Sir Henry Clinton's attempt to co-operate with Burgoyne—Storming of Forts Clinton and Montgomery—Burning of Æsopus—Review of military operations elsewhere—Expedition to Peekskill—Of Gov. Tryon to Danbury—Progress of Sir William Howe in Pennsylvania—Battle of Brandywine—Massacre of the Paoli—Battle of Germantown—Death of Count Donop—Murder of Captain Deitz and family at Berne—John Taylor—Lady Johnson ordered to leave Albany—Exasperation of Sir John—Attempts to abduct Mr. Taylor—An Indian and white man bribed to assassinate General Schuyler—Fresh alarms in Tryon County—Address of Congress to the Six Nations—The appeal produces no effect—Articles of confederation—Close of the year. Simultaneously with the events rapidly sketched in the preceding chapter, an expedition from New-York to the North was undertaken by Sir Henry Clinton, to which an incidental reference has already been made. The obvious intention of Sir Henry was to relieve General Burgoyne; [FN] but it was undertaken at too late a period to render him any assistance; a fact admitted by Sir Henry himself, who excused the delay by stating that he could not attempt it sooner without leaving the defences of New-York too feebly guarded. This expedition consisted of about three thousand men, convoyed by a fleet under Commodore Hotham, who proceeded up the Hudson river early in October, and was destined, in the first instance, against Forts Montgomery and Clinton, near the Southern boundary of the highlands. These fortresses had been constructed chiefly for the purpose of preventing the ships of the enemy from ascending the river, and were not defensible in the rear. They were commanded by Governor Clinton, with the assistance of General James Clinton, his brother. [FN] Letter from Washington to General Putnam, Oct. 19, 1777. The troops of the enemy were landed at Stoney Point, twelve miles below the forts. A small advanced party of the Americans was met and attacked at about 10 o'clock in the morning of the 6th of October, when within two and a half miles of the fort. This party was of course driven in, having returned the enemy's fire. [FN-1] When arrived within a mile of the forts, Sir Henry divided his troops into two columns; the one, consisting of nine hundred men under Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, was destined for the attack on Fort Montgomery; the other, under the immediate command of Sir Henry Clinton, was to storm the stronger post of Fort Clinton. [FN-2] Ascertaining that the enemy were advancing to the west side of the mountain, to attack his rear, Governor Clinton ordered a detachment of upward of one hundred men, under Col. Lamb, together with a brass field-piece and fifty men more, to take a strong position in advance. They were soon sharply engaged, and another detachment of an equal number was sent to their assistance. They kept their field-piece sharply playing upon the enemy's advancing column, and were only compelled to give way by the point of the bayonet—spiking their field-piece before they relinquished it. In this preliminary encounter the loss of Sir Henry was severe. [FN-1] Letter from Governor Clinton to the Committee of Safety, Oct. 7, 1777. [FN-2] Holmes. Pressing rapidly onward, both forts were in a few minutes attacked with vigor upon all sides. The fire was incessant during the afternoon until about five o'clock, when a flag approaching, Lieutenant Colonel Livingston was ordered to receive it. The officer was the bearer of a peremptory summons to surrender, as he alleged, to prevent the effusion of blood. Nor would he treat, unless upon the basis of a surrender of the garrison as prisoners of war, in which case he was authorised to assure them of good usage. The proposition being rejected "with scorn," [FN-1] in about ten minutes the attack was renewed, and kept up until after dark, when the enemy forced the American lines and redoubts at both forts, and the garrisons, determined not to surrender, undertook to fight their way out. The last attack of the enemy was desperate; but the Americans, militia as well as regulars, resisted with great spirit, and, favored by the darkness, many of them escaped. Governor Clinton himself escaped by leaping a precipice in the dark, and jumping into a boat, in which he was conveyed away. His brother was wounded and taken prisoner. Of the British forces, Lieutenant Colonel Campbell and Count Grabouski, a Polish nobleman, engaged as a volunteer under Sir Henry, were slain. The loss of the Americans, killed, wounded, and missing, was stated at two hundred and fifty. The British loss was stated at two hundred, but was believed to have been much more than that of the Americans. [FN-2] [FN-1] Letter of Governor Clinton to the Council of Safety, from which the facts of this affair are chiefly drawn. [FN-2] "I believe, from the bravery of the garrison of Fort Montgomery, Sir Henry Clinton purchased victory at no inconsiderable expense. General Campbell was certainly killed. This they mention in their own official account, but call him Lieutenant Colonel of the fifty-second regiment. He was a General on the American establishment, so declared in one of the orderly books which fell into our hands."