[207] Sta. Justa (founded in 554), Sta. Eulalia (559), San Sebastian (601), San Marcos (634), San Lucas (641), San Torcuato (700), and Nuestra SeÑora del Arribal were the churches so granted for the use of the Mozarabic Liturgy. See D. Manuel de Assas, ‘Album Art. de Toledo,’ Art. II., and D. Sisto Ramon Parro, ‘Toledo en la Mano,’ p. 167 et seq.

[208] “The most remarkable buildings which illustrate the Mahomedan architecture in Toledo are the following:—The Mosque, now church of Cristo de la Luz, the Synagogues Sta. Maria la Blanca and El Transito, the church of San Roman—probably once a Mosque or Synagogue—the gateways De Visagra and Del Sol, and one on the Bridge of Alcantara, the Alcazar, the Palace of D. Diego, the Casa de Mesa, the Taller del Moro, the Temple (No. 10, Calle de San Miguel), the College of Saint Catherine, the house No. 17, Calle de las Tornerias, the ruins of the Palace of Villena, those of St. Augustine, of San GinÉs, the Baths de la Cava, the Castle of San Servando (or Cervantes), the Palace of Galiena, and finally the Churches of SS. Ursula, Torcuato, Isabel, Marcos, Justo, Juan de la Penitencia, Miguel, Magdalena, Concepcion, Sta. FÉ, Santiago, Cristo de la Vega (or Sta. Leocadia), SS. TomÉ and BartolomÉ.”—D. Manuel de Assas, Album Artist. de Toledo, and Toledo Pintoresca, Don J. Amador de los Rios. There are other remains, and among them a very fine room behind the house, No. 6, Calle la Plata.

[209] Ponz, Viage de EspaÑa, vol. i. p. 210, gives a view of the considerable remains of a Roman aqueduct. I believe these have now entirely disappeared.

[210] There is a view in Villa Amil’s work of this interior, but the scale of the figures introduced is so much too small as to increase largely the apparent size of the building; otherwise the drawing is fairly correct. The illustration which I give is borrowed from Mr. Fergusson’s ‘Handbook of Architecture,’ and is from a drawing by M. Girault de Prangey.

[211] I find that Archbishop Rodrigo consecrated the church of San Roman on the 20th of June, 1221. See his Historia de Rebus HispaniÆ, in EspaÑa Sagrada, vol. ii. p. 23.

[212] San Vicente Ferrer is said to have converted more than 4000 Toledan Jews in one day in the year 1407; and in 1413 a vast number were converted in Zaragoza, Calatayud, and elsewhere in the north of Spain. One cannot but fear that coming events in this case cast their shadows before them, and that the Jews had a shrewd suspicion of the coming of the edict of 1492, by which 170,000 Jewish families were ordered to leave the kingdom if they would not be baptized. The establishment of the Inquisition was the necessary consequence of such an edict. See Don J. Amador de los Rios, Estudios sobre los Judios de EspaÑa, pp. 84, 106, 156.

The illustration which I give of the interior of this synagogue is borrowed from Mr. Fergusson’s ‘Handbook of Architecture.’ The original view is in M. Villa-Amil’s work, and gives a fairly correct representation of the general effect of the building.

[213] Said to have been so called on account of the passing-bell rung at the death of any of the Knights of Calatrava, to which it belonged after A.D. 1492; but more probably owing to its possession of a picture of the Assumption, the church having sometimes been called Nuestra SeÑora del Transito. It is also called San Benito. See D. Man. de Assas, Alb. Art. de Toledo.

[214] For some notice of Samuel Levi, and the inscriptions in the Synagogue, see Don JosÉ Amador de los Rios, Estudios sobre los Judios de EspaÑa, pp. 52-7. Translations of these long and curious Hebrew inscriptions are given by D. F. de Rades y Andrada in his Chronicle of Calatrava, pp. 24, 25.

[215] The capture of Granada, on Jan. 2nd, 1492, and the expulsion of the Jews at the end of July in the same year, were jointly recorded over the door “del Escribanos” at the west end of the cathedral; and at the same time so great was the zeal for the Christian faith that nothing else was tolerated anywhere in Spain, and least of all here under the eye of the Primate. Yet it is more than doubtful whether the country gained in any way—moral or material—by such a measure; it lost its most skilled workmen, its most skilled agriculturists; and the gloom-inspiring effect of the necessary Inquisition, seems permanently to have fixed itself on Spanish art and manners. 170,000 families of Jews, at the time of their expulsion, were compelled to leave the kingdom in four months, or be baptized.—Don J. A. de los Rios, Estudios s. l. Judios, p. 156.

[216] From artesa, a kneading-trough; a carved ceiling, made in the shape of an inverted trough. This term is usually applied by Spanish writers to this class of roof, and I follow Mr. Ford’s example in adopting it, as we have no term which exactly represents it.

[217] Viage de EspaÑa, vol. i. p. 41.

[218] EspaÑa Art. y Mon., vol. i. p. 78.

[219] I am aware that in saying this I blame myself as much as any one else. The truth is, that so violent is the popular prejudice on some points that he must be a bold architect who ventures to run counter to it; and I am quite sure that the first brick building I erect with the brickwork executed in the proper way will be met by a storm of abuse from all sides. This is a great snare to most of us. Nothing is more easy than to secure popular applause in architecture. If we abstain from study, thought, or over-labour about the execution of every detail, we may still do what every one will agree is right and proper, because it has been done five hundred times before; but if we only give a fair amount of all three we are sure to meet with plenty of critics who never give any of either, and who hate our work in proportion to their own incapacity to criticize it from their old standpoint.

[220] A good illustration of San TomÉ is given in Villa Amil, vol. ii.

[221] Toledo en La Mano, pp. 249 et seq. Escosura in Villa Amil, vol. ii. p. 51.

[222] Ford’s Handbook, p. 777.

[223] see ante, p. 210.

[224] An inscription was put up in the time of Philip II. giving the history of the bridge, and stating that it had been rebuilt by Pedro Tenorio, the archbishop: “Pontem cujus ruinÆ in declivis alveo proxime visuntur, fluminis inundatione, quÆ anno Domini MCCIII. super ipsum excrevit, diruptum Toletani in hoc loco Ædificaverunt. Imbecilla hominum consilia, quem jam amnis lÆdere non poterat, Petro et Henrico fratribus pro regno contendentibus interruptum, Petrus Tenorius archiepiscopus Toletan. reparÂdum curavit.”

A quaint story is told of the building of this bridge. The architect whilst the work was going on perceived that as soon as the centres were removed the arches would fall, and confided his grief to his wife. She with woman’s wit forthwith set fire to the centring, and when the whole fell together all the world attributed the calamity to the accident of the fire. When the bridge had been rebuilt again she avowed her proceeding, but Archbishop Tenorio, instead of making her husband pay the expenses, seems to have confined himself to complimenting him on the treasure he possessed in his wife.—Cean Bermudez, Not. de los Arquos., &c., vol. i. p. 79.

[225] A stone was found in the 16th century with this inscription on it:—

IN NOMINE DNI CONSECRA
TA ECCLESIA SCTE MARIE
IN CATHOLICO DIE PRIMO
IDUS APRILIS ANNO FELI
CITER PRIMO REGNI DNI
NOSTRI GLORIOSISSIMI H
RECCAREDI REGIS ERA
DCXXV

This stone is still preserved, and is interesting as a proof that a church was standing here in the year 587.

