided to take one vi et armis, and detailed several men to kill and dress the steer. They were met by men, women and children, armed with pitchforks to resist the sacrifice, and not being able to convince them either of the necessity of the case or that they would get pay for the steer, I ordered Lieut. Stratton and a squad of men with loaded guns to go and take the steer; when ... the hostile party retired.”—Address of Capt. Charles B. Richards in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 517.

[276] Duncombe’s Spirit Lake Expedition in the Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers’ Association of Iowa for 1898 , p. 45; Address of Capt. Charles B. Richards in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 518, 519.

[277] Captain Richards is quoted as follows in Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, p. 318, concerning the attempt to cross at this point:—“The wind was now blowing a terrific gale and the cold was intense, so that our wet clothing was frozen stiff upon us.... When help and material for a raft came, so strong and cold was the wind, and so swift the current, filled with floating ice, that all of our efforts to build a raft failed. It was now dark and still growing colder, and the roar of the blinding storm so great that we could no longer hold communication with our companions on the other side. We were benumbed with cold, utterly exhausted, and three miles from the nearest cabin. We were powerless to aid our comrades, and could only try to save ourselves. It was a terrible walk in the face of the terrific blizzard, our clothes frozen, our feet freezing, and our strength gone.”

[278] Address of Ex-Governor Carpenter in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 486, 487.

[279] Hoover’s The Tragedy of Okoboji in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. V, p. 24.

[280] Frank R. Mason’s Recollections in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 535.

[281] Address of Ex-Governor Carpenter in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 487.

[282] Frank R. Mason’s Recollections in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 535, 536.

[283] Letter from Mrs. Collins in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 549.

CHAPTER XXVI

[284] Republished article from the St. Paul Pioneer of May 31, 1857, in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 13, 1857.

[285] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 150.

[286] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 151-156, 168.

[287] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 168-171. This stone is more familiarly known in mineralogy as catlinite—being so named from George Catlin, the noted traveler, who first studied it. See Hodge’s Handbook of American Indians, Vol. I, pp. 217-219.

[288] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 152, 153.

[289] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 172.

[290] Robinson’s A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 237.

[291] Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, p. 322; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 175.

[292] Gue’s History of Iowa, Vol. I, p. 323; Robinson’s A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 237; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 175, 176.

[293] Republished article from the St. Paul Pioneer, of May 31, 1857, in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 13, 1857.

[294] B. M. Smith and A. J. Hill’s Map of the Ceded Part of Dakota Territory, 1861.

CHAPTER XXVII

[295] The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, pp. 392-394; Robinson’s A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 238.

[296] Robinson’s A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 238.

[297] Robinson’s A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 238.

[298] Republished article from St. Paul Pioneer, of May 31, 1857, in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 13, 1857.

[299] Robinson’s A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 238, 239.

[300] Republished article from St. Paul Pioneer, of May 31, 1857, in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 13, 1857.

[301] Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 394.

[302] Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 395.

[303] The text of this bond appears in Flandrau’s Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, pp. 395, 396.

CHAPTER XXVIII

[304] Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni was at this time the President of the Rev. Riggs’ Hazelwood Republic. This Republic was a rather unique attempt at self-government upon the part of Christianized Indians of the Yellow Medicine Agency under the guidance of the Rev. Mr. Riggs. It was “a respectable community of young men who had cut off their hair and exchanged the dress of the Dakotas for that of the white man.... They elected their president and other officers for two years, and were recognized by the Indian agent as a separate band of the Sioux.”—Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. II, pp. 254-257.

[305] John Other Day won his title to fame in the annals of Minnesota by the part he took in the terrible Sioux Massacre of 1862. Certainly nothing else is needed to prove the worth of a Christian Indian than this act of his. The whites and Christian Indian refugees were in deadly peril of massacre at the Yellow Medicine Agency when to “John Other Day ... was entrusted the agency people and the refugees ... sixty-two souls in all, and as the ... revelry still came up from the stores on the bottom ... he moved off to the east with his white friends, crossed the Minnesota and skillfully covering the trail bore them away to safety ... without rest or delay he hurried back to the scene of the massacre to save more lives and assist in bringing the miscreants to justice.”—Robinson’s A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 278, 279.

[306] Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 396.

[307] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 216-221, 224, 225. Mrs. Noble seems to have been killed in the southeastern corner of what is now Spink County, South Dakota.

[308] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 231, 232.

[309] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 236.

[310] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 238, 239.

[311] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 241. See also Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 398.

[312] Lee’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, p. 35.

[313] Lee’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, p. 36.

[314] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 249.

Concerning this costume Mrs. Sharp has since remarked that “the style and fit might not have been approved by Worth, but it was worth everything to me.”

[315] Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 399.

[316] Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 399.

[317] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 257.

[318] For these speeches see Lee’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, pp. 37-41; Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 260-265.

[319] Lee’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, p. 43.

[320] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 268, 269; Lee’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, p. 44.

CHAPTER XXIX

[321] Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 400.

[322] Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 397.

[323] Lee’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, p. 42.

[324] Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 401.

[325] Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 401.

[326] Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, pp. 401, 402.

[327] House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 367.

[328] House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 362, 363.

[329] House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 368.

[330] House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 368.

[331] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, p. 254.

[332] House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 369, 370, 375.

[333] House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 373, 374, 375-379.

[334] House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 398.

