THE FORSAKEN QUEEN.

Mary had gone into retirement at Hampton Court, in the spring of 1555, and had refused to relinquish the cherished hope of maternity, till long after her physicians had pronounced that hope vain. But at last in August, she yielded to entreaties, and consented to remove to Oatlands, ostensibly that the palace which the court had inhabited for so many months might undergo a thorough cleansing, the rushes be changed and the floors washed.

The despatches of the Venetian ambassador, Giovanni Michiel, are very important and interesting, as regards the history of the next two years. As he was neither a passionately devoted friend of the Queen, like Renard, nor a malicious foe, such as de Noailles, his correspondence has a special value. Writing in his direct manner to the Doge and Senate, on the 3rd August, he says:—

“The fact is, that the move has been made in order no longer to keep the people of England in suspense about this delivery, by the constant and public processions which were made, and by the Queen’s remaining so many days in retirement, seriously to the prejudice of her subjects; as not only did she transact no business, but would scarcely allow herself to be seen by any one but the ladies, who in expectation of this childbirth, especially the gentlewomen and the chief female nobility, had flocked to the court, from all parts of the kingdom, in such very great numbers, all living at the cost of her Majesty, that with great difficulty could Hampton Court, although one of the largest palaces that can be seen here or elsewhere, contain them. At present, by this change of residence, an opportunity is afforded for dispensing with the processions, without any scandal, and for the Queen to free herself from expense, by giving permission to the greater part of these ladies to return to their homes, under pretence of very limited accommodation; and by degrees her Majesty has resumed the audiences, and replaced other matters in their former ancient state, the usual officials (I am told) resuming their service about her person, and the females being removed.” In the same despatch he says: “The reported insurrections in the provinces, and which caused so much apprehension some days ago, their origin having been subsequently ascertained authentically, were found to be slight and unimportant, part having arisen from a great concourse of men at a grand periodical fair held in Warwickshire, when on account of the price of wheat, which had been raised extraordinarily by certain persons, who having a great supply, wished to sell it in their own fashion, by reason of the backward season, and the small hope of the present harvest, the summer being so rainy and cold, that the like is not remembered in the memory of man for the last fifty years, so that no sort of grain or corn ripens, and still less can it be reaped, a prognostic of scarcity yet greater than that of last year; so that in part from this, owing to the murmurs and complaints of the multitude, which were construed into rebellion, and partly from a report circulated in Cornwall and Devonshire that the most Serene Queen was dead, and that to deceive the people, as they said was done in the time of King Edward, they exhibited her effigy at the casement and not her real face; so having half rebelled, they said they would come towards the court to ascertain the fact. These disturbances were also caused in part by a gentleman, who being on bad terms with his tenants, who had risen against him, and not knowing in what other way to suppress the outbreak, sent word to the court, that they were in arms against the Queen, and the falsehood being discovered, he together with eight others, who originated the reports of the other unreal insurrections, were deservedly imprisoned, everything, thank God, remaining quiet and peaceable.”[581]

In the midst of her bitter grief and disappointments; fed with insults by the London Puritans, with revolt and rumours of revolt at her door, Mary had at least one abiding consolation in the love of the poor and afflicted, who looked upon her as their true mother. Machyn, in chronicling her removal,[582] says that on “the 3. day of August the Queen and King’s grace removed from Hampton Court unto Oatlands, a palace four miles off: as her grace went through the park for to take her barge, there met her grace by the way, a poor man with two crutches, and when that he saw her grace, for joy he threw his staffs away and ran after her grace, and she commanded that one should give him a reward”.

The court remained at Oatlands but just long enough to purify the larger palace after its overcrowded and filthy condition, and on the 19th Michiel writes:—

“Last week, their Majesties returned to Hampton Court, the Lady Elizabeth remaining at the seat to which she went; and now the Queen shows herself, and converses with everybody as usual, her health being so good, as perhaps never to have been better, to the universal surprise of all who see her, but of delivery or pregnancy small signs are visible externally, and no one talks or thinks of them any longer. As to the King’s departure, he yesterday sent the Signor Carlo da Sanguino, gentleman of the mouth, to Brussels (they say), to fix his going, having already adroitly broached the topic to the Queen, who will acquiesce; so it is said he will leave in eight or ten days, postwise, leaving the greater part of his household, for the sake of convincing the Queen by as many signs as he can, that he purposes returning speedily; though on the contrary, it is said more than ever, that he will go to Spain, and remove hence his household, and all the others by degrees.”[583]