[226] Bernard, the first bishop, after the expulsion of the Moors was sent from France, at the request of the king, by Hugo, Abbot of Cluny. The story of this seizure of the mosque is as follows: “Regina Constantia hortante de revete adscitis militibus Christianis, majorem Mezquilam ingressus est Toletanam, et eliminata spurcitia Mahometi, erexit altaria fidei ChristianÆ, et in majori turri campanas ad convocationem fidelium collocavit.” The king came back forthwith in great wrath, determined to burn both queen and archbishop, and riding into the city was met by a crowd of Moors, to whom he cried out that no injury had been done to them, but only to him who had solemnly given his oath that their mosque should be preserved to them. They, however, prudently begged him to let them release him from his oath, whereat he had great joy, and riding on into the city the matter ended peacefully.—Archbishop Rodrigo, De Rebus HispaniÆ, lib. vi. cap. xxiii.

[227] “In the era 1264 (A.D. 1226) the king D. Fernando, and the archbishop Don Rodrigo, laid the first stones in the foundation of the church of Toledo.”—Anales Toledanos III. Salazar de Mendoza, in the prologue to the Chronicle of Cardinal D. Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, says that the function took place on the 14th Aug. 1227, the eve of the Assumption. The archbishop, in his History, lib. ix. cap. 13, says that the work was carried on to the great admiration of the people: “Et tunc jecerunt primum lapidem” (the Toledo MS. has lapides) “Rex et Archiepiscopus Rodericus in fundamento ecclesiÆ ToletanÆ, quÆ in forma mexquitÆ” (of a mosque) “À tempore Arabum adhue stabat: cujus fabrica opere mirabili de die in diem non sine grandi admiratione hominum exaltatur.” It is vexatious to find the archbishop who laid the first stone writing a history of his own times, and saying nothing throughout the entire volume beyond these few words about his cathedral. No one seems to be able to judge what will interest another age. Most of the archbishop’s facts are rather insignificant, and what thanks would we not have given him for any information as to the building of one of the grandest churches of the age!—See his History—finished in 1243—in vol. iii. of Coll. Patrum Ecc. ToletanÆ, Madrid, 1795.

[228] It is preserved in the Chapel of St. Catherine.—See Blas Ortiz, Summi Templi Toletani graphica Descriptio.

[229] I venture to speak with great positiveness about some features of detail. It is possible enough that architects in various countries may develop from one original—say from a Lombard original—groups of buildings which shall have a general similarity. They may increase this similarity by travel. But in each country certain conventionalities have been introduced in the designing of details which it is most rare to see anywhere out of the country which produced them. Such, e.g., are the delicate differences between the French and English bases of the thirteenth century, nay even between the bases in various parts of the present French empire. These differences are so delicate that it is all but impossible to explain them; yet no one who has carefully studied them will doubt, when he sees a French moulding used throughout a building, that French artists had much to do with its design.

[230] Cean Bermudez, Arq. de Esp., &c., vol. i. pp. 253-4; and Bellas Artes en EspaÑa, passim.

[231]

[232] The north-west tower only was built, and this long after the original foundation of the church (i.e. circa 1380-1440). Blas Ortiz, speaking of the foundation of the Mozarabic chapel at the west end of the opposite (south) aisle, says it was placed “in extrema Templi parte, ubi coeptÆ turris fundamenta surgebant.” The four western bays of the nave are no doubt rather later in date than the rest of the church, but they follow the same general design, and are not distinguishable on the ground-plan. My ground-plan of this enormous cathedral is deficient in some details; but my readers will pardon any departure from absolute accuracy in every part, when they consider how much useless labour the representation of every detail entails in such a work, and how impossible it would be for any one without a great deal of time at his disposal to do more than I have done. I am not aware that any plan of this cathedral has ever before been published. I omitted to examine a detached chapel—that I believe of the “Reyes Nuevos”—but with this exception, I think my plan shows the whole of the old portion of the work quite accurately.

[233] The account given by Blas Ortiz (who wrote his description of the cathedral in the time of Philip II.) ought to be given here, because it seems to show that in his time the roofs were not entirely covered with stone, but, as at present, with tile roofs in some parts above the stone. “EcclesiÆ testudines,” he says, “candidÆ sunt, muniunt eas, et ab imbribus aliisque incommodis protegunt tabulata magna (sive contiguationes) artificiose composita, fulcris statura hominis altioribus suffulta, tectaque partim tegulis, partim lateribus ac planis lapidibus. TurriculÆ lapideÆ in modum pyramidum erectÆ, e singulis (inquam) pilis per totum Ædificium exeunt, quÆ sacram Basilicam extrinsecus pulcherrimam faciunt.”—Descrip. Temp. Toletani, cap. xxi.

[234] M. Viollet le Duc’s articles in the Dictionnaire de l’Architecture FranÇaise on the planning of French churches are extremely valuable, as indeed is all that he writes; and I take the opportunity afforded me by the aid which he has thus given me in the consideration of this question, to express the gratitude which I suppose every student of Christian art feels for what he has done towards promoting its right study.

[235] That ingenious form of vault invented by modern plasterers, in which the transverse arch gives all the data for the shape of the diagonal rib, which is consequently neither a true pointed arch, nor a true curve of any kind, is, of course, the worst of all forms; and it might be thought unnecessary to utter a protest against it, were it not that we see some of our best modern buildings disfigured beyond measure by its introduction. Nothing is simpler than a good vault. The best rule for it is to make a good diagonal arch and a good transverse arch, and the filling in of the cells is pretty sure to take care of itself.

[236] I refer my readers to Chapter XX. for an account of the curious likeness between this plan and one by Wilars de Honecort.

[237] Plate XIV.

[238] Toledo Pintoresca, p. 87.

[239] I take the height of nave from Blas Ortiz. He gives the dimensions of the church in Spanish feet as follows:—Length, 404; breadth, 202; height, 116 feet.

[240] Compendio del Toledo en la Mano, p. 182.

[241] The western bay, on the north side, has a monument with a gable, and the spandrels between it and the side pinnacles crowded with tracery mainly composed of cusped circles. The second bay, counting from the north-west, has in the tympanum over the cusped arch figures of the twelve apostles; and over them, our Lord, with angels holding candles and censers on either side. The monument in the third bay has figures of twelve saints, and above them the coronation of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The fourth or eastern bay has a modern altar, which conceals completely the old work. The fifth bay has a Renaissance tomb of a bishop. The sixth, the same monument as in the second and third bays, with figures of twelve female saints, and above them the Resurrection, and the Last Judgment. The seventh bay corresponds with the first, which is opposite it; and the eighth bay contains the arch of communication with the choir aisle.

[242] Archbishop Don Pedro Tenorio was one of the most munificent of the archbishops of Toledo. In addition to the cloister and chapel of San Blas he is said to have built the castle of San Servando, the bridge of San Martin, and the convent of Mercenarios in Toledo. Besides which, he built castles and forts on the frontier of the kingdom of Granada, and erected the town of Villafranca with its famous bridge “del Arzobispo.”

[243] There are twelve bells, of which the largest is San Eugenio. There are some old lines which show its fame:—

[244] It is said that a number of designs were sent in competition for this monument, and that from among them that of Pablo Ortiz was selected, and a contract entered into for its erection on January 7th, 1489.—Bellas Artes en EspaÑa, iii. 284.

[245] These later stalls have the following inscription:—

But for their whole history see Bellas Artes en EspaÑa, v. 230. BorgoÑa carved the stalls on the Gospel side, Berruguete those on the Epistle side of the choir.—Ponz, Viage de EspaÑa, i. 59. This same Felipe de BorgoÑa was architect of the lantern of Burgos cathedral.

[246] The Reja east of the Coro was designed by Domingo Cespides, by order of the Chapter, to whom he presented a model made in wood by Martinez, a carpenter.—Toledo Pintoresca, p. 40.

[247] Alonso de Covarrubias, Maestro Mayor from 1534 to 1536, mentions among his works the removal of most of the Retablos, which, he says, produced a “detestable effect.” For an account of the Retablo of the principal altar, and the names of the men who executed it, see Ponz, Viage de EspaÑa, i. 65. It was designed in 1500. See also the Life of Juan de BorgoÑa, in Diccin., &c., de las Bellas Artes en EspaÑa, vol. i. p. 163.