—Letter of Washington to General Putnam. [Sparks corrects the Commander-in-chief upon this point—believing that General Campbell was another person, who was at Staten Island at the time in question.] On the 7th, a summons to surrender, signed jointly by Sir Henry Clinton and Commodore Hotham, was sent to Fort Constitution; [FN-1] but the flag was fired upon, and returned. To avenge the insult, an attack was immediately determined upon, but on arriving at the fort on the following day, there was no enemy to assault—an evacuation having taken place, so precipitate as to leave considerable booty to the conqueror. [FN-2] Sir Henry Clinton proceeded no farther, but a strong detachment of his army, under General Vaughan, pursued the enterprise, with Commodore Hotham, as far north as Æsopus, [FN-3] destroying several vessels by the way. At Æsopus Creek there were two small batteries and an armed galley, mounting, however, in all, but six or seven guns. These were easily silenced. General Vaughan then effected a landing, marched to the town, and laid it in ashes. Large quantities of stores had been accumulated at this place, which were of course destroyed. Disappointed, however, by the disastrous termination of the campaign of Burgoyne, Sir Henry Clinton made an expeditious return to the city. [FN-1] Situated at West Point. [FN-2] Letter of Commodore Hotham to Sir William Howe. "The whole number of cannon taken in the three forts amount to sixty-seven, with a large quantity of provisions, ammunition, and stores of all kinds." [FN-3] The ancient Dutch name of Kingston, the present shire town of the County of Ulster, N. Y. It was a large and wealthy inland town, built almost entirely of stone, upon a rich and beautiful plain about three miles from the river. The naked walls of many of the houses destroyed by General Vaughan, were standing, unrepaired, until within five or six years. But the war was this year fruitful in military events in other parts of the confederation, some of the principal of which may appropriately be passed in review at this stage of the present chapter. In the month of March, after the return of the British troops from their bootless expedition through the Jerseys, to New-York, Colonel Bird was detached against Peekskill, with five hundred men, for the purpose of destroying the American stores deposited at that place. General McDougall, commanding a small guard at the depÔt, on the approach of a force which he had not the power to resist, set fire to the stores and retreated. A similar expedition, for the same object, was directed against Danbury toward the close of April, consisting of two thousand men under the conduct of Major General Tryon. Landing at Compo Creek, between Norwalk and Fairfield, the march of Governor Tryon to the point of his destination was almost unopposed. A large quantity of provisions—beef, pork, and flour—had been collected by the Americans at that place, which were guarded only by about one hundred militia and Continental troops. Not being able to oppose the enemy, Colonel Huntington retired to a neighboring height, and awaited reinforcements. The town of Danbury and the stores were burnt on the 26th of April. [FN] During the afternoon and the following night Generals Wooster, Arnold, and Silliman collected such militia forces as they could, for the purpose of harassing the retreat of the enemy the next morning. With three hundred men, Wooster gallantly attacked his rear at 11 o'clock on the 27th, while Arnold, with five hundred more, awaited his arrival at Ridgeway. Wooster fell, mortally wounded, and his troops were obliged to give way. At Ridgeway, Arnold skirmished with the enemy for about an hour, but could not make a stand, or prevent them from remaining at that place over night. On the 28th, the march of the enemy was resumed, as also was the skirmishing by General Arnold, which was continued until 5 o'clock in the afternoon; when, as they approached their ships, the Americans charged with intrepidity, but were repulsed and broken. Embarking immediately, Governor Tryon returned to New-York, with a loss of one hundred and seventy men. The loss of the Americans was one hundred. These predatory excursions were retaliated by the Americans under Colonel Meigs, who made a brilliant expedition against Sag Harbor, where the enemy had collected a quantity of stores. The guard was talfen by surprise—the place carried by the bayonet—the stores destroyed, including twelve transport vessels—and Colonel Meigs re-crossed the Sound to Guilford without the loss of a man. [FN] The property destroyed consisted of eighteen houses; eight hundred barrels of pork and beef; eight hundred barrels of flour; two thousand bushels of grain, and seventeen hundred tents. After the return of the British forces from New Jersey, Sir William Howe suffered them to remain upon Staten Island until near midsummer, when, as the reader has seen in a previous chapter, he embarked with sixteen thousand men, and sailed for the Chesapeake Bay. On the 24th of August he landed at Elkton, whence, after being joined by Generals Grant and Knyphausen, he directed his march upon Philadelphia. Anticipating the design of the British commander, Washington threw himself, with his whole disposable force, between Sir William and Philadelphia, for the purpose of intercepting and bringing him to a general engagement. The disastrous battle of Brandywine was fought on the 11th of September. The loss of the Americans was three hundred killed and six hundred wounded and taken prisoners. That of the enemy was about one hundred killed and four hundred wounded. While General Washington with the main army retreated across the Schuylkill, General Wayne was left at the Paoli with fifteen hundred men, for the