On the 27th, he wrote from London:—

“Their Majesties came hither from Hampton Court yesterday morning, remaining merely to dine, and then went to Greenwich, where the Queen will remain during the whole time of the King’s stay beyond sea. On departing hence, his Majesty had determined, when passing through London, to show himself in public to the people on horseback, leaving the Queen to follow him at leisure, by water as usual, but her Majesty chose to give the City the satisfaction of seeing her likewise in his company, she having made the determination when in the very act of embarking; so having herself carried in an open litter, she went accompanied, not only by the English and Spanish nobility now at the court, but also by the Cardinal Legate and the ambassadors, the Lord Mayor and all the aldermen, having met her at Temple Bar, coming with the royal insignia, and all the other solemnities, as customary when the Queen appears in public. It is not to be told what a vast crowd of people there was all along the road, which is a very long one, nor yet the joy they demonstrated at seeing their Majesties, which was really great, and the more as the London populace were firmly convinced that the Queen was dead; so when they knew of her appearance, they all ran from one place to another, as to an unexpected sight, and one which was well-nigh new, as if they were crazy, to ascertain thoroughly if it was she, and on recognising and seeing her in better plight than ever, they by shouts and salutations, and every other demonstration then gave yet greater signs of their joy, inasmuch as to their great comfort and that of her Majesty, they saw her come with the King on one side of her and Cardinal Pole on the other, both of whom are universally popular, by reason of the reported kindness of their nature, and of which daily proof is afforded by facts, so that the determination to make this display, most especially at the present moment, has been very useful. The King will leave Greenwich, as soon as he hears that the fleet with which he is to cross, and which until yesterday was here in the Thames to complete its outfit, shall be off Dover. It consists of twelve ships and a galleon for his Majesty’s person, armed and provided in the best fashion possible, and in addition to this force, they are expecting some Flemish ships, to render the passage-track yet more secure, as it is daily infested by Frenchmen, who without any scruple, attack every vessel, in order to take out of them all property and subjects belonging to the enemy....

“In the meanwhile, as may be imagined with regard to a person extraordinarily in love, the Queen remains disconsolate, though she conceals it as much as she can, and from what I hear, mourns the more when alone, and supposing herself invisible to any of her attendants. During this absence, Cardinal Pole will reside with her, lodgings having been assigned to him in the palace, that he may comfort and keep her company, her Majesty delighting greatly in the sight and presence of him.”

In a despatch dated 3rd September he describes Philip’s departure:—

“Much to my pleasure, I accompanied Cardinal Pole and the other noblemen, on the day when they went with the King to his barge, to see him take leave of the Queen, who on that occasion really expressed very well the sorrow becoming a wife, and a wife such as she is, invested with the regal habit and dignity, for without displaying much extrinsic disquietude, though evidently deeply grieved internally, she chose to come with him through all the chambers and galleries to the head of the stairs, constraining herself the whole way, to avoid in sight of such a crowd, any demonstration unbecoming her gravity, though she could not but be moved when the Spanish noblemen kissed her hand, and yet more, when she saw the ladies in tears take leave of the King, who, according to the custom of the country, kissed them one by one.

“On returning however to her apartments, placing herself at a window which looks on the river, not supposing herself any longer seen or observed by any one, it was perceived that she gave free vent to her grief by a flood of tears, nor did she once quit the window, until she had not only seen the King embark and depart, but remained looking after him as long as he was in sight; and the King on his part, mounted aloft on the barge in the open air, in order to be better seen when the barge approached in sight of the window, and moreover waved his bonnet from the distance to salute her, demonstrating great affection. Now, whilst his Majesty is at Canterbury, not only every day but every hour, expresses are on the road from the King to the Queen, and in like manner from hence to his Majesty, the gentlemen in waiting being always booted and spurred ready for a start. Shortly before he departed, the King sent for Cardinal Pole, and all the Lords of the Council into the chamber, and in very suitable language recommended the government of the kingdom to them during his absence, alluding especially to justice and religion, leaving a writing, in which, as I was told by the Legate, were noted all such warnings, as he deemed most important and necessary, with a detailed list of such persons as could be trusted and employed for any necessary business or office, a matter which although discussed previously, surprised every one by the judgment and tact displayed in it by his Majesty, who then, thus in public, turning towards Cardinal Pole, besought him very earnestly in his own name, and that of the Queen, to assume this charge, in conformity with his own patriotism and the wish of their Majesties, desiring all the others to defer to him in everything. This same office had been performed by the King with the Cardinal, the day before, they being alone together, his Majesty for this purpose having gone very privately in person to the Legate’s own apartment, taking him quite by surprise. Cardinal Pole told me, that by so much the less did he think fit to combat the wish of his Majesty, as he trusted and was indeed certain that the will of their Majesties being in accordance with his natural obligation, would also have the approval of his Holiness, from which by another second obligation, both as a member of the apostolic see, and as the Pope’s representative he could not depart. Henceforth, therefore to the great comfort of their Majesties, and the whole kingdom, all public and important business will be discussed and decided, according to the opinion and advice of his right reverend Lordship, who, for the avoidance of envy and molestation, will not interfere with private and ordinary matters, leaving their despatch as before, to the other members of the Council; and this will perhaps be the chief cause besides the others for his remaining here.”[584]

Contrary winds detained Philip at Canterbury for five days. So ardently did Mary desire, and affect to believe in his immediate return, that she was very angry when she heard that to save expense, the fleet which accompanied him to Calais, had on his landing been dismissed and disarmed. She ordered it to be at once fitted out again to be ready against his return, little imagining that nineteen months would elapse before it was needed. But she soon saw that her intention to await him at Greenwich would have to be abandoned, and she was obliged to depart to London to open Parliament in person. Michiel writing to the Doge and Senate on the 21st October, gives a graphic account of Gardiner’s last great public act of devotion to the Queen’s service. He says:—