[248] I find the following interesting account of the colours used during the different seasons of the ecclesiastical year given by Blas Ortiz, Descriptio Templi Toletani, pp. 387, 388:—

White.—The Nativity and Resurrection of our Lord, and the feasts of the Blessed Virgin Mary and Virgins.

Red.—Epiphany, Pentecost, Festivity of Holy Cross, Apostles, Evangelists, and Martyrs, and the Victory of Benamarin.

Green.—In the procession on Palm Sunday, and the Solemnity of S. John Baptist.

Saffron, or light Yellow.—On Feasts of Confessors, Doctors, and Abbots.

Blue.—Trinity Sunday, and many other Sundays.

Ash-colour.—Ash-Wednesday.

Violet.—Advent and Lent, wars, and troubles.

Black.—For the Passion of our Lord, and for funerals. And besides these all sorts of colours mixed with gold on the festival of All Saints, on account of their diversity of character, and on the coming of the king or archbishops of Toledo, or of legates from the Pope.

[249] Hernando del Pulgar, in the ‘Cronica de los muy Altos y Esclarecidos Reyes Catolicos’ (part ii. cap. 65), records the erection of the church in accomplishment of a vow made after the battle of Toro; and D. Francisco de Pisa, in his ‘Descripcion de la Imperial Ciudad,’ says that Ferdinand and Isabella intended to be buried here. They changed their intention in favour of the chapel they built at Granada after the conquest.

[250] Said to be portraits of Ferdinand and Isabella.—Toledo en la Mano, p. 137.

[251]

[252] This doorway ought to be compared with the south door of the nave of LÉrida cathedral, the detail of which is so extremely similar to it that it is impossible, I think, to doubt that they were the work of the same men.

[253] Madoz gives the same date.—Dicc. Geo. Esp. HistÓrico.

[254] The illustration which I give of this lantern is borrowed from Mr. Fergusson’s ‘Handbook of Architecture.’

[255] Noticias de los Arquitectos, &c., vol. i. p. 256.

[256] Viage Lit. Á las Iglesias de EspaÑa, vol. i. p. 31.

[257] L’an 1238, lorsque Jaques I. Roi d’Arragon assiÉgoit Valence, qui etait au pouvoir des Mores, il dÉclara que les premiers qui l’emporteroient auroient l’honneur de donner les poids, les mesures, et la monnaye de leur ville À ceux de Valence; lÀ dessus ceux de LÉrida s’y jettÈrent les premiers, et prirent la ville. C’est pourquoi, lorsqu’on repeupla Valence, ils y envoyÈrent une colonie, leurs mesures, et leur monnaye, dont on s’y sert encore aujourd’hui; et la ville de Valence reconnoit celle de LÉrida pour sa mÈre.—Les DÉlices de l’Espagne, iv. 613. Leyden, A.D. 1715.

[258] Ponz, Viage de EspaÑa, iv. 21, 22.

[259] Valdomar also built the chapel “de los Reyes,” in the convent of San Domingo, commenced 18th June, 1439, and completed 24th June, 1476. This convent is now desecrated, and I did not see it, but it is said still to contain a good Gothic cloister.

[260] Pedro Compte is mentioned as having been invited by the Archbishop of Zaragoza to a conference with four other architects as to the rebuilding of the Cimborio of his cathedral, which had fallen down in 1520.

[261] Viage de Esp., vol. iv. pp. 29, 30.

[262] Spain boasts other like treasures, e.g.—a figure still preserved at MondoÑedo, and which is still called “la Yuglesa,” because brought from St. Paul’s.—See Ponz, Viage de EspaÑa, vol. iv. p. 43.

[263] Handbook of Spain, i. 367.

[264] Cean Bermudez, Arqua. y Aquos. de EspaÑa, vol. i. p. 139.

[265] In May, 1862.

[266] Tarragona is the see of an archbishop, who claims to be equal, if not superior, to the Archbishop of Toledo. Practically, of course, he is nothing of the kind, yet he carries the assertion of his dignity so far that I noticed a Mandamos of the Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo hung up in the Coro, in which his title “Primada de las EspaÑas,” and the same word in “Santa Iglesia Primada,” were carefully scratched through in ink.

[267] EspaÑa Sagrada, vol. xxv. p. 214.

[268] Historia de los Condes de Barcelona, p. 183.

[269] The Chapter-house at Fountains Abbey has one of the largest collections of masons’ marks I have ever seen, and in this case they are of much value, as proving how large was the number of skilled masons employed on this one small building at the same time. At Tarragona I saw nothing like the same variety of marks.

[270] See p. 388.

[271] See illustrations of these on the ground-plan of Tarragona Cathedral, Plate XV.

[272] See detail of this pavement on Plate XV.

[273] In 1278 M. BartolomÉ wrought nine figures of the Apostles for the faÇade; and in 1375 M. Jayme Castayls agreed to execute the remainder. His contract is made under the direction of Bernardo de Vallfogona, acting as architect to the Chapter, and father probably of the man of the same name who was consulted about Gerona cathedral, and who executed the reredos of the high altar at Tarragona in A.D. 1426, and died in A.D. 1436.

[274] The stalls of the Coro were executed between A.D. 1479 and 1493, by Francisco Gomar of Zaragoza.

[275] See the illustration of this marble pavement on Plate XV.

[276] Vallbona has a very fine Romanesque cruciform church with eastern apses and a low central octagonal lantern; Poblet was an early cross church with a fourteenth-century central lantern, and a cloister of the same age; and Sta. Creus is an early church with a fourteenth-century cloister, which has a projecting chapel with a fountain in it on one side similar to that at Veruela.—Parcerisa, Recuerdos, &c.

[277] There is a good inn here, the Fonda del Europa. But beware of the Fonda de los Cuatro Naciones, which is dirty and bad. Tarragona may be reached easily by steamboats from Barcelona. They go twice a week in five or six hours, I believe.

[278] He was buried here, and this inscription was formerly in the church: “Sub hac tribuna jacet corpus condam Wilfredi comitis filius Wilfredi, simili modo condam comitis bonÆ memoriÆ, Dimittat ei DÑs. Amen. Qui obiit, vi. Kal. Madii sub era DCCCCLII.” (A.D. 914).

[279] San Cucufate del VallÉs is not far from Barcelona; it has a fine early cloister somewhat like that of Gerona Cathedral, an early church with parallel triapsidal east end, octagonal lantern and tower on south side.—See illustrations in Parcerisa, Recuerdos, &c., de Esp. CataluÑa, ii. 23, &c.

[280] Cean Bermudez, Arq. de EspaÑa, i. 12.

[281] According to Ford it was built by Guillermo II., Patriarch of Jerusalem, in imitation of the church of the Holy Sepulchre.—Handbook for Travellers in Spain, p. 416. It was one of the churches founded by the Order of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem after the year 1141, in which they sent emissaries to Spain for the purpose.—Viage Literario Á las Iglesias de EspaÑa, xviii. 139. The necrology of the monastery contained the obit of a canon who came from Jerusalem, called Carfilio, as follows: “Obiit Caifilius frater Saucti Sepulchri, qui edificavit ecclesiam sanctÆ AnnÆ.—Viage Lit., xvii. 144. See ground-plan of this church on Plate XVII.

[282] Plate XVI.

[283] The inscription on the right hand of this door is as follows:—

+ In: noie: DÑi: nri: Ihu : Xri: ad. honore. + Sce: Trinitatis: Pats. et. Filii. et. Sps. Sci. ac. Beate. Virginis: Marie. et Sce. crucis. Sce. q. Eulalie. Virginis. et. Martiris. Xri. ac. civis Barchn. cujus. som. corpus. in ista. requiescit. sede. opus. istius. ecce. fuit. inceptum. Kl. Madii aÑo. DÑi. M.CCXCVIII. regnate. illustrissimo. DÑo. Jacobo. rege. Aragonu. Valn. Sardinie. Corsice. + comite. Q. Barchinone.