purpose of gaining and harassing the enemy's rear. But, notwithstanding the wonted vigilance of this officer, he was surprised in the course of the night, and routed, by General Gray, who had been detached for that purpose with two regiments of the enemy's line and a body of light troops. General Wayne had attempted to conceal himself upon an elevated piece of woodland, having an opening of a few acres upon which his troops bivouacked for the night, in perfect security, as was supposed. The approach of the enemy was so cautious as to take the Americans completely by surprise. Guided by the light of their fires, the enemy succeeded in cutting off their outposts and pickets without noise, and then rushed upon the sleeping camp without firing a gun, and depending alone upon the bayonet. Three hundred were slain, many of whom were transfixed with bayonets as they lay sleeping in their tents. But, though surprised. General Wayne was cool and self-possessed; and, as the enemy himself acknowledged, "by his prudent dispositions" in the moment of alarm, succeeded in bringing off the remainder of his troops. [FN] [FN] Some twenty years ago, the citizen soldiers of the neighborhood of the Paoli piously collected the remains of such of the brave men who were slain on that occasion as could be found, and interred them on the field of the massacre. A small mound was raised over them, which is walled in, and surrounded by a plain marble monument—a square block, with an urn at the top, bearing inscriptions upon each of the sides, in the following words:— First: "Sacred to the memory of the patriots, who, on this spot, fell a sacrifice to British barbarity, during the struggle for American Independence, during the night of the 20th of September, 1777." Second: "Here repose the remains of fifty-three American soldiers, who were the victims of cold-blooded cruelty in the well-known massacre of the Paoli, while under the command of Gen. Anthony Wayne, an officer, whose military conduct, bravery, and humanity, were equally conspicuous throughout the Revolutionary war." Third: "The atrocious massacre, which this stone commemorates, was perpetrated by British troops under the immediate command of Maj. Gen. Gray." Fourth: "This memorial in honor of Revolutionary patriotism, was erected September 20, 1817, by the Republican Artillerists of Chester County, aided by the contributions of their fellow-citizens." An annual military parade is held upon this interesting field. The name—The Paoli—is derived from a celebrated tavern, at two miles distance, on the Great Lancaster Road, which was established contemporaneously with the Corsican struggle for independence, and named in honor of the unfortunate chieftain of that enterprise. It bears the same name still.—Journal of a Visit to the field of Brandywine, by the author. General Washington had taken post on the Eastern bank of the Schuylkill, about sixteen miles from Germantown. General Howe marched upon Germantown with his main army, where he arrived on the 26th of September. On the 27th Lord Cornwallis took possession of Philadelphia without resistance. On the 4th of October, the battle of Germantown was fought, in which it was claimed by the enemy that the Americans were defeated, although it was, in fact, a drawn battle. This action was produced by an attempt of the Commander-in-chief to effect something by way of surprise. Having ascertained the situation of the enemy, the Americans marched all night, and arrived at Germantown at daylight. The enemy was attacked upon two quarters, in both of which the Americans were successful. Indeed, the enemy, as it was afterward ascertained, were thrown into such a state of tumult and disorder, and so panic-stricken, that a retreat to Chester had been resolved upon. But the morning was so excessively dark and foggy, that neither the advantages gained by the Americans, nor the confusion of the enemy, could be perceived. This circumstance, by concealing from the Americans the true situation of the enemy, obliged the Commander-in-chief to act with more caution and less expedition than he could have wished; and, what was still more unfortunate, it served to keep the different divisions of the Americans in ignorance of each other's movements, and prevent their acting in concert. It also occasioned them to mistake one another for the enemy. In this situation, it was considered unsafe to push too far through a strong village, while enveloped in a haze so thick as to border upon positive darkness. The consequence was a retreat, by the Americans at the very instant when victory was declaring in their favor. The action lasted two hours, and the fighting was severe—the loss of the Americans being about one hundred men, killed, wounded, and missing. Among the slain was the brave General Nash, of North Carolina. Severe, however, as the action was, the enemy were rendered nothing better by the event; while the result was regarded by Washington "as rather unfortunate than injurious." [FN] [FN] This brief account of the battle of Germantown is drawn from Washington's letters to the President of Congress, his brother, and Governor Trumbull. General Washington attributed the successes of Sir William Howe in Pennsylvania, and his own consequent disasters, to the apathy and disaffection of the people of that State. In one of his letters upon the subject, he says:—"The Northern army, before the surrender of General Burgoyne, was reinforced by upward of twelve hundred militia, who shut the only door by which Burgoyne could retreat, and cut off all his supplies. How different our case! The disaffection of a great part of the inhabitants of this State, the languor of others, and the internal distraction of the whole, have been among the great and insuperable difficulties which I have met with, and have contributed not a little to my embarrassments this campaign."