“The most serene Queen opened Parliament to-day, according to the appointed term, coming from St. James’s, whither she retired on her return from Greenwich, to sit, as in the last Parliament, on a lofty and well-decorated throne, carried by two mules, in the guise of a litter, accompanied in state, not only by all the lords, barons and prelates of the kingdom, clad in the habit suited to this occasion, but in addition to these personages, by the most illustrious Legate likewise, the Queen having chosen him to attend it for this day, although not entitled legitimately to a seat in Parliament. After the Mass of the Holy Ghost, sung by the Bishop of Ely, and the sermon preached by the Bishop of Lincoln, her Majesty proceeded into the great hall, where in the presence of all those officially summoned, the Lord Chancellor having rallied a little, choosing at any rate to be there, in order not to fail performing his office on this occasion, made the usual proposal, stating the cause for assembling Parliament, which was, in short, solely for the purpose of obtaining pecuniary supply. His right reverend Lordship laid before the House the great need of the most Serene Queen, from having on her accession found the revenues of the Crown so exhausted and consumed, that not only was she unable to avail herself of them for the many and heavy expenses, which he enumerated one by one, incurred by her compulsorily for the honour of the realm, both before and after her marriage—with regard to which he did not omit to say that King Philip, whilst in England had spent much more than her Majesty,—but that having found considerable debts left by her father and brother, she had been compelled to make fresh ones for their acquittance, still remaining responsible for a great part of the old ones. Her Majesty, in the meanwhile had not chosen to avail herself, as she might have done, of the taxes and subsidy conceded by Parliament, to her brother King Edward, amounting to upwards of 1,200,000 ducats, but remitted that sum, for the sake of not burdening any one. Neither did she choose, as she might and ought to have done in justice, to avail herself of the revenues and estates of many of her rebels, amounting to a very considerable sum, but to demonstrate thoroughly her benignity and clemency, she made them a free gift both of their lives and lands. Therefore, in the Queen’s name, the Chancellor requested Parliament, in consideration of the present public necessities, to devise means for their relief, saying moreover, that at this commencement, her Majesty had not chosen to keep this her proposal any longer in suspense, nor allow it to be made by others than by herself, but proceeding openly, had willed to proclaim and announce it immediately, anticipating such speedy supply as by reason of the great affection of her subjects she felt sure she should witness. The Chancellor added that if any member had anything else to suggest, to the profit and advantage of the realm, and for the common weal, he was not to omit doing so, in conformity with the obligation and duty of everybody, nor to fail thus to act readily and willingly as becoming; and his right reverend Lordship having spoken with much more energy than by reason of his indisposition any one would have expected, the business of this first day of the session ended.”[585]

The long speech completely exhausted the strength of the dying Chancellor. The effort he had made left him so weak that, as we have already seen, he was unable to return to his own house, and was taken to Whitehall, where he breathed his last on the 12th November. But in consequence of his representations, Parliament unanimously agreed to give the Queen a million of gold, to be levied, in two years from the laity, and in four from the clergy, “who contribute,” said Cardinal Pole, “willingly to this subsidy, which free contribution is a very ancient custom in England”.[586]

The death of Gardiner was perhaps the greatest misfortune that could have happened to Mary at this time. He understood the temper of the English nobility far better than Pole, who had been so long absent, that in spite of the enthusiasm he inspired among the people, he was not in touch with the new generation of statesmen and courtiers whom he found in power. Nor had he the business qualities which had enabled Gardiner to steer the Queen’s financial barque safely among the troubled waters. Moreover, Gardiner, although of the old school, had been generally able to lead and control, always to make his influence felt in the Council, and whether he agreed with her views or not, he was ever loyal to the Queen and upheld her against all opponents. Pole was too entirely one with her; their interests were too identical to constitute him an independent influence in the State. Had he been less near to the throne, less a kinsman and personal friend of Mary’s, more a statesman and less an ecclesiastic, he might more effectually have replaced Gardiner in the Queen’s counsels. De Noailles with his usual shrewdness, in announcing the Chancellor’s death to his master, expressed the hope that it would greatly further their affairs in England.[587]

It was, without doubt, a severe blow to the Catholic party. Some members of the Council influenced by Paget, whose treachery and falsehood are responsible for many of Mary’s troubles, inclined to a secret understanding with Elizabeth. The Queen had had little choice in the formation of her government, and although Paget had distinguished himself as a Puritan under Edward, on his professing himself a Catholic, she made him Lord Privy Seal, and gave him back the Garter, which had been taken from him in 1552, for having as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, made large profits at the expense of the Crown.[588] Having established himself in Mary’s favour by furthering her marriage, he entered into league with de Noailles, and with all the Queen’s enemies, and his position at the Council board, especially after Gardiner’s death, gave him almost unlimited power. The Lords Arundel, Pembroke, Cobham, and Sir William Petre were all swayed by him. He was the moving spirit of them all, and little business was transacted without him. Mary told the Cardinal that she had no longer perfect confidence in any member of her Council, Pole himself being in the King’s absence her only support.[589]

Elizabeth, meanwhile, was careful to give no direct cause for suspicion. She openly declared herself a Catholic, was often at court, and shared the Queen’s public devotions. On the day of Philip’s departure, “the Queen’s grace and my lady Elsabeth, and all the Court did fast from flesh, and took the Pope’s Jubilee and pardon granted to all men”.[590]

While Mary felt her husband’s absence so keenly that Sir Anthony Strelley, writing to the Earl of Rutland, says he will speak to her about a certain piece of business, “as soon as the Queen’s highness hath passed over her sorrowfulness at the King’s departure into Flanders,” Philip was on his part by no means anxious to hasten his return. The Emperor welcomed him at Brussels with all the ceremony and display of respect which Philip loved. They met at the Louvain Gate, Charles having gone out to receive him. The King dismounted and knelt to kiss his father’s hand, but the Emperor raised him up, and doffing his bonnet prevented him, by continuing to hold it. Philip then insisted on kissing his left arm, but his father embraced and kissed him so lovingly “that tears came to his eyes”. They then mounted their horses, and rode side by side, through respectful if not enthusiastic crowds, to the imperial palace.