The other inscription is on the left side of the same door:—

In. noie. DÑi. nri. Ihu. Xri. Kds. Novebr. anno. DÑi. M.CCC.XXIX. regnante. DÑo. Alfoso. rege. Aragonu. Valecie. Sardinie. Corsice. ac. comite. Barchn. opus. hujus. sedis. operabatur. ad. laude. Dei. ac. Bte. M Sce + Sceq. Eulaie.

[284] The inscription which records the depositing of the body of Sta. Eulalia in the crypt below the choir in A.D. 1339, says that “el Maestro” Jayme Fabra and the masons and workmen of the church, Juan Berguera, Juan de Puigmolton, Bononato Peregrin, Guillen Ballester, and Salvador Bertran, covered the urn with a tomb and canopy of stone.—Cean Bermudez, Arq. de EspaÑa, i. p. 63. Diego, Historia de los Condes de Barcelona, pp. 298-301.

[285] “The directors of the work of the new temple,” says S. Furio (Diccionario historico de los Professores de las Bellas Artes en Mallorca, p. 55), “agreed to give to the architect, Master Jayme, eighteen sueldos a week for the whole of his life, as well when he was ill as well; and during the work, in case he should have to go on matters of business to Mallorca—his country—the Chapter bound themselves to pay him his travelling expenses and maintenance as well going as returning. They promised also to give a house rent free for him and his family, and two hundred sueldos annually for clothing for him and his children.

[287] It is rather difficult to ascertain the exact value of the sums mentioned in these documents—a sueldo and a dinero being both disused. The former is said to have been a piece of eight maravedis, the latter a small copper coin. This at the present day would be only a little over threepence a day. In A.D. 1350 we find William de Hoton, the master-mason at York Minster, receiving 2s. 6d. a week—as nearly as may be the same wages that Roque received. Hoton had also a premium of 10l. a year and a house, and liberty to undertake other works. Fabric Rolls of York, Surtees Soc., p. 166. At Exeter, in the year 1300, Master Roger, the master-mason, received 30s. a quarter, or about 2s. 4d. a week. Fabric Rolls of Exeter, in Dr. Oliver’s Lives of the Bishops of Exeter, pp. 392-407.

[288] Given in EspaÑa Sagrada, xxix. p. 314, in facsimile. In the edition of 1859, engravings both of the shrine and of the crypt are given.

[289] Villanueva, Viage Á las Iglesias de EspaÑa, xviii. 157.

[290] The account of the building of Segovia Cathedral, given in the Appendix, mentions the provision of rooms for this purpose.

[291] Parcerisa, Recuerdos, &c., de EspaÑa. CataluÑa, i. 57.

[292] Viage Lit., xviii. 145.

[293] The lower range of stalls was made in 1457, by Matias Bonife, for fifteen florins for labour for each. In his contract with the Chapter he agrees to carve all the seats, but “in no wise any beasts or subjects.” In 1483 Miguel Loquer made the pinnacles of the upper stalls. The Chapter disputed the goodness of his work, and he died—partly of disgust, apparently—during the lengthy dispute. The Chapter then named arbiters, who, after a formal examination, pronounced them to contain grave defects.—Parcerisa, Recuerdos, &c., CataluÑa, i, p. 59.

[294] Here, in 1519, Charles V. celebrated an installation of the Golden Fleece—the only one ever held in Spain.—Ford’s Handbook, p. 413.

[295] Viage Lit., xviii. p. 142.

[296] Plate XVII.

[297] In nomine DÑi nostri Jesu Christi ad honorem sanctÆ MariÆ fuit inceptum opus fabricÆ ecclesiÆ BeatÆ MariÆ de Mari die Annuntiationis ejusdem, viii. Kal. Aprilis Anno Domini MCCCXXVIII.

[298] Cean Bermudez, Arq. de EspaÑa, i. p. 61.

[299] Recuerdos, &c., CataluÑa, i. p. 66.

[300] Plate XVII.

[301] Plate XVII.

[302] Viage Literario Á las Iglesias de EspaÑa, xviii. 161.

[303] Arq. de EspaÑa.

[304] Recuerdos, &c., de EspaÑa, CataluÑa, vol. i.

[305] An inscription is given by Villanueva, Viage Literario, xviii. 162, said to be cut on the jamb of the side doorway, which records the consecration of this church on June 17th, 1453.

[306] See Appendix.

[307] Cean Bermudez, Arq. de EspaÑa, i. 55. But Diego, ‘Historia de los Condes de Barcelona,’ p. 316, puts the foundation in A.D. 1293.

[308] Villanueva, Viage Literario, xviii. 165, mentions the convent of San Francisco as still existing (in 1851).

[309] Parcerisa, Recuerdos, &c., CataluÑa, i. p. 107.

[310] See previous page.

[311] Cean Bermudez, Arq. de Esp., i. 70.

[312] Hala de paÑos.

[313] See EspaÑa Sagrada, xlv. pp. 2-3. See also the deed executed by Bishop Roger in 1015. “Nostra necessitate coacti causa Ædificationis prÆdictÆ ecclesiÆ, quÆ satis cognitum cunctis est esse destructa, &c.”—Esp. Sag., xliii. p. 423.

[314] See the act of consecration, EspaÑa Sagrada, xliii. pp. 432-437, which declares the church to have been rebuilt “a fundamentis.”

[315] Esp. Sag., vol. xliv. p. 43.

[316] “Capitulum Gerundense in cerca nova ecclesiÆ Gerundensis more solito congregatum, statuit, voluit et ordinavit, quod caput ipsius ecclesiÆ de novo construeretur et edificaretur, et circumcirca ipsum novem cappellÆ fierent, et in dormitorio veteri fieret sacristia. Et cura ipsius operis fuit commissa per dictum capitulum, venerabilibus Raimundo de Vilarico, archidiacono, et Amaldo de Monterotundo, canonico.”—EspaÑa Sagrada, xlv. p. 3.

[317] “Dimitto etiam ad caput prÆdictÆ ecclesiÆ, vel ad cimborium argenteum faciendum, desuper altare BeatÆ MariÆ ilia decem millia solidurum Barchinon: quÆ ad illud dare promisseram jam est diu.”—Will of Guillermo Gaufredo, Viage Lit. Á las Iglesias de EspaÑa, vol. xii. p. 184.

[318] Esp. Sag., vol. xliv. pp. 51, 320, 322.

[319] “Pateat universis,” “quod die LunÆ 4 Idus Marti intitulata anno Domini 1346. Reverendus in Christo Pater” “S. Tarrachonensis ecclesiÆ archiepiscopus, altare majus BeatissimÆ Virginis MariÆ cathedralis Gerundensis ecclesiÆ a loco antiquo ipsius ecclesiÆ in quo construtum erat in capite novo operis ejusdem ut decuit translatum est,” &c. “De quibus omnibus ad perpetuam rei memoriam venerabilis vir Dominus Petrus Stephani Presbiter de capitulo et operarius memoratÆ ecclesiÆ mandavit unum et plura fieri instrumenta per me Notarium infrascriptum prÆsentibus ad hoc vocatis testibus,” &c. &c.—EspaÑa Sagrada, xlv. pp. 373, 374.

[320] Or “sueldos,” Parcerisa. “Sous,” V. le Duc. = 1500 francs at the present day.