—Letter of Washington to Landon Carter, Oct. 27, 1777. Many other letters from the Commander-in-chief, written during the winter and spring of 1778, complain of the conduct of the people of Pennsylvania, in supplying the enemy in Philadelphia with provisions—particularly from Bucks County. In a letter to Maj. General Armstrong, of that State, dated at Valley Forge, March 27th, he says:—"The situation of matters in this State is melancholy and alarming. We have daily proof that a majority of the people in this quarter are only restrained from supplying the enemy with horses and every kind of necessary, through fear of punishment; and, although I have made a number of severe examples, I cannot put a stop to the intercourse." But all the advantages thus gained by the enemy, had been more than counterbalanced by the reverses of St. Leger, and the nearly simultaneous capture of Burgoyne and his well-appointed army at the North. Another circumstance, gratifying to the friends of the American arms, was the repulse of Count Donop, at Red Bank. The Count, a brave and experienced officer, fell, mortally wounded; and about 400 of his troops were killed. [FN] The laurels won by Colonel Christopher Greene, the American commander, on that occasion, were not the less creditably worn because of the necessity which compelled him subsequently to abandon the post, on the approach of Cornwallis with a greatly superior force. [FN] Count Donop died of his wounds three days after the action, at a house near the fort. A short time before his death, he said to Monsieur Duplessis, a French officer who constantly attended him in his illness, "It is finishing a noble career early. I die the victim of my ambition, and of the avarice of my sovereign."—Travels of the Marquis Chastellux. But neither the fall of Burgoyne, nor the flight of St. Leger, relieved the border settlements beyond Albany from their apprehensions. Though in less danger of a sweeping invasion, yet the scouts and scalping parties of the Tories and Indians were continually hovering upon their outskirts; and so crafty were the foe, and so stealthy their movements, that no neighborhood, not even the most populous villages, felt themselves secure from those sudden and bloody irruptions which mark the annals of Indian warfare. Very soon after the capture of Burgoyne, there was an occurrence in the neighborhood of Albany, of a highly painful description. Previous to the commencement of the war, a militia company had been organized in the town of Berne, comprising eighty-five men, commanded by Captain Ball. On the breaking out of hostilities, the Captain, with sixty-three of his men, went over to the enemy. Thus deserted by their leader, the command of the residue of the company devolved upon the ensign, Peter Deitz. These all embraced the cause of the country, and for the safety of their settlement threw up a little picketed fort, at a place now called the Beaver Dam. Deitz was soon afterward commissioned a captain, and his brother, William Deitz, his lieutenant. On the approach of Burgoyne they marched to Saratoga, and joined the army of Gates. Here the Captain was killed by the accidental discharge of the gun of one of his own men. William Deitz immediately succeeded to the vacancy; and rendered such good service in the campaign as specially to incur the vengeance of the Tories and Indians. Availing themselves of an early opportunity to glut their hate, a party of them stole into the settlement of Berne, where they surprised and made prisoner of the Captain in his own house. They next brought him forth into the court, bound him to the gate-post, and then successively brought out his father and mother, his wife and children, and deliberately murdered them all before his eyes! The Captain was himself carried a prisoner to Niagara, where he ultimately fell a sacrifice to their cruelty. [FN-1] An instance of more cool and fiend-like barbarity does not occur in the annals of this extraordinary contest. It was only equaled by the conduct of the Tories afterward at Wyoming, and transcended by the refinement of cruelty practised by a French officer, during one of the earlier wars of the Indians, upon an unhappy prisoner among the remote tribe of the Dionondadies, as related by La Potherie. [FN-2] [FN-1] Albany Monthly Magazine, conducted by the late Horatio G. Spafford, 1815. [FN-2] Vide Colden's Canada, and Smith's History of New-York. Other incidents occurred at Albany and in its neighborhood, at about the same period, which are deemed worthy of note. At the time of Sir John Johnson's flight from Johnstown, his lady had remained behind, and was removed immediately, or soon afterward, to Albany. It was in this year that Mr. John Taylor, [FN] after having performed several important confidential services under the direction of General Schuyler, was appointed a member of the Albany Council of Safety. He was a man of great shrewdness and sagacity, deliberate in the formation of his purposes, and resolute in their execution when matured. The Whigs of Albany were greatly annoyed during the whole