Philip’s conduct at Brussels, at this time, was not perfectly in accordance with the reputation for gravity which he had acquired by his haughty and reserved manners, and even the Emperor showed some displeasure at his levity, in masquerading about the streets in such troubled times, and was in serious doubt as to his son’s capacity to bear the burden he was about to lay on his shoulders.

Mary having heard that he was suffering from a slight indisposition, the result of too much dissipation, sent over one of her chamberlains to visit him. Philip sent him back with protestations and thanks, and ordered him to announce to the Queen his firm intention to fulfil his promise to return to her, as soon as he had completed some business which obliged him to go to Antwerp. Before leaving Brussels, the Chamberlain remarked to some of the King’s attendants, that he should gladly be the bearer of this good news, but that he had promised “not to give account of his Majesty’s having twice gone abroad in this wretched weather, and of his dancing at weddings, as he feared lest the Queen who was easily agitated might take it too much to heart”.[591]

But no sooner were Mary’s hopes raised, than they were again dashed to the ground, by an order which Philip’s confessor, Alfonso de Castro; his steward, Don Diego de Azevedo, and the rest of his household received, to proceed immediately to Spain, “An indication” says Michiel,[592] “to some persons that the intentions announced by King Philip to the Queen of his being here at the Epiphany, are mere words”. Badoer, the Venetian ambassador at Brussels, told the Doge[593] that this order had pained her intensely, as she took it for an announcement, either that Philip would not return to England for a long while, or that, should he return, he would shortly afterwards proceed to Spain, as was generally believed. “The King’s confessor has arrived here,” continued Badoer, “and repeated a variety of foul language, uttered by the English, indicating their ill-will towards his Majesty, and the Spanish nation, narrating the following incident, that on seeing him and the rest of the royal attendants depart, they made great rejoicing, well-nigh universally.” Philip’s relations with the English in Brussels, and even with Mary’s ambassador there, were observed to differ widely from the courtesy which had characterised them in England, the outcome perhaps of his irritation towards the nation in general, on account of their persistent unwillingness to proceed to his coronation.

As the subject was much discussed in the official despatches of the time, and as it served to increase the general discontent as well as the Queen’s perplexities, it is deserving of more notice than has been hitherto directed to it.

Mary’s continued inability to overcome the determination of the Council not to bestow on him the Crown matrimonial was perhaps more than anything else the cause of his alienation from a wife whom he had never loved, and from a country which he had every reason to dislike. His dignity and his future stake in the realm appeared to him to be alike threatened by the refusal, and dignity was to Philip the breath of his nostrils, while political considerations had by long habit become paramount over all others.[594] To utilise Mary’s affection for these ends seemed to him as legitimate, as to employ any other means to compass them, and his absence, which caused the unhappy Queen intense pain and grief, was to be a powerful factor in undermining her objections, by the skilful manipulation of hope deferred. Moreover, to the demand for his coronation, he added another of far greater moment, a demand that the English should co-operate with him in the long-talked-of war with France. To his first request Mary replied that she did not venture to propose it in Parliament, so large a number of members of the opposition having been returned, and as for the second, Cardinal Pole, of whom even de Noailles spoke as “un homme pacifique,” sent over the Abbot of San Saluto to confer with him. The following extract from a letter from the Venetian ambassador at Brussels shows the delicacy with which both questions were handled. Badoer says that the Abbot, after treating of the peace “in the name of the Queen, performed an earnest office with his Majesty, apologising for her non-adoption of any of the resolutions desired by him, in the matter of the coronation, or with regard to waging war on the most Christian King, as mentioned in my former letters, telling King Philip that when she looks round, and carefully considers the persons about her, she scarcely knows one who has not injured her, or who would fail to do so again were the opportunity to present itself, and that since she is Queen, the afflictions and perils undergone by her have been, and still are, so great, on account of the religion, and from anxiety to preserve public quiet, besides other vexations, that she knew it to be impossible to form either of these important resolutions, without greatly endangering her crown; but that she hoped, in the course of a short time, to comfort the King with what he seems to desire; and in her Majesty’s name, and as his personal servant, the Abbot exhorted him to go to England as soon as possible, but I have heard from a person of quality that his Majesty is not inclined to do so, and that the Emperor is of a contrary opinion. King Philip however has written back to the Queen, feeding her in general terms with this hope, and suggesting that in the meanwhile she could fill up the important offices now vacant, as he shall be satisfied with any appointment made by her, but recommending Lord Paget and the English ambassador in France (Dr. Wotton) for the Chancellorship.”[595]

The Emperor had already conferred the sovereignty of Naples and Milan on Philip at the time of his marriage; on the 22nd of October 1555 he invested him with the Grand Mastership of the Golden Fleece of Burgundy, the proudest and most coveted of all the military orders of knighthood of that day. These were but the preliminaries for his abdication of the kingdom of the Netherlands, which he now, being only in the fifty-sixth year of his age, formally ceded to his son[596] with the sovereignties of Castile and Arragon and their dependencies. Philip at once despatched a gentleman to England to give Mary notice, and to congratulate her on her being able to style herself the Queen of many and great crowns, and on her being no less their mistress than of her own crown of England. He again assured her that on his return from Antwerp, to which place he was going the next day, he would remain a few days with the Emperor, and then go speedily to her. Confiding in the truth of this assertion, Mary ordered the fleet to drop down towards the sea forthwith, and a guard of 100 halberdiers to be at Dover on the 20th January. The Earl of Pembroke was to hold himself in readiness, from one day to another, to go to Calais to receive his Majesty.[597]

And still Philip came not, nor had he apparently any intention of coming. But seeing little present hope of drawing England into a war with France, he concluded, in February 1556, a truce with Henry II. for five years.