[321] Register entitled Curia del Vicariato de Gerona, Liber notulorum ab anno 1320, ad 1322, fol. 48, quoted in Esp. Sag. xlv. p. 373. See also Viollet le Duc, Dictionnaire RaisonnÉ, i. p. 112. F. J. Parcerisa, ‘Recuerdos y Bellezas de EspaÑa,’ CataluÑa, i. 146, says that the work was commenced in 1316, and that Enrique of Narbonne died in 1320.

[322] The list of architects given by D. J. Villanueva (Viage Lit. Á las Iglesias de EspaÑa, xii. p. 172 et seq.) does not agree with this. The first he mentions is Jayme de Taverant, a Frenchman from Narbonne (and no doubt identical with Jaques de Favariis), in 1320. Francisco de Plana, a Catalan, held the post after him, and was removed in 1368 in favour of Pedro Coma (de Cumba), who was employed also at San Feliu, Gerona; and in 1397 Pedro de San Juan, “de natione PicardiÆ,” was employed. Guillermo Boffiy succeeded him; in 1427 Rollinus Vautier, “diocesi Biterrensis,” was master of the works, and in 1430 Pedro Cipres succeeded him.

[323] The original is in the Liber Notularum. It is reprinted in EspaÑa Sagrada, vol. xlv., appendix, pp. 227 to 244. Cean Bermudez has again reprinted it in Arq. de EspaÑa, vol. i. pp. 261 to 275; and D. J. Villanueva in the appendix to vol. xii. of the Viage Lit. Á las Iglesias de EspaÑa, prints it in the original Catalan dialect.

[324] This key-stone has a sculpture of San Benito.—EspaÑa Sagrada, vol. xliv. p. 420.

[325] Plate XVIII.

[326] EspaÑa Sagrada, xliii. p. 200, and Appendix, p. 453.

[327] In my first design for the Crimean Memorial church which I am building at Constantinople, I had a vault thirty-eight feet in clear span, and this was objected to by a really accomplished critic as too bold and hazardous an experiment! What would have been said then of a vault twice as wide?

[328] I subjoin the dimensions of some of the largest French and other churches, in order that the dimensions of the nave of Gerona may be really appreciated.

[329] Liber Notularum, fol. 31.

[330] The church was originally intended to have octagonal towers at the angles of the west front. Of these the south-west tower has been built up in Pagan style, and the north-west has never been built.

[331] EspaÑa Sagrada, vol. xlv. p. 8. Villanueva, Viage Lit., xii. 175, gives the name of this artist as Antonio Claperos “obrer de ymagens.”

[332] See the description of this silver frontal in EspaÑa Sagrada, vol. xlv. p. 8. The Historia de S. Narciso y de Gerona, by P. M. Roig y Yalpi, is quoted as authority for the statements given. See also the act of consecration of the cathedral in A.D. 1038 (EspaÑa Sagrada, xliii. p. 437), in which among the list of signatures at the end occurs the following passage:—“S. Ermessendis comitissÆ quÆ eadem die ad honorem Dei et Matris EcclesiÆ trescentas auri contulit uncias ad auream construendam tabulam;” and in a necrologium, from 1102 to 1313, occur the following entries: “1254. Pridie Kalendas Februarii obiit Guillelmus de Terradis, sacrista major, qui tabulam argenteam altari BeatÆ MariÆ Cathedralis fieri fecit.” “1229. Kalendis Martii obiit Ermesendis Comitissa quÆ hanc sedem ditavit et tabulam auream ac crucem Deo et BeatÆ MariÆ obtulit, et ecclesiam multis ornamentis ornavit.”

[333] “Hic jacet Amaldus de Solerio, Archidiaconus Bisalduenensis qui etiam suis expensis propriis fecit fieri cimborium seu coopertam argenteam super altaro majori ecclesiÆ Gerundensis. Obiit autem anno Dni. M.CCCXX. sexto, viii. Kal. Augusti.”

[334] See note³, p. 319.

[335] See Martene de Antiq. Eccl. Rit., lib. i. cap. iv. art. 3.

[336] “Galligans; in the old Latin, Galli Cautio. The name is taken from a little stream which washes its walls and falls into the OÑa.”—Don J. Villanueva, Viage Lit., &c., xiv. 146.

[337] See ground-plan on Plate XVIII.

[338] Don J. Villanueva, Viage Literario, xiv. p. 150, asserts that these cloisters are not earlier than the fourteenth century, though I notice that some of the inscriptions which he gives from them are of earlier date.

[339] Parcerisa describes this little church as that of S. Daniel, but I was unable on the spot to learn its dedication. I believe, however, that its dedication is to S. Nicolas, and that S. Daniel is a larger church of later date. In EspaÑa Sagrada, xlv. p. 185 et seq., some account is given of the foundation of S. Daniel. This took place in 1017, Bishop Roger having sold the church to Count Ramon, and Ermesendis his wife, for 100 ounces of gold, which were to be spent on the fabric of the cathedral. The Countess, after the death of the Count, endowed the church, and the deed still preserved recounts how that “Ego Ermesendis inchoavi prÆdictam ecclesiam edificare et Deo auxiliante volo perficere.” An architectural description of the present church is given by Villanueva, Viage Literario, xiv. 158, from which it seems that it is a Greek cross in plan, and mainly of the fourteenth century, with an altar in a crypt below the high altar, constructed in 1343: and if this account is correct, this small twelfth-century church cannot be S. Daniel.

[340] S. Felix.

[341] EspaÑa Sagrada, xlv. p. 41.

[342] Extract from the book entitled “Obra = Recepte et Expense, ab anno 1365;” It.: Solvi discº. R. Egidii Not. Gerunde v die Septembris, anno M.CCC.LX.VIII., pro instrumento facto inter Capitalum hujus Eccle. et P. Zacoma magistrum operis Cloquerii noviter incepti et est certum quod in isto instrumento continentur in efectu ista.—Pº, Quod ille proficue procuret ipsum opus dictum evitando expensas inordinatas quantum in ipso fuerit, et hoc juravit. It.: Quod aliud opus accipere non valeat sine licencia operarii. It.: Quod quotiescumque fuerit in ipso opere factus apparatus operandi quod vocatus quocumque opere dimisso operetur in nostro opere: in premissis fuit exceptum opus Pontis majoris in quo jam prius extitit obligatus et convenit quando ipso fuerit in ipso opere Pontis vel in alio quod una hora diei sine lexiare—videat illos qui operabuntur vel parabunt lapides desbrocar in ipso opere. Et est sibi concessum dare pro qualibet die faoner quod fuerit in opere predicto IIII SS. et uni ejus famulo I vel II secundum ministeria ipsorum.—It.: Ulteris ammatian dare sibi de gratia CXL SS. (sueldos), segons lo temps empero que obraran. Car per lo temps que no obraran en lo Cloquer ne en padrera no deu res pendrer mes deu esser dedecet dels dets CXL SS. pro rata temporis, et quantitatis.”—EspaÑa Sagrada, App., xlv. p. 248. See Spanish translation do., p. 73. In an old Kalendar, of Gerona, printed in EspaÑa Sagrada, xliv. p. 399, is the following paragraph, which refers to the works of Pedro Zacoma:—“An. 1368 fuit inceptus lo Pont non de mense Madii; Á 9 Aug. ejusdem anni fuit inceptus lo Cloquer de Saut Fehu.”

[343] A memorandum in the book of the ‘Obra,’ under date 1385, describes the various works in the fortification then in progress, and mentions “P. Comas, maestro mayor,” EspaÑa Sagrada, xlv. p. 45. Parcerisa, Recuerdos y Bellezas de EspaÑa, CataluÑa, says that the spire was finished in 1581. But I think he has been misled by some repairs of the steeple rendered necessary after the destruction of the upper part of the spire in this year by lightning, and mentioned in the Actas Capitulares.