contest by the loyalists resident among them; many of whom, it was discovered from time to time, must have been in correspondence with the enemy. The duties of the Council of Safety were consequently the more arduous, requiring sleepless vigilance and unwearied activity; together with firmness and energy in some cases, and great delicacy in others. A watchful though general surveillance was necessarily enforced over the community at large, while an eye of closer scrutiny was kept upon the character and conduct of great numbers of individuals composing that community. Mr. Taylor was in every respect equal to the station, and was singularly fortunate both in detecting and defeating the evil machinations of the adherents of the Crown. [FN] The gentleman here referred to was much in the civil service, and occasionally as a volunteer in the military, during the war of the Revolution, and was almost constantly in public life, afterward in the councils of the State, until within a few years of his death. He was nine years Lieutenant-Governor, and for a time the acting Governor of the State; to which station he was first chosen in 1813. His life was rather useful than brilliant; but he was a sound patriot, and died the death of a Christian in 1829—aged 87. Among his early discoveries was the important circumstance that Lady Johnson was in active and frequent correspondence with her husband, and that the facilities derived from confidential agents and her powerful connexions, enabled her to keep the enemy on either side—in New-York and Canada—correctly advised, not only of the movements and designs of each other; but likewise of the situation of American affairs. Under these circumstances Mr. Taylor proposed a resolution to the Council, directing her removal forthwith from that part of the country. The proposition was received with disfavor, and encountered much opposition in the Council. Some of the members seemed to lack the firmness necessary to adopt such a resolution, anticipating the resentment and probable vengeance of the Baronet, on hearing that his lady had been treated with any thing bordering upon harshness; while others, probably, thought the precaution either would be useless, or that it was scarce worth while thus to wage war upon a woman. Convinced, however, of the danger of her longer presence in that section of the country, Mr. Taylor urged her removal so strenuously as at length to prevail; taking upon himself the execution of the order. Sir John, greatly exasperated at the measure, availed himself of a flag to admonish the mover of the resolution, that should the chances of war throw that gentleman into his possession, he should be instantly delivered over to the fury of the savages. The reply of the Councilor was characteristic of the man:—"If Mr. Taylor should be so fortunate as to have Sir John Johnson in his power, he should most assuredly be treated as a gentleman." Several attempts were subsequently made by the enemy, probably under the direction of Sir John, to make a captive of that gentleman. It being his custom to ride frequently on horseback for exercise, and often on the road leading toward Schenectady, in company, generally, with his intimate friend through life, Major Popham, who was then in the military family of General James Clinton, a small scout of Indians, under the direction of Captain Brant, was on one occasion planted in ambush upon that road, at a point where it was supposed he would be sure to pass. Providentially, however, and for reasons never explained, and perhaps not known to themselves, on the morning referred to the friends shortened their ride, and wheeled about without passing the ambuscade, though approaching it within striking distance. One of the Indians, afterward taken prisoner, stated that Mr. Taylor might easily have been shot, but that their orders were to take him alive. Another, and a yet bolder scheme was subsequently adopted to effect the capture of the sagacious Committee-man, for which purpose a party of the enemy were actually introduced not only into the city of Albany, but into the loft of Mr. Taylor's own stable, standing in the rear of his house and upon the margin of the river. In order, moreover, to facilitate their flight with the intended captive, a canoe had been procured and moored at the water's edge. Their design was to enter the house in the night, and seize and bear him silently away. One of the servants happening to step into the yard after the family had retired to rest, the lurking foes thought the time for a rush had arrived. But in their preparations to spring forward they alarmed the servant too soon, and he was enabled to get back into the house, bolt the door, and give timely warning. The insidious purpose was of course frustrated. [FN] [FN] The facts in this statement respecting Lady Johnson and Mr. Taylor, have been derived from an extended biographical sketch of the latter, written by his surviving friend, the venerable Major William Popham, and also from a letter addressed to the author by General John T. Cooper. Nor were these the only hostile attempts directed, at about the same period, against individuals at Albany; General Schuyler was again selected for a victim even of assassination. Smarting under their disappointment in the overthrow of Burgoyne, to which discomfiture the energy and efforts of Schuyler had so essentially contributed, a conspiracy was formed either to capture or destroy him. For this purpose the Tories