Meanwhile, a formidable plot, known as Dudley’s conspiracy to murder the Queen, and place Elizabeth on the throne, was being hatched in London. It was revealed to Cardinal Pole before the decisive moment, but it was some time before the real nature and object of the design were brought to light. On the 17th March, Michiel notified to the Doge: “For many consecutive days, a comet has been visible as it still is, and with this opportunity, a gang of rogues, some twelve in number, who have been arrested, went about the city, saying we should soon see the Day of Judgment, when everything would be burned and consumed. These knaves, with a number of others, availing themselves of this device, agreed to set fire to several parts of the city, to facilitate their project of murder and robbery, and if this be true, due punishment will be inflicted on them.”[598]

A few days later, the affair assumed a more serious aspect, and on the 24th Michiel continued his report:—

“The suspicion about the conspirators, who proposed setting fire to several quarters of the city, for the sake of plunder, had a different root and origin to what was reported, a plot having been lately discovered of such a nature, that had it been carried into effect as arranged, it would doubtless, as generally believed, considering the ill-will of the majority of the population here on account of the religion, besides their innate love of frequent change and innovation, have placed the Queen and the whole kingdom in great trouble, as it was of greater circuit and extent than had been at first supposed.”

They were to have seized all the public money, by an understanding with the officials of the Exchequer, and to facilitate this, were to set fire to different parts of the city, and to the palace, so that the population being occupied with the conflagration, in the midst of the turmoil, they might do their work freely, and after its accomplishment, escape in two of the Queen’s ships well armed and provisioned.[599]

The money, consisting chiefly of the bullion brought over from Spain by Philip, was, on the discovery of the plot, secretly removed from the Tower; but the conspirators were left unmolested, and carefully watched. When the affair seemed ripe, the ringleaders were caught in the act and arrested. But even then, the whole extent of the plot, which had been far more carefully planned than that of Wyatt and his accomplices, had still to be discovered. The Queen was, however, sufficiently alarmed not to allow Cardinal Pole, who had been preconised Archbishop of Canterbury, to leave her for the ceremony of his consecration, which was to have taken place in his Cathedral Church, on the 25th March.[600] He was therefore consecrated in the Church of the Grey Friars at Greenwich, with great solemnity, and in presence of the Queen and of the whole court, and in spite of his anxiety to begin the exercise of his spiritual functions, the State burden which the King and Queen had placed on his shoulders pressed daily more and more heavily. The conspiracy, as it was discovered piecemeal, resolved itself into a vast network composed indeed of the usual meshes, spread by the French King, his ambassador, Elizabeth, and her confederates throughout the country, but it was bolder in design than anything that had been hitherto conceived against Mary. Its object, like Wyatt’s, was to depose and murder the Queen, raise Elizabeth to the throne, and marry her to the Earl of Devon. The charge to conduct it was entrusted by de Noailles to Sir Henry Dudley, an offshoot of the disaffected Northumberland family and faction, to whom the King of France granted a considerable pension, in return for his services. Elizabeth’s willing co-operation was brought to light by the instructions sent to de Noailles from France, one of the letters implicating her containing the following passage: “Above all, you must prevent Madam Elizabeth from making any sort of move to undertake what you have written to me, for it would spoil everything, and lose the advantage which they may expect from their plans, which must be conducted carefully and slowly”.[601]

In order to arrange the final coup, Dudley, followed by three other conspirators, sailed for France and landed in Normandy. The moment was unfavourable, Henry II. having but just concluded his truce for five years with Philip, and little as considerations of honour and chivalry had ever entered into his dealings with Mary, he shrank from the odium he would incur, in appearing as an accomplice, in a conspiracy against a prince with whom he had sworn even a temporary friendship. He therefore ordered Dudley and his friends to remain quiet, and to counsel their allies in England to do the same, feigning loyalty, until a more convenient season. The above-mentioned instructions which he wrote to de Noailles concerning Elizabeth’s part in their schemes, and the necessity for her quiescence belong to this juncture. Dudley, and the three conspirators who had followed him into France, continued to reside there, and the discovery of the plot was the result of precisely the same want of combined action that had impelled Wyatt to break out into open revolt, six weeks before the time originally agreed upon. The impatience of the plotters in London brooked no delay; they disregarded the advice of their royal ally, and their dark sayings in connection with the comet, chronicled in Michiel’s despatch of the 17th March, first roused the suspicion of the Government, and led to the arrest of Sir Anthony Kingston, Throckmorton, Udal, Staunton and others, about forty in number. Kingston had been sent to the Tower some months previously, for seditious words, but had been released by the Queen’s prerogative, Mary believing him to be loyal at heart, in spite of his intemperate language. Now, for the first time in her life, her courage seemed to be unequal to the demands made upon it. She was greatly troubled, and would no longer appear in public, and her depression communicated itself to her friends. A panic among the loyalists was however prevented, and confidence in a great measure restored by the public appearance of Cardinal Pole, who on the 25th March, preached in the church of St. Mary of the Arches, on the occasion of his consecration and reception of the pallium, “to the edification of many souls”. Alluding to the cause of his return to England, he explained the meaning of the pallium, and dwelt on the peace which he had come to offer to his fellow-countrymen. He told his hearers that they ought not to be slow to receive so great a benefit, offered to them by the Divine mercy, lest there be said of them those words uttered by Christ concerning Jerusalem, when drawing nigh to and weeping over the city He said: “If thou didst know the things which belong to thy peace; but now are they hidden from thine eyes”. His voice failed with emotion; he remained silent for a moment, and then continued in a low tone: “You know what has passed; I pray you guard against the future,” and those words, says the chronicler, “if thou didst know,” he pronounced with such tenderness, that not one of his congregation remained unmoved.[602]