[344] Roussillon belonged to the Kings of Aragon from A.D. 1178. PerpiÑan was taken, after a vigorous resistance, by Louis XI. in 1474, restored to Spain, and finally taken by the French in A.D. 1642.

[345] An illustration of this organ is given in M. Viollet le Duc’s Dictionary of French Architecture.

[346] Viage Literario Á las Iglesias de EspaÑa, vol. xiv. p. 106.

[347] Viage Lit. Á las Iglesias de EspaÑa, vii. 179.

[348] See Plate XIX.

[349] Viage Lit. Á las Iglesias de EspaÑa, vii. 180.

[350] The subjects are as follows:—

• 1. The Marriage of the Blessed Virgin.
• 2. The Annunciation.
• 3. The Salutation.
• 4. The Nativity.
• 5. The Adoration of the Magi.
• 6. The Flight into Egypt.
• 7. The Presentation in the Temple.
• 8. The Dispute with the Doctors.
• 9. The Money-changers driven out of the Temple.
• 10. The Crucifixion.
• 11. The Entry into Jerusalem.
• 12. The Last Supper.
• 13. The Agony in the Garden.
• 14. The Betrayal.
• 15. Our Lord before Pilate.
• 16. The Scourging.
• 17. Our Lord bearing His Cross.
• 18. The Resurrection.
• 19. The Descent into Hell.

The subjects begin at the upper left-hand corner, and are continued from left to right, the subjects 1 to 9 being on the left, and 11 to 19 on the right of the Crucifixion.

[351] To those who know them I need hardly say that the remains of the Anglo-Saxon vestments found in S. Cuthbert’s tomb, and preserved at Durham, are perhaps the most exquisitely delicate works in existence—so delicate that a magnifying glass is necessary in order to understand at all the way in which the work has been done. This Florentine work, of a later age, quite makes up in art for what it lacks in minute delicacy of execution when compared with S. Cuthbert’s vestments.

[352] Viage Lit. Á las Iglesias de EspaÑa, ix. p. 17.

[353] I do not forget the successful defence of LÉrida, in the sixteenth century, against the Prince de CondÉ; it is one of which the people may well be proud: but this was before the desecration of the cathedral.

[354] Vol. xlvii. De la Santa Iglesia de LÉrida en su estado moderno. Su autor el Doctor Don Pedro Sainz de Baranda.

[355] I give a few notes from the rules of this church as agreed on at the Synods. In 1240: No priest to say mass more than once in a day, save in case of great necessity. Priests to administer the sacrament of penance in the sight of all in the church. Godchildren are prohibited from marrying the children of their god-parents of baptism or confirmation. Mendicants are forbidden to celebrate on portable altars (super archas). Clergy are ordered to have a piscina near the altar, where, after receiving, they may wash their hands and the chalice. In a Synod held in 1318, it is ordered that, as many corpses are interred in churches which ought not to be, for the future none shall be so save that of the patron, or of some one who has built a chapel or endowed a chaplain.

[356] “Anno Domini MCCIII. et xi. Cal. Aug. sub Innocentio Papa III. venerabili, Gombaldo huic ecclesiÆ presidente inclitus Rex Petrus II. et Ermengandus Comes Urgullen. primarium istius fabricÆ lapidem posuerunt, Berengario Obicionis operario existente. Petrus Percumba Magister et fabricator.”—Esp. Sag. xlvii, p. 17.

[357] Viage Lit., vol. xvi, p. 81.

[358] “Anno DÑi MCCLXXVIII. ii Cal. Novembris Dominus G. de Montecatheno ix Ilerd. Eps. consecravit hanc Eccm. et concessit xl dies indulgencie per omnes octavas et constituit ut festum dedicationis celebraretur semper in Dominica prima post festum S. Luce.”—EspaÑa Sagrada, xlvii. p. 33.

[359] Viage Lit., vol. xvi, p. 83.

[360] “Cum nos concesserimus dari operi claustri Ecclesie Sedis civitatis Illerde sex mille pedras somadals de petraria domus predicte de Gardenio: ideo vobis dicimus et mandamus quatenus dictas sex mille pedras de dicta petraria operario dicte Ecclesie recipere libere permitatis convertendas seu imponendas in opere supradicto. Datum Illerde duodecimo calendas Septembris anno Domini M.CCC.X.—Ex. Arch. reg. Barc. grat. 9 Jacob. II. fol. 145^b.

[361] Esp. Sag., xlvii, p. 46.

[362] Ibid., p. 47.

[363] The inscription on this bell was as follows:—“Christus. Rex. venit. in. pace. et. Deus. homo. factus. est. Chtus. vincit. Chtus. regnat. Chtus. ab. omn. mal. nos. defendat. Fuit. factum. per magistrum. Joannem. Adam. anno. DÑi. 1418 in mense. Aprili.—Viage Lit. Á las Iglesias de EspaÑa, xvi. 89.

[364] See plan, Plate XX.

[365] There are said to be three doorways from the cloister to the church.—Viage Lit., xvi. 86.

[366] See reference to this porch at p. 349.

[367] As, e.g., at S. Etienne, Nevers.

[368] “During the episcopate of Romeo de Cescomes, 1361-80, the work of the principal altar was ordered to be concluded, and it was forbidden to say mass there from All Saints’ day till the following month of May, 1376.”

[369] See plan, Plate VIII.

[370] There is a very fair inn at LÉrida, the Parador de San Luis, pleasantly situated on the bank of the Segre; and the railway from Barcelona to Zaragoza, passing by LÉrida, makes it easy of access.

[371] Parcerisa, Recuerdos y Bellezas de EspaÑa, Aragon, p. 120.

[372] AlmudÉvar has a picturesque castle, with a chapel on its eastern side, but I was unable to examine it.

[373] Cean Bermudez (Arq. i. 83) says that the work was commenced in A.D. 1400, and not finished until A.D. 1515.

[374] See plan, Plate XXI.

[375] It will be seen that the plan is exactly the same as that of the church of Las Huelgas, Burgos (see Plate II.), and the cathedral at Tudela (Plate XXIV.).

[376] This reredos cost 5500 crowns (escudos) or libras jaquesas.—- Cean Bermudez, Arq. de EspaÑa, i. 218.—Damian Forment is said to have studied under Donatello, which seems, however, on a comparison of dates, to have been all but impossible. The epitaph on his monument in the cloister here described him as “arte statuaria PhidiÆ, Praxitelisque Æmulus,” a statement which must be accepted with the reserve usual in such cases.—Bellas Artes en EspaÑa, ii. p. 132.

[377] See Ainsa, Historia de Huesca, lib. 4.

[378] See ground-plan on Plate XXI.

[379] Parcerisa, Aragon, p. 157.

[380] Views of Jaca and San Juan de la PeÑa are given by F. J. Parcerisa, ‘Recuerdos y Bellezas de EspaÑa,’ Aragon.

[381] Seu, Sedes, See.

[382] I am reminded by this of a curious passage of somewhat similar character in the life of Sir Christopher Wren, which is to be gathered out of the entries in the old parish books of St. Dionis Backchurch, Fenchurch-street. Here Sir Christopher built a steeple, and when it was nigh completion the grave question arose whether they should have an anchor for a weather-cock. Sir Christopher preferred it, and some of the parishioners, of course, opposed it. They appealed to the bishop, and after many interviews it was at last decided that the bishop should meet them at Sir Christopher’s at 8 o’clock a.m. to settle the matter, Sir Christopher’s “gentleman” (who was always treated to something to drink by the churchwarden when he came to the church) having made the engagement. The bishop was punctual to his appointment, but Sir Christopher seems to have gone out for an early walk and forgotten all about it; and finally, the Bishop of London, having waited an hour for the great man, retired in despair, but ordered Sir Christopher’s weathercock to be adopted.