corrupted a white man, who had been patronised by the General, and who was even then in his employment, to do the foul deed, and also one of the friendly Indians, whose clan had for years been in the habit of hunting upon his premises in Saratoga, during the fishing season at Fish Creek, which ran through his farm, and in which immense quantities of fish were then taken. [FN-1] To effect their object, the two assassins took their station under a covert, in a valley about half a mile from the General's premises, and by which they had previously ascertained he was shortly to pass. They soon descried his approach on horseback. As he advanced, they took deliberate aim; when, with a sudden movement, the Indian struck up his associate's gun with the exclamation—"I cannot kill him; I have eaten his bread too often!" [FN-2] [FN-1] The herring fishery was considerable at Fish Creek at the period referred to. The Indians took them in large quantities—dried and pounded them into powder which they mixed with corn-meal, and packed away in boxes made of bark, for future consumption. [FN-2] Facts communicated to the author by Mrs. James Cochran of Oswego. Early in the Autumn, the inhabitants of Unadilla and the contiguous settlements in that direction, were again imploring the commander of Fort Schuyler for a detachment of troops to protect them from another expedition, which, the Oneidas had informed them, Colonels Johnson and Butler were getting on foot at Oswego. The project, according to the news obtained from the Oneidas, contemplated a simultaneous descent of the Tories and Indians upon five different points, comprehending all the principal settlements west of Schenectady. These unpleasant tidings were in some degree confirmed, by the discovery of a large scouting party of the enemy on the Sacondaga, at the north of Johnstown. The alarm was increased, toward the close of October, by the arrival of an express at the Canajoharie Castle, announcing that within a few days Sir John Johnson would return to Oswego, with six hundred regular troops and a large body of Indians. It was stated that Sir John had succeeded in raising twenty-two Indian nations in arms against the Colonists. They were about sending a belt to the Oneidas, and in the event of their refusal to take up the hatchet with their brethren in behalf of the King, they were themselves to be attacked as the first measure of the invasion. These facts were immediately communicated to General Schuyler by a letter dated October 25th, announcing also the flight, to the ranks of Sir John Johnson, of Hon-Yost Schuyler, and twelve or fourteen of his neighbors at Fall Hill and in that vicinity, as heretofore stated. The letter contained a strong appeal for an additional force to defend the valley—with an assurance, that in the event of receiving no farther means of security, the greater part of the inhabitants had become so discouraged that they would probably lay down their arms; [FN] in other words, throw themselves upon the protection of the King. [FN] MS. letter to General Schuyler—Secretary's office, Albany. But, after all the alarm, nothing very serious resulted from these threatening indications during the residue of the year 1777. Still the Congress was unwilling that the year should close without making one more effort to win back the Six Nations from the British service, at least to a state of neutrality, if nothing more. With this view, on the 3d of December the following address to the Indians of those Nations was reported by the Committee on Indian affairs, and adopted. It is inserted at length in this order, on account of its eloquence, and its surpassing excellence among the documents connected with the Indian diplomacy of the republic:— "Address of the Congress to the Six Nations. "Brothers, Sachems, and Warriors: The great council of the United States call now for your attention. Open your ears that you may hear, and your hearts that you may understand. "When the people on the other side of the great water, without any cause, sought our destruction, and sent over their ships and their warriors to fight against us, and to take away our possessions, you might reasonably have expected us to ask for your assistance. If we are enslaved, you cannot be free. For our strength is greater than yours. If they would not spare their own brothers of the same flesh and blood, would they spare you? If they burn our houses and ravage our lands, could yours be secure? "But, Brothers, we acted on very different principles. Far from desiring you to hazard your lives in our quarrel, we advised you to remain still in ease and at peace. We even entreated you to remain neuter; and under the shade of your trees and by the side of your streams, to smoke your pipe in safety and contentment. Though pressed by our enemies, and when their ships obstructed our supplies of arms and powder and clothing, we were not unmindful of your wants. Of what was necessary for our own use, we cheerfully spared you a part. More we should have done, had it been in our power. "Brothers, Cayugas, Senecas, Tuscaroras, and Mohawks: Open your ears and hear our complaints. Why have you listened to the voice of our enemies? Why have you suffered Sir John Johnson and Butler to mislead you? Why have you assisted General St. Leger and his warriors from the other side of the great water, by giving them a free passage through your country to annoy us; which both you and we solemnly promised should not be defiled