Never were details of conspiracy so slow to unfold themselves, even long after the scheme had collapsed. When it at last dawned upon the Government, that the traitors had a special understanding with the King of France, the idea did not even then present itself to their minds, that Elizabeth was in any way implicated, and it was not till June, that attention was turned to her household. But as early as the 14th April Lord Clinton was commissioned, when Henry’s share in the matter had become apparent, to proceed at once to France, ostensibly to congratulate the King on the conclusion of his truce with Philip, but he was also the bearer of instructions from the Council, to demand Dudley and the other fugitives at his hands, as “traitors, heretics and outlaws,” and to complain of the harbour which it was understood he gave to English rebels, “contrary to the agreement and express treaty between the two crowns”. The envoy was compelled to set out in such haste, and so suddenly, and in such confusion, that neither he nor his attendants had time to provide themselves with many necessary articles of apparel, which “for the sake of dispatch were supplied them from the Queen’s wardrobe”.[603] Henry affected ignorance of the case in point, and to Lord Clinton’s representations, answered that his kingdom was so large and free to every one, that he could not know so particularly, either who entered it, nor who went out of it, but that he heard with regret of the commotions in England. “Notwithstanding which,” continued Sorranzo, Venetian ambassador in France, in his letter to the Doge, “since several days, there are several Englishmen here at the court, who were subsequently outlawed from England, and are said to have come to ask favour from his most Christian Majesty.”[604] To Sorranzo, speaking of the complaint made by Clinton, that he harboured the Queen’s rebels, and listened to their proposals, Henry said:—

“I answered him that the malcontents of that kingdom were in such number that they had already filled not only France but the whole of Italy, and that it was true that they came to me and proposed the most extravagant things possible, but that I had never given ear to any of them; and to tell you the truth, ambassador, I know the English well, and that they are not to be trusted by any one. I have also heard, that in England, they plotted to make Courtenay go back, but my ambassador at Venice writes to me, that by no means will he go thither.”[605]

Describing a former audience with Henry, Sorranzo says: “The King added that he supposed I had heard of the disturbances in England, and when I replied that they were known to me in part, he continued: ‘They wanted to rob the Queen’s treasury, and plotted to put her to death, so that kingdom is more upside down than ever, and the Queen wishes for her husband, who cares but little about it, but through the coming of these ambassadors, whom the Queen is sending, the future will be made manifest,’ and with this the King closing the discourse, I thanked him again in your Serenity’s name, and took leave. When speaking about English affairs with the Constable, he said: ‘Ambassador, I will tell you a thing privately, and do not forget it, as for my own part, I believe it will certainly come true. I am of opinion that ere long the King of England will endeavour to dissolve his marriage with the Queen, and should this come to pass remember then this prophecy.’”[606]

The embassy mentioned by Henry was the sending of Lord Paget to Philip, according to Badoer, to find out the true reason of his not coming, for he declared, “the said Queen is beyond measure exasperated by what she considers this well-nigh contemptuous treatment”. The astute Venetian went on to say: “It is very evident, from the language of the chief Spaniards of these two Courts [the Emperor’s and the King’s] that neither the arguments adduced by Paget nor the adroit means employed by him to make the King go to England, will take effect, unless he has a certain promise from the Queen that she will crown him, in virtue of such authority as, it is said, she might legally exercise, and with the support of those who may be dependent on their Majesties, by reason of offices and benefits received from them. The French ambassador uses all diligence to ascertain whether his Majesty will go to England or not, and according to news-letters which he says he has received from thence, he shows that the coronation may take place, and that Queen Maria of Hungary is the person who well-nigh daily writes autograph letters on this subject to the Queen of England, exhorting her to put aside every consideration, and her timidity, and to crown her husband, assuring her that otherwise she will fail in what is due to herself, and to right, and that consequently she will not have him with her. It is said that Queen Maria acts thus by reason of the extreme desire she has to resume the Regency of Flanders, in which she cannot succeed, unless the King depart hence.”[607]

