I cannot expect my political sentiments will please every body, let them be ever so well founded on reason; for there are such a number of discontented mortals in the world, who lust after dominion and power, and such multitudes that do not wish to be under any government at all, that should the Angel Gabriel frame and send a Constitution from Heaven, some would be found to murmur at it.

Many are of such a craving temper and disposition, that they would engross the whole world to themselves, and rule and govern it, were it in their power. The ambition of some men is almost boundless.—This brings to my mind an anecdote of two Irishmen, who being intoxicated with liquor at an inn, began to think that they were masters of the whole globe, and agreed to divide it equally between themselves: but as the intoxication increased, one of them, who was of a very craving disposition, concluded that he had the best right to the world, and swore that he would have it all to himself; whilst the other contended, that he was justly entitled to one half of it, and wanted no more than his right. At last they settled the matter by a number of heavy blows; but whether the world was at last to be equally divided, or whether one was to have it all, and the other no part of it, I have forgot, although I had my information from a gentleman who was witness to this very singular contest, and knew something of our wise combatants.

The same temper and disposition amongst others, has prevailed too much in the world; and has sometimes broke out into such acts of violence, that kings and nobles have been deprived of their rights, and oftentimes the people at large of theirs. A monarch may crave the estates, and all the profits of the labours of his subjects; and, on the contrary, the people may crave those things that legally belong to their king; and, by acts of violence and injustice, both may lose their rights. But both of these extremes ought to be carefully guarded against, and the rights of kings, and those of their subjects, secured by a good Constitution and system of laws. Is it not strange that mortal men, who can abide but a very short time in this troublesome world, should be so craving as to lust after more riches, honours and profits, than they can enjoy, or that can possibly do them any good?

When the powers of legislation are lodged altogether in one man, and the nobles and other inhabitants of a country are shut out from having any voice in the making of laws; or when the powers are in the nobles, or in the people only, it will naturally generate a spirit of discontent amongst those who have not a share in that power. Will not a king feel very uneasy, if he has no part of the legislative power? Will not the nobles be discontented, if they have no part of it? And, will not the people murmur, if they have no share in the same? Therefore, to prevent uneasiness, and promote a spirit of union and harmony in empires, kingdoms and states, it is best, in my opinion, to have a mixture of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy in every legislative body, like the parliament of Great Britain.

The things of this world are so mutable, that we cannot foretel what constitutions may be established hereafter. And although an astronomer can determine the revolutions and rotations of the rambling planets, and point out the directions, stations, and retrogradations of the luminaries of heaven, for thousands of years to come; yet he cannot foretel what will be done hereafter, even in his own country, or in any other part of the globe, in regard to the overturning, altering, framing, and establishing of constitutions, kingdoms, or states. It is probable that there may be alterations in these things; and perhaps the future generations may have a greater knowledge in politics than the present, and be able to frame better modes of government than the nations are in this age: for if the knowledge of philosophy increases in the world, and the glorious sun-shine of liberty and freedom breaks forth, the clouds of darkness and ignorance will be dispelled, atheism, superstition and idolatry will wear away, and the people be freed from those burthens and impositions that involve many, in the dark and benighted corners of the globe, in vassalage and slavery! It is probable they will discover that some constitutions have been deficient, and be able to correct and amend whatever has been amiss.

But such is the changeableness and discontented tempers of many, that they would be for ever altering that which is even good and complete, and so alter till they spoil it,—like the minister's wig; an account of which I will just relate as I received it.

A Reverend Divine having lost his hair in his old age, bought a large white wig to cover his naked head; but it displeased his auditors to that degree that they had a church-meeting on the subject, and concluded that the wearing of such a large wig was idolatry, and accordingly sent a committee to their Reverend Pastor, to acquaint him that his congregation was much displeased, &c. He told them that he did not wish to have any uneasiness about the wig, and if they thought it was too large they might make it smaller; and delivered it to the committee, who laid it before the congregation to have it altered; when one cut off a lock of hair in one place, and another in another, &c. till the wig was utterly spoilt. At length they agreed that it was fit to be seen in the pulpit, whereupon it was returned to the owner; who said it could not now be idolatry to wear the wig, for it had not the likeness of any thing in Heaven or Earth.—Just so it is with a constitution that is constructed in the best manner; it will not suit every one; and if it is clipped by every discontented mortal, it will be wholly ruined, like the Reverend Divine's wig.

There is a vanity that I have seen under the sun, and have often wondered that it has not been suppressed in this enlightened age. I mean the unjustifiable mode of chusing legislators in some parts of the globe.

When the people are called upon to chuse their representatives, a number will put up in some public place, when perhaps not more than one or two is to be chosen. There scaffolds must be erected, publications sent forth, mobs convened day after day, harangues delivered, and many thousands spent to induce the freeholders to chuse their delegates—when the whole of the work might be completed in half a day, by the people's assembling at the places appointed for the performance of religious worship, and carrying in their votes, in writing, to the clerk of every parish, who might easily send them to some person that might be authorised in the county to receive and count the same, and to promulgate who has the greatest number, or who the people have chosen for their legislators. Would not this mode take up less time, be much easier to the people, and much more commendable, and beneficial to the community, than to have the freeholders fatigue themselves by coming a great distance, wasting their time by being kept from their employments, day after day; quarrelling and wrangling about the choice of a representative? or, than to have the candidates for such places waste their estates by keeping open houses, giving away victuals, drink, ribbands, cockades, &c. till they have ruined themselves, families, and creditors?