[335] This speech is one of the very few well-known oratorical efforts of a Siouan leader and as such it is here appended: “The soldiers have appointed me to speak for them. The man who killed white people did not belong to us, and we did not expect to be called to account for the people of another band. We have always tried to do as our Great Father tells us. One of our young men brought in a captive woman. I went out and brought the other. The soldiers came up here, and our young men assisted to kill one of Ink-pa-du-tah’s sons at this place. Then you (Superintendent Cullen) spoke about our soldiers going after the rest. Wakea Ska (White Lodge) said he would go, and the rest of us followed. The lower Indians did not get up the war party for you; it was our Indians, the Wahpeton and Sisiton. The soldiers here say that they were told by you that a thousand dollars would be paid for killing each of the murderers. Their Great Father does not expect to do these things without money, and I suppose that it is for that that the special agent is come up. We wish the men who went out paid for what they have done. Three men are killed as we know. I am not a chief among the Indians. The white people have declared me a chief, and I suppose I am able to do something. We have nothing to eat, and our families are hungry. If we go out again we must have some money before we go. This is what the soldiers have wished me to say.... All of us want our money now very much. We have never seen our Great Father, but have heard a great deal from him, and have always tried to do as he has told us. A man of another band has done wrong, and we are to suffer for it. Our old women and children are hungry for this. I have seen ten thousand dollars sent to pay for our going out. I wish the soldiers were paid for it. I suppose our Great Father has more money than this.”—House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 399.

[336] Hubbard and Holcombe’s Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. III, pp. 267, 268; South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 344, 345, Vol. VI, p. 226.

[337] Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, pp. 402-404.

[338] Flandrau’s The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, pp. 404-406.

CHAPTER XXX

[339] Letter of Governor James W. Grimes to the Iowa Delegation in Congress, January 3, 1855, in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, pp. 627-630; Letter of Governor James W. Grimes to President Franklin Pierce in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 135-137.

[340] United States Statutes at Large, Vol. II, Ch. 163, p. 363, 1st Session, 35th Congress, June 14, 1858.

[341] Copies of Claims Submitted in Auditor’s office, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa; Statement from the Office of the Northern Superintendent of Indian Affairs, St. Paul, Minnesota, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa.

[342] Statement from Office of Northern Superintendent of Indian Affairs, St. Paul, Minnesota, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa.

[343] Letter to Governor Lowe from Superintendent W. J. Cullen, August 12, 1859, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa.

[344] United States Statutes at Large, Vol. 12, Ch. 157, p. 58, 1st Session, 36th Congress, June 19, 1860.

[345] United States Statutes at Large, Vol. 12, Ch. 163, p. 68, 1st Session, 36th Congress, June 21, 1860.

[346] United States Statutes at Large, Vol. 12, Ch. 72, p. 203, 2nd Session, 36th Congress, March 2, 1861.

[347] Laws of Iowa, 1860, pp. 26, 27.

[348] Laws of Iowa, 1860, pp. 36, 37.

[349] Claims and Vouchers Filed with Governor of Iowa in Auditor’s Office, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa.

As late as January, 1870, in his first biennial message to the legislature, Governor Merrill stated that the State had recently received from the Federal government the “sum of $18,117 to reimburse outlay for the defense of the northern border of the State, subsequent to the massacre at Spirit Lake in 1857.”—Shambaugh’s Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa, Vol. III, p. 263.

[350] Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 481.

[351] A Worthy Tribute in the Fort Dodge Messenger, Vol. 23, No. 39, August 18, 1887.

[352] A Worthy Tribute in the Fort Dodge Messenger, Vol. 23, No. 39, August, 18, 1887.

[353] S. F. 115 was introduced by Senator A. B. Funk of Spirit Lake, and H. F. 230 by Representative J. G. Myerly of Estherville. Senator Funk’s measure was later substituted in the House for the House measure, upon motion of Representative Myerly.—Senate Journal, 1894, pp. 85, 178, 335, 585, 697; House Journal, 1894, pp. 124, 504, 577, 765.

[354] Laws of Iowa, 1894, pp. 116, 117.

[355] Report of the Okoboji and Spirit Lake Monument Commission in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 552, 553.

[356] Smith’s A History of Dickinson County, Iowa, pp. 572, 574, 575.

[357] Smith’s A History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 576.

[358] Smith’s A History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 579.

It should also be noted that on April 9, 1913, there was approved a law which declared that “on and after the passage of this act, the survivors of the Spirit Lake Relief Expedition of 1857 ... shall receive a monthly pension of $20.00 per month, during the lifetime of each such survivor”.—Laws of Iowa, 1913, p. 362.

Under the provisions of this law there was paid out of the State treasury the sum of $2,189.33 for the biennial period ending June 30, 1914, and $4,677.33 for the biennial period ending June 30, 1916.—Report of the Treasurer of State, 1914, p. 21, 1916, p. 21.

CHAPTER XXXI

[359] Mrs. Sharp’s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 274-282, 340.

[360] Judge Charles E. Flandrau in The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 399, has this to say of Mrs. Marble after leaving St. Paul, Minnesota: “The bank [where her money had been placed] failed, and that was the end of Mrs. Marble so far as I know, except that I heard that she exhibited herself at the East, in the role of the rescued captive, and the very last information I had of her, was, that she went up in a balloon at New Orleans. I leave to future historians the solution of the problem, whether she ever came down again?”

[361] Smith’s A History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 576.

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

Clyx.com


Top of Page
Top of Page