In a subsequent despatch, the same authority relates: “The report also of King Philip’s going to England still continues, but neither the ministers nor his Majesty himself any longer assert that it will take place at the beginning of next month, as he told Lord Paget, who went about assuring everybody of this, and that he should go back with his Majesty; but by taking leave of the Emperor yesterday, to depart in three days, he has surprised everybody. Some persons believe that the King has rather cooled about going so immediately as was promised by him, owing to the confession made to the Queen by one of the prisoners, that he had determined to kill her consort; and some are of opinion that King Philip has sent Lord Paget back, in order that he may return subsequently with the Earl of Pembroke, and other English noblemen, to conduct him with more positive arrangements. Don Juan Manrique, a member of the Privy Council, having said that although the Queen professes here to resign herself to the King’s will, it is nevertheless evident that she either allows herself to be biased by her ministers, or that Paget has promised more than he was commissioned to do. Others say that his Majesty’s departure for England is delayed by the hope of the coming hither of the King of Bohemia.”[608] Whatever the Emperor and his son may have thought and intended, all they did was to buoy Mary up with delusive hopes and polite assurances, as before, and she gained nothing more from the embassy that was to have done so much.

Lord Clinton arrived from France about the same time that Paget returned from Brussels, bringing many declarations of friendship from Henry; but far from offering to surrender the traitors who had fled to his court, the French King said openly that he would rather suffer in his own person, than fail to receive and treat kindly any Englishmen of however low degree, who might take refuge in his realm. “To-day,” adds Michiel, “the French ambassador was a long while at the palace, I believe about this business, concerning which should I hear anything has passed worthy your Serenity’s notice, I will not omit to give you notice of it by the first opportunity.”

Mary’s Government, now thoroughly on the alert, made fresh discoveries and arrests daily. Carew, one of the chief conspirators in Wyatt’s rebellion, and Dr. Cheke, formerly tutor to Edward VI., were taken together in Flanders, and sent to England. Strict watch was kept about the court, and in Elizabeth’s household, and the Queen still refused to appear in public, even on the solemn feast of the Ascension. It was said that recognising the uselessness of her former clemency, and the ingratitude of those who had before been so freely pardoned, she had determined that all should suffer the just punishment of their misdeeds.

But in fact, nothing was done without Philip’s advice, and the courier Francesco Piamontese was continually on the road between London and Brussels, bearing letters from the Queen to the King, and vice versÂ. On the day on which Paget returned, Mary had two interviews with him, lasting upwards of two hours. The next day, to the surprise of all, Piamontese was on his way back to Flanders. “Many persons believe,” wrote Michiel, “that this frequent despatch of couriers, during the last few months, relates not only to the affair of the prisoners, it being credible that the Queen acquaints her consort with what takes place from day to day, and with the discoveries made, and that this last mission of Francesco in great part concerns Carew and Cheke—but also another more momentous matter, and perhaps the one communicated to me heretofore [and written to the Doge in a despatch now lost] relating to the Lady Elizabeth, which proceeds with very great secrecy.”[609] Again he says that the arrest of Carew and Cheke has been followed by that of Lord Thomas Howard (second son of the third Duke of Norfolk) who has been suspected for some time, on account of his intimacy with three of the conspirators, and he then communicates the following important fact: “The French ambassador, M. de Noailles, took leave of the Queen yesterday, as for many months; subsequent however to the discovery of the conspiracy, he has most earnestly requested his king to recall him hence, for the removal simultaneously of the suspicions and accusations to which he will be hourly subjected, through the examinations of the conspirators, and to avoid any dishonour, from which he has indeed had a very narrow escape, for from what I hear, there was a debate and decision in the Privy Council, as to whether, by proceeding against him individually, as a plotter and contriver against the state and person of the Sovereign with whom he resides, the ‘jus gentium’ would thus be violated; but to avoid coming to open hostilities at the present moment, and under existing circumstances, it seems that the ministry has not chosen to proceed further, dissembling their indignation, and consigning the affair to silence for the present, perhaps in conformity with the will and command of the most Serene King. There will remain here in his stead as agent, a brother of his, a Councillor of the Parliament of Bordeaux, who was sent lately from France, until the arrival of the other brother, the Protonotary, destined a long while ago for the embassy in ordinary.”[610]

The arrest of Lord Thomas Howard was followed by that of Lord de la Warre, described by Michiel as “factious and scandalous, having been deprived of his seat in Parliament as baron, for an attempt to poison one of his uncles, for the sake of inheriting from him so much the sooner, wherefore no one is surprised at his having been guilty as an associate in the plot”.[611] About the same time were sent to the Tower the notorious Katharine Ashley, governess of Elizabeth’s household at Hatfield, and three other inmates of it. They all confessed to having had knowledge of the conspiracy, this alone being sufficient to imperil their lives, while in Katharine Ashley’s possession were found a number of “those writings and scandalous books against the King and Queen, which were scattered about some months ago, and published all over the kingdom”.