[383] The following inscription on the Cimborio fixes the date of it’s completion: “Cimborium quo hoc in loco Benedictus Papa XIII. Hispanus, patria Arago, gente nobili Luna exstruxerat, vetustate collapsum, majori impensa erexit amplissimus, illustrisque Alphonsus Catholici Ferdinandi, CastellÆ, Arago, utriusque SiciliÆ regis filius, q. gloria finatur, anno 1520.”

[384] Don P. de la Escosura (EspaÑa Art. y Mon.), iii. 93, attributes this tower and the church to the twelfth century, but, I feel confident, without good ground for doing so, as far as the former is concerned.

[385] Vol. ii., plate 45.

[386] Madoz, xiv. pp. 595-599.

[387] See Plate XXII.

[388] The fact is worthy of record, because in these days, though it is often manifestly convenient to use a different material from that which was used by our ancestors, there are many well-disposed people who object to such a course, as being an unwarrantable departure from old precedents; yet, if our forefathers’ example is to be followed, we ought to do as they would have done in our circumstances.

[389] His name occurs in an inscription on it.

[391] See Plate XXIII.

[392] See ground-plan, Plate XXIV.

[393] The lead flÊche in a similar position at Reims cathedral will no doubt be remembered by many of my readers. No doubt, however, this work at Tudela is earlier, and being of stone is even more remarkable.

[394] There is, I believe, a fine old bridge of seventeen arches over the Ebro, near Tudela: unfortunately I did not see it.

[395] See illustration on next page.

[396] I believe a portion of the old cloister remains. I was not aware of this, and seeing the fine late cloister, assumed, unfortunately, that there was nothing else to be seen.

[397] Plate XXV.

[398] Arq. de EspaÑa, i. p. 83.

[399] See ground-plan on Plate XXV.

[400] Morales, lib. 12, cap. 76.

[401] See p. 212.

[402] Noticias de los Arq. de EspaÑa, i. 1-14.

[403] Esp. Sag., vol. xxxvii. p. 86-7.

[404] Recuerdos y Bellezas de Esp., Ast. y Leon, p. 76 and 244.

[405] See the account of it in the Historia Compostellana, lib. i. cap. 78.

[406] See p. 331. I am not certain as to the dedication. I refer to the small church near San Pedro de los Galligans.

[407] For illustration, &c., see p. 366, and Plate XXI.

[408] Both these churches are planned upon precisely the same system of proportions founded upon the equilateral triangle. Taking the width of the nave and aisles as the base, the apex of the triangle gives the centre from which the vault of the nave is struck; and all the subordinate divisions are also so exactly marked that there is hardly room for doubt that the system was distinctly recognised, and intentionally acted on.

[409] The Monistrol I refer to is the village between S. Etienne and Le Puy, and not the place of the same name at the foot of Monserrat, in CataluÑa.

[410] E.g., St. Albans, Winchester Cathedral, St. Cross Chapel.

[411] The parallel holds good in very small matters. At Westminster the clergy and choir assemble in the choir, and begin the service so soon as the clock strikes. In several Spanish churches the same custom obtains. I think it would be a great gain if the metal screens across the transepts were moved so as to form the narrow central passage from the choir to the altar, so common in Spain. They would then have some meaning and use, which they certainly have not now.

[412] See pp. 385-6.

[413] The design of this chevet is almost a repetition of that of the church at AveniÈres, near Laval, which is said to have been commenced as early as A.D. 1040, though most of it is certainly later by a century than this.

[414] I might perhaps add Tarazona Cathedral to this list.

[415] See ground-plan, Plate XIV.

[416] The round portion of the Temple Church, London, has its aisle groined with alternate bays of square and triangular outline. The latter have no ribs, and are constructed differently from those at Toledo.

[417] Facsimile of the Sketch-book of Wilars de Honecort. Eng. edit. Edited by Professor Willis. Plate XXVIII.

[418] Beauvais cathedral was commenced in A.D. 1225.

[419] See the plan, Plate I. The chapel marked B is, I think, the only original one; and this repeated five times will probably give the exact plan of the original chevet.

[420] The commerce of the south of Spain with England was considerable; and it is just possible that some of the middle-pointed work in Valencia may have an English origin. The English sovereigns encouraged the Catalan traders by considerable immunities to frequent their ports during the fourteenth century.—Macpherson, ‘Annals of Commerce,’ i. 502, &c.

[421] I speak only of town churches here: our little English village churches are the most perfect in the world, so thoroughly characteristic, and at the same time so suitable for their work, that we may always study them with greater gain than any others elsewhere in Europe.

[422] See frontispiece. In so small an engraving—putting out of view the extreme difficulty of getting a faithful transcript of a careful sketch of sculpture—it is impossible to do justice to such a work; and I must ask my readers rather to accept my statement than to pass judgment by aid only of the illustration.

[423] See p. 283, and illustrations on ground-plan, Plate XV.

[424] See p. 366.

[425] See p. 381.

[426] See p. 215.

[427] See ground-plan, Plate IV.

[428] See illustration of this battlement at Las Huelgas, No. 4, page 38, and on the walls at Veruela, No. 48, page 384.

[429] ‘Annals of the Artists of Spain,’ 1848.

[430] The paintings at Leon seem to me to be such as one might expect at the hands of Dello Delli. He is said to have made Seville his place of residence during the many years that he spent in Spain. But the period of his abode there is just that during which the paintings at Leon were executed.

[431] See the short account of these painters in Mr. Stirling’s ‘Annals of the Artists of Spain,’ vol. i. chap. ii.

[432] I venture to regard the stern simplicity of Mr. Butterfield’s noble church of St. Alban as his silent protest against the vulgarity in art to which I here refer. Without any sculpture, this church is from first to last the work of a great master of his art, and one for which his brother artists owe him a great debt of gratitude.

[433] See Appendix. The maravedi was, I believe, a more valuable coin than it is now, so that it is difficult to say what amount of money at the present day this grant really represents.

[434] This inscription is referred to at p. 144.

[435] I do not know the meaning of this term; it is evidently the name of a trade or calling, and probably corresponds with “masons,” as distinguished from “wallers;” the two terms, “Lambardos” and “Cementarios,” being used somewhat in opposition to each other.

Cementarios is one of the earliest terms used in documents referring to English buildings, and no doubt would be properly translated by the word “mason;” but in the case of the Urgel contract, it seems there were to be several “Lambardos,” and, as “Cementarios” were only to be employed if absolutely necessary, there must have been some distinction between them, which was more probably of grade or degree than of profession. Possibly the “Lambardos” may have been members of a guild, “Cementarios” common masons.

[436] This contract is given by Don J. Villanueva, Viage Literario a las Iglesias de EspaÑa, vol. ix. pp. 298-300. I extract from it the parts which are especially interesting:—

