THE NATIVE.

Jore, in his valuable study of Liberia, discusses the question of the actual number of natives in Liberia as follows: “Messrs. Johnston and Delafosse have estimated the number of natives of Liberia at 2,000,000 persons. This figure would appear to-day to be above the actual. In fact, from serious studies which have been made in French West Africa, it results that a density of population superior to twelve inhabitants to the square kilometer, has been found only in Lower Dahomey, Ovagadougou, in Upper Senegal and Niger, in Lower Senegal, and in a very restricted part of Middle Guinea. Generally the density remains inferior to five inhabitants to the square kilometer. But there is no reason to believe that Liberia is, in its entirety, more populous than our own possessions in West Africa. In taking the density at the figure 8, one runs the chance of still finding himself above the reality. Liberia, having to-day 80,000 square kilometers, its population ought scarcely to surpass 600,000 or 700,000 inhabitants. In any case, it certainly does not go beyond 1,000,000 persons.” This estimate seems to us far more reasonable than any other that has been made. Even thus reduced, the native population overwhelmingly outnumbers the Americo-Liberian. More than that, they are at home and acclimated; they enjoy good health and presumably are rapidly increasing. We have indeed no means of actually knowing such to be the fact. But the impression gained from observation is that, while the Americo-Liberians barely hold their own, the Kru, the Mohammedans, and the natives of the interior are flourishing. Even in crowded and unsanitary towns, like those which occur upon the borders of Liberian settlements, the Kru appear to be increasing. Krutown, at Monrovia, suffers from frightful mortality, but those who live are vigorous, hardy, and energetic. The houses are crowded close together, but there are no empty houses falling into ruins and no shrinkage in the area occupied. The schools (that is, the mission schools of the Methodists) are crowded with children; the Kru mission chapel (Protestant Episcopal) is maintained with an energy and interest which could be found only among a people who were looking out upon life with the hope and vigor which comes from physical prosperity. So far as the natives of the interior are concerned, they show every sign of increase. There are of course abandoned towns and villages in plenty, but the towns now occupied are filled with people, and children swarm.

But there are natives and natives. The different natives form distinct problems—it is not just one simple proposition. The Mandingo and Vai are Mohammedan populations; they are independent, proud, aggressive; they are industrious, and their industries render them to a large degree independent of all neighbors. Their towns and villages are large, prosperous, and relatively wealthy. Few visitors have ever penetrated into their country; it is practically unknown to the Liberians. Yet it is in the highest degree important that the Liberians should know them thoroughly, should come into close and intimate contact with them, should co-operate with them in the development and advancement of the country. In their towns and villages boys are taught Arabic and read the Koran; it is true—as in so much religious teaching elsewhere—that they often learn only to repeat the words of the sacred texts without any knowledge of their actual meaning—many, however, read with understanding. It is an interesting fact that the Vai have a system of writing which has been invented by themselves; it is widely known among them and they are fond of writing letters and making records in their own script. Momulu Massaquoi, whose name is well known in this country and in England, is a Vai; he governed a considerable section of his people as chief through a period of years; he has now for some time been located at Monrovia, where he ably fills the position of chief clerk in the Department of the Interior; he is useful to the Government as an intermediary between it and the Mohammedans of the Republic; although himself a Christian, both Mandingo and Vai have more confidence in him than they could possibly repose in a stranger to their customs and languages. There are various ways in which the Government might proceed to develop friendly relations with these people. They should encourage village schools—both religious and secular; in the religious schools, which should be uncontrolled, the Koran and Arabic would continue to be the chief subjects taught; in the other schools there should be the usual subjects taught in the public schools of the Americo-Liberians; these will best be taught through the Vai language, and charts and text-books should be printed in the native characters. Mr. Massaquoi has already undertaken to prepare such text-books. Trade with these peoples should be encouraged; and developed as rapidly as possible. No opportunity should be lost to impress upon them that their interests and those of the Liberians are one, and every effort should be made to gain co-operation. These peoples occupy that portion of the Republic which is most in danger of aggression by the British; surely the natural impulse is for these black peoples, though they be Mohammedans, to unite in common progress with other blacks rather than with any whites. If religion is actually a barrier against friendship and co-operation, it would be as strong against friendship with the British Christians as against Liberian Christians. There is no question, however, that if the Government of the Republic will deal justly, amicably, and wisely with these tribes, they will heartily respond.

The Kru and related peoples of the coast form a completely different proposition. They are full of force and vigor; Sir Harry Johnston and others call them “cheeky”; they are actually awake. They are ready for progress; they want education; they have for centuries been in contact with white men and know their strength and weakness; they are strong, intelligent, industrious, and want work. They have no dainty fears regarding labor, so that it be paid—but pay they want, and justly. At the present they form the strongest immediate hope in the Liberian population. We have said that they want education; as a matter of fact, they flock into the schools. When Bishop Ferguson was at Cape Palmas, in 1912, four promising-looking native boys walked from Pickaninny Cess, fifty miles to Cape Palmas. They told him they had heard of the big school (Epiphany Hall) and desired to attend; that another of their comrades was coming the following week. The Bishop says: “They are just the age when the inducement to go down the coast to earn money is strong; in fact they had already made several trips; but instead of going again, they had decided ‘to learn book’. I did not have the heart to turn such applicants off, and so wrote to the Principal to admit them under special arrangement.” When in Monrovia, I several times visited the College of West Africa. It is over-crowded and ministers to both Americo-Liberian and native boys. On one occasion I seated myself in the midst of the class in fourth grade arithmetic. The recitation was well conducted and well given. While black-board work was occupying the general attention, I remarked to a boy at my side, “But you are a native boy.” “Yes,” he said, “I am Kru—and so is that boy, and that one, and that one.” As a matter of fact, I was practically surrounded by them. “Well,” said I, “and how do you native boys get on? Do you do well?” “Yes, sir,” was the immediate response, “we do well; we do better than they do.” It was not necessary for me to ask who he meant by “they.” I answered, “It would sound better if some one else said so.” He replied, “That may be so; but it is true.” “How does that happen?” I asked. His reply deserves attention: “We love our country more than they do, sir.” I am not prepared to assert that they love their country more than the Americo-Liberians; it is true, however, that they are passionately fond of their native land. The first time that my personal attention was turned to the black Republic was in 1905 when a Kru boy upon our steamer bound to Congo told me with evident affection of his dear, his native land, and pointed out to me the distant green shore of the villages where his people were located. And whether they love their country more than the Americo-Liberians or no, they are more aggressive, more ambitious, more willing to work that they may achieve their ends. These Kru boys on their way to and from school often, after my visit to the College, dropped in to see me. There is the fixed intention among many of them to visit the United States and complete their studies in our schools. One of these boys informed me that five of them some months ago had entered into an agreement in