with blood? Why have you suffered so many of your nations to join them in their cruel purpose? Is this a suitable return for our love and kindness, or did you suspect that we were too weak or too cowardly to defend our country, and join our enemies that you might come in for a share of the plunder? What has been gained by this unprovoked treachery? What but shame and disgrace! Your foolish warriors and their new allies have been defeated and driven back in every quarter; and many of them justly paid the price of their rashness with their lives. Sorry are we to find that our ancient chain of union, heretofore so strong and bright, should be broken by such poor and weak instruments as Sir John Johnson and Butler, who dare not show their faces among their countrymen; and by St. Leger, a stranger whom you never knew! What has become of the spirit, the wisdom, and the justice of your nations? Is it possible that you should barter away your ancient glory, and break through the most solemn treaties, for a few blankets or a little rum or powder? That trifles such as these should prove any temptation to you to cut down the strong tree of friendship, by our common ancestors planted in the deep bowels of the earth at Onondaga, your central council-fire? That tree which has been watered and nourished by their children until the branches had almost reached the skies! As well might we have expected that the mole should overturn the vast mountains of the Allegheny, or that the birds of the air should drink up the waters of Ontario! "Brothers, Cayugas, Senecas, Onondagas, and Mohawks: Look into your hearts, and be attentive. Much are you to blame, and greatly have you wronged us. Be wise in time. Be sorry and mend your faults. The great council, though the blood of our friends, who fell by your tomahawks at the German Flats, cries aloud against you, will yet be patient. We do not desire to destroy you. Long have we been at peace; and it is still our wish to bury the hatchet, and wipe away the blood which some of you have so unjustly shed. Till time should be no more, we wish to smoke with you the calumet of friendship around your central fire at Onondaga. But, Brothers, mark well what we now tell you. Let it sink deep as the bottom of the sea, and never be forgotten by you or your children. If ever again you take up the hatchet to strike us—if you join our enemies in battle or council—if you give them intelligence, or encourage or permit them to pass through your country to molest or hurt any of our people—we shall look on you as our enemies, and treat you as the worst of enemies, who, under a cloak of friendship, cover your bad designs, and like the concealed adder, only wait for an opportunity to wound us when we are most unprepared. "Brothers: Believe us who never deceive. If, after all our good counsel and all our care to prevent it, we must take up the hatchet, the blood to be shed will lie heavy on your heads. The hand of the thirteen United States is not short. It will reach to the farthest extent of the country of the Six Nations; and while we have right on our side, the good Spirit, whom we serve, will enable us to punish you, and put it out of your power to do us farther mischief. "Brothers, Oneidas and Tuscaroras: Hearken to what we have to say to you in particular. It rejoices our hearts that we have no reason to reproach you in common with the rest of the Six Nations. We have experienced your love, strong as the oak, and your fidelity, unchangeable as truth. You have kept fast hold of the ancient covenant chain, and preserved it free from rust and decay, and bright as silver. Like brave men, for glory you despised danger; you stood forth in the cause of your friends, and ventured your lives in our battles. While the sun and moon continue to give light to the world, we shall love and respect you. As our trusty friends, we shall protect you, and shall at all times consider your welfare as our own. "Brothers of the Six Nations: Open your ears and listen attentively. It is long ago that we explained to you our quarrel with the people on the other side of the great water. Remember that our cause is just; you and your forefathers have long seen us allied to those people in friendship. By our labor and industry they flourished like the trees of the forest, and became exceedingly rich and proud. At length nothing would satisfy them, unless, like slaves, we would give them the power over our whole substance. Because we would not yield to such shameful bondage, they took up the hatchet. You have seen them covering our coasts with their ships, and a part of our country with their warriors; but you have not seen us dismayed; on the contrary, you know that we have stood firm like rocks, and fought like men who deserved to be free. You know that we have defeated St. Leger, and conquered Burgoyne and all their warriors. Our chief men and our warriors are now fighting against the rest of our enemies, and we trust that the Great Spirit will soon put them in our power, or enable us to drive them all far beyond the great waters. "Brothers: Believe us that they feel their own weakness, and that they are unable to subdue the thirteen United States. Else why have they not left our Indian brethren in peace, as they first promised and we wished to have done? Why have they endeavored, by cunning speeches, by falsehood and misrepresentations, by strong drink and presents, to embitter the minds and darken the understandings of all our Indian