“Ego A. Dei Gratia Urgellensis episcopus, cum consilio et comuni voluntate omnium canonicorum Urgellensis ecclesiae, commendo tibi Raymundo Lambardo opus beatae Mariae, cum omnibus rebus tam mobilibus quam immobilibus, scilicet, mansos, alodia, vineas, census, et cum oblationibus oppressionum et penitentialium, et cum elemosinis fidelium, et cum numis clericorum, et cum omnibus illis, quae hucusque vel in antea aliquo titulo videntur spectasse sive spectare ad prephatum opus beatae Mariae. Et preterea damus tibi cibum canonicalem in omni vita tua, tali videlicet pacto, ut tu fideliter et sine omni enganno claudas nobis ecclesiam totam, et leves coclearia sive campanilia, unum filum super omnes voltas, et facias ipsum cugul bene et decenter cum omnibus sibi pertinentibus. Et Ego R. Lambardus convenio Domino Deo, et beatae Mariae, et domino episcopo, et omnibus clericis Urgellensis ecclesiae, qui modo ibi sunt, vel in antea erunt, quod hoc totum, sicut superius scriptum est, vit comite, perficiam ab hoc presenti Pascha, quod celebratur anno dominicae incarnationis M.º C.º LXXV.º, usque ad VII. annos fideliter, et sine omni enganno. Ita quod singulis annis habeam et teneam ad servitium beatae Mariae, me quinto, de Lambardis idest IIII. lambardos et me, et hoc in yeme et in estate indesinenter. Et si cum istis potero perficere, faciam, et si non potero addam tot cementarios, quod supra dictum opus consumetur in prephato termino. Post VII. vero annos, cum iam dictum opus, divina misercordi opitulante, complevero, habeam libere et quiete cibum meum dum vixero, et de honore operis et avere stem in voluntate et mandamento capituli postea. Preterea nos, tam episcopus, quam canonici, omnino prohibemus tibi Raymundo Lambardo, quod per te, vel per submisam personam, non alienes vel obliges aliqua occasione quicquam de honore operis, quae modo habet, vel in antea habebit. De tuo itaque honore, quem nomine tuo adquisisti, et de avere, fac in vita et in morte quod tibi placuerit post illud septennium. Si forte, quod absit, tanta esterilitas terrae incubuerit, quod te nimium videamus gravari, liceat nobis prephato termino addere secundum arbitrium nostrum, ne notam periurii incurras. Sed aliquis vel aliqui nostrum praedictam relaxationem sacramenti facere tibi non possit, nisi in pleno capitulo, comuni deliberatione et consensu omnium. Et quicquid melioraveris in honore operis, remaneat ad ipsum opus. Si vero pro melioracione honoris operis oporteret te aliquid impignorare vel comutare, non possis hoc facere sine consilio et conveniencia capituli. Juro ego R. Lambardus, quod hoc totum, sicut superius est scriptum, perficiam, et fidelitatem et indempnitatem canonicae beatae Mariae Urgellensis ecclesiae pro posse meo, per Deum, et haec sancta evangelia = Sig + num R. Lambardi, qui hoc iuro, claudo et confirmo = Sig + num domni Arnalli Urgellensis episcopi,” &c. &c.

[437] E.g. at San CristÓbal de Ibeas—

Eia M. C. LXX.
Fuit hoc opus fundatum
Martino Abbate regente
Petrus Christophorus
Magister hujus operis fuit.

Or another at Ciudad Rodrigo—

Aqui yace Benito Sanchez,
Maestro que fue de esta obra, e
Dios le perdone. Amen.

So too the inscription given at p. 234 of the architect of Toledo. The same term was used extensively at the same time over the greater part of Europe.

In France we have these among others:—“Ci git Robert de Couey, Maitre de Notre Dame et de Saint Nicaise, qui trÉpassa l’an 1311.” In A.D. 1251, at Rouen, “Walter de St. Hilaire, Cementarius, magister operis,” is mentioned; and in A.D. 1440, in the same city, we have this inscription: “Ci git M. Alexandre de Berneval, Maistre des Œuvres de Massonerie au Baillage de Rouen et de cette Église.” In Italy the same term was commonly used, as, e.g., in the Baptistery at Pisa, which has the inscription, “Deotisalvi magister hujus operis;” and again in the church at Mensano near Siena, which has “Opus quod videtis Bonusamicus magister fecit.” But in England, according to Mr. Wyatt Papworth, who has devoted much pains to the elucidation of the subject, the term “Master of the works” appears to be very seldom employed, and sometimes of the officer called the “operarius” in Spain, rather than of the architect.

[438] Villanueva, Viage Lit. xxi. 106.

[439] Fabre is spoken of in the inscription on the shrine as Jacobus “Majoricarum, cum suis consortibus.”

[440] These fabric rolls contain the names of Martin Mayol, G. Scardon, Bernardo Desdons, and Jayme Pelicer, as painters of pictures between A.D. 1327 and 1339.

[441] See p. 319.

[442] See p. 332.

[443] See p. 57.

[444] See p. 349, note 1.

[445] Villanueva, Viage Lit. a las Iglesias de EspaÑa, xvi. 99, says that “Lapicida” does not really mean a cutter of stones, which would be described as “pica petras.” In vol. xxi. p. 107, however, he speaks of “Lapicida” as the Latin term corresponding to “picapedres” in the vulgar tongue; and he says sculptors of figures called themselves “Imaginayres.”

[446] See p. 265.

[447] The contract is given at length by Cean Bermudez, Arq. de EspaÑa, i. 257-61.

[448] See the translation of these documents in the Appendix.

[449] This sum would probably be equal to about 90l. or 100l. per annum at the present day.

[450] Other plans still preserved in Spain are, the original design for the church of San Juan de los Reyes, Toledo, and that for the west front of Barcelona Cathedral. I have tried in vain to obtain copies of these plans.

[451] Arq. de EspaÑa, i. 282-4.

[452] We have accidental evidence of the fact that HontaÑon was an architect, for the “Master of the Works” of La Magdalena, Valladolid, contracted in A.D. 1570 to build the tower and body of the church according to his plan for a specified sum. But it will be observed that the date of this agreement is very late, and that, whilst the maker of a plan had become an architect in the modern sense of the word, the Maestro Mayor had descended to be, in fact, nothing more than the contractor for the work, also in the modern sense. Somewhat in the same way, we know that when the lantern of Burgos Cathedral fell, in A.D. 1539, Felipe de Borgoua was summoned from Toledo to superintend the two cathedral masters of the works: from which it seems probable that they executed the work which Borgoua designed. So again at an earlier date, in A.D. 1375, Jayme Castayls executed some statues for the west front of Tarragona cathedral, under the direction of Bernardo de Vallfogona, the Maestro Mayor.

[453] Bellas Artes en EspaÑa. This catalogue of artists includes those who lived before the year 1500, the names of fifty sculptors, thirty painters, several silversmiths, workers in stained glass, and others.

[454] See p. 252.

[455] See p. 182.

[456] Cean Bermudez, Arq. de Esp., vol. i. p. 285.

[457] Cean Bermudez. Arq. de Esp., vol. i. p. 286.

[458] Cean Bermudez, Arq. de Esp., vol. i. p. 287.

[459] In the margin of this paragraph is written, in the hand of Maestro Juan del Ribero Rada,—“It has been built square.” The word ‘Trascoro’ seems to be used here of the east end of the church.

[460] From Cean Bermudez, Not. de los Arq. y Arquos de EspaÑa, vol. i. p. 293-299.

[461] The sense of this word is given in Connelly and Higgins’s Dictionary, as “the substitute of the chief architect of the building, who places the workmen and distributes the materials according to the arrangements of the plan.”

[462] Cean Bermudez, vol. i. p. 300.

[463] Ibid., vol. i. p. 315.

[464] Ibid., vol. i. p. 317.

[465] Sagrario.—This, I think, sometimes means the chapel, commonly called the Parroquia, or Chapel of the Cathedral Parish.

[466] This subject occurs in the well-known illustrations of Queen Mary’s Psalter, 2 B. VII., at the British Museum library. It is described as “Here GOD reposes on His throne with His angels.”

[467] This subject occurs in the ‘Biblia Pauperum,’ with the following inscription:—“Legitur in Apocalypsi xxiº Capº et in iiiº Ysaya xiiii Capº quod lucifer cecidit per superbiam de celo cum omnibus suis adherentibus.”

[468] This interrogatory, and the declarations of the twelve architects, are in the Catalan idiom in the original, and are translated into Castilian by Fr. JosÉ de la Canal, Esp. Sag. xiv. pp. 227-244. I have thought it best to give an English translation.

[469] “Cana,” a measure of two ells Flemish.

[470] A “cana” equals two yards and three inches Spanish measure.

[471] Cean Bermudez, Arq. de EspaÑa, i. pp. 276-279.