It was probably owing to Philip’s prudent policy that Elizabeth’s household and not the Princess herself was accused. Experience had proved, that to push matters to a crisis with Elizabeth was wholly unprofitable, and that by giving her an opportunity of placing herself in the light of a victim, the enemy’s hands were strengthened. Philip, far more diplomatic than the Queen, had on the few occasions on which he had come into personal contact with her, affected to regard her as a friend. And he had seen the futility of any other attitude towards her. Moreover, he was still hoping that Parliament would grant him the crown matrimonial, and he was mindful of those members of the opposition, of whom the Queen had told him that they were in so great force, all devoted to Elizabeth, and who might yet turn the balance in his favour. Thus it was no doubt Philip’s influence that prompted the curious proceedings towards her, related in Michiel’s letter of the 9th June:—

“The arrest of the governess, and of Miladi Elizabeth’s three domestics having subsequently been added to by that of two other gentlemen resident here, who although her dependants, and receiving salaries from her are in less constant attendance on her than the aforesaid, the Queen was induced to send to her in the country (at Hatfield) yesterday, Sir Edward Hastings, Master of the Horse, and Sir Henry[612] Englefield, one of the lords of the royal Council, to console and comfort her on behalf of her Majesty, knowing, as may well be supposed, that this circumstance had distressed and dejected her; and to present her as a token of loving salutation, and of a message of good-will, according to the custom here, with a ring worth 400 ducats, and also to give her minute accounts of the cause of their arrest, to acquaint her with what they had hitherto deposed and confessed, and to persuade her not to take amiss the removal from about her person of similar folks, who subjected her to the danger of some evil suspicion; assuring her of the Queen’s good-will and disposition, provided she continue to live becomingly, to her Majesty’s liking; together with some other particulars which cannot now be ascertained; using in short, loving and gracious expressions, to show her that she is neither neglected nor hated, but loved and esteemed by her Majesty. This message is considered most gracious by the whole kingdom, everybody in general wishing her all ease and honour, and very greatly regretting any trouble she may incur; the proceedings having been not only necessary, but profitable to warn her of the licentious life led, especially in matters of religion, by her household, independently of the certain knowledge had by those members of it who have been arrested, of these conspiracies; she being thus clandestinely exposed to the manifest risk of infamy and ruin.

“The Queen has thus moreover an opportunity for remodelling her (Elizabeth’s) household in another form, and with a different sort of persons to those now in her service, replacing them by such as are entirely dependent on her Majesty; so that as her own proceedings, and those of all such persons as enter or quit her abode will be most narrowly scanned, she may have reason to keep so much the more to her duty, and together with her attendants behave the more cautiously; but on the return of the gentlemen aforesaid, the effect produced by them will be still better ascertained.”

On the 16th Michiel continues:—

“The office performed with Miladi Elizabeth by the two personages sent to her in the Queen’s name, agreed with what I wrote on the 9th, as heard on their return. According to the chief commission given them; before leaving her, they placed in her house a certain Sir Thomas Pope, a rich and grave gentleman of good name, both for conduct and religion; the Queen having appointed him Miladi’s governor, and she having accepted him willingly, although he himself did his utmost to decline such a charge. I am told that besides this person, they also assigned her a widow gentlewoman as governess, in lieu of her own, who is a prisoner, so that at present, having none but the Queen’s dependents about her person, she herself likewise may be also said to be in ward and custody, though in such decorous and honourable form as becoming.”[613]

Elizabeth shortly afterwards wrote the following letter to Mary, exceeding in obscurity of phrase and circumlocution any of her former effusions.

“When I revolve in mind (most noble Queen) the old love of Painyms to their prince and the reverent fear of the Romans to their Senate, I can but muse for my part, and blush for theirs, to see the rebellious hearts and devilish intents of Christians in names, but Jews indeed toward their anointed King. Which methinks if they had feared God though they could not have loved the State, they should for dread of their own plague have refrained that wickedness which their bounden duty to your Majesty hath not restrained. But when I call to remembrance that the devil tanquam Leo rugiens circumit querens que devorare potest, I do the less marvel, though he have gotten such novices into his professed house, as vessels without God’s grace, more apt to serve his palace, than might to inhabit English land. I am the bolder to call them his imps, for that Saint Paul saith seditiosi filii sunt diaboli, and since I have so good a buckler, I fear the less to enter into their judgment. Of this I assure your Majesty, though it be my part, above the rest, to bewail such things, though my name had not been in them, yet it vexeth me so much that the devil owes me such a hate, as to put me in any part of his mischievous instigations, whom as I profess him my foe that is all christians’ enemy, so wish I he had some other way invented to spite me, but since it hath pleased God thus to bewray their malice afore they finish their purpose, I most humbly thank him both that he hath ever thus preserved your Majesty through his aid, much like a lamb from the horns of their Basanbulls, and also stirs up the hearts of your loving subjects to resist them and deliver you to his honour, and their shame. The intelligence of which, proceeding from your Majesty, deserveth more humble thanks than with my pen I can render, which as infinite I will leave to number. And among earthly things I chiefly wish this one, that there were as good surgeons for making anatomies of hearts that might show my thoughts to your Majesty, as there are expert physicians of the bodies, able to express the inward griefs of their maladies to their patients. For then I doubt not, but know well, that whatsoever other should suggest by malice, yet your Majesty should be sure by knowledge, so that the more such misty clouds offuscate the clear light of my truth, the more my tried thoughts should glister to the dimming of their hid malice. But since wishes are vain, and desire oft fails, I must crave that my deeds may supply that my thoughts cannot declare, and they be not misdeemed there, as the facts have been so well tried. And like as I have been your faithful subject from the beginning of your reign, so shall no wicked persons cause me to change to the end of my life. And thus I commit your Majesty to God’s tuition, who I beseech long time to preserve, ending with the new remembrance of my old suit, more for that it should not be forgotten, than for that I think it not remembered.

“From Hatfield this present Sunday the second day of August, your Majesty’s obedient subject and humble sister

“Elizabeth.”[614]