friends on this great continent, from the North to the South, and to engage them to take up the hatchet against us without any provocation? The Cherokees, like some of you, were prevailed upon to strike our people. We carried the war into their country, and fought them. They saw their error, they repented, and we forgave them. The United States are kind and merciful, and wish for peace with all the world. We have, therefore, renewed our ancient covenant chain with their nation. "Brothers: The Shawanese and Delawares give us daily proofs of their good disposition and their attachment to us, and are ready to assist us against all our enemies. The Chickasaws are among the number of our faithful friends. And the Choctaws, though remote from us, have refused to listen to the persuasions of our enemies, rejected all their offers of corruption, and continue peaceable. The Creeks are also our steady friends. Oboylaco, their great chief, and the rest of their sachems and warriors, as the strongest mark of their sincere friendship, have presented the great council with an eagle's tail and rattle trap. They have desired that these tokens might be shown to the Six Nations and their allies, to convince them that the Creeks are at peace with the United States. We have therefore directed our commissioners to deliver them into your hands. Let them be seen by all the nations in your alliance, and preserved in your central council house at Onondaga. "Brothers, Sachems and Warriors of the Six Nations: Hearken to our counsel. Let us who are born on the same great continent, love one another. Our interest is the same, and we ought to be one people, always ready to assist and serve each other. What are the people who belong to the other side of the great waters to either of us? They never come here for our sakes, but to gratify their own pride and avarice. Their business now is to kill and destroy our inhabitants, to lay waste our houses and farms. The day, we trust, will soon arrive, when we shall be rid of them forever. Now is the time to hasten and secure this happy event. Let us then, from this moment, join hand and heart in the defence of our common country. Let us rise as one man, and drive away our cruel oppressors. Henceforward let none be able to separate us. If any of our people injure you, acquaint us of it and you may depend upon full satisfaction. If any of yours hurt us, be you ready to repair the wrong or punish the aggressor. Above all, shut your ears against liars and deceivers, who, like false meteors, strive to lead you astray, and to set us at variance. Believe no evil of us till you have taken pains to discover the truth. Our council-fire always burns clear and bright in Pennsylvania. Our commissioners and agents are near your country. We shall not be blinded by false reports or false appearances. "Brothers: What may be farther necessary at this time for our common good you will learn from our commissioners, who sit round our council-fire at Albany. Hear what they say, and treasure it up in your hearts. Farewell." This appeal produced no effect. It was one of the misfortunes incident to the poverty of the country at that crisis, that Congress was unable to conciliate the friendship of the Indians, by such a liberal dispensation of presents as they had been in the habit of receiving from the superintendents of the crown, and as they were yet enabled to receive from the British government at or by the way of Montreal. Thayendanegea, early in the preceding year, had taunted General Herkimer, at Unadilla, with the poverty of the Continental government, which, he said, was not able to give the Indians a blanket. The fact was but too true; and the officers of the crown were not slow in availing themselves of it, not only by appeals to their cupidity, but by a more lavish bestowment of presents than ever. Thus Guy Johnson, in one of his speeches to the Six Nations at the West, put the significant questions to them: "Are they," (the rebels, as he probably called them) "able to give you any thing more than a piece of bread and a glass of rum? Are you willing to go with them, and suffer them to make horses and oxen of you, to put you to the wheelbarrows, and to bring us all into slavery?" While, therefore, the Americans were unable to furnish the Indians with those necessaries of life, for a supply of which they had become accustomed to rely upon the white man, they found an abundance of stores at Montreal, wide open at their approach. And under these circumstances, with the single exceptions of the Oneidas, and the feeble band of the Tuscaroras, all the efforts of Congress to conciliate their friendship, or even to persuade them to neutrality, proved unavailing. Thus ended the military operations of the year 1777. At the close of the Pennsylvania campaign, the British army went into winter quarters in Philadelphia, and the American at Valley Forge. On the 15th day of November, what are now called the old "Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union," between the thirteen Colonies, were adopted by Congress; and on the 22d of the same month, it was resolved that all proposals for a treaty between the United States and Great Britain, inconsistent with the independence of the former, should be rejected. It was likewise farther resolved, that no conference should be held with any commissioners on the part of Great Britain, unless, as a measure preliminary, the fleets and armies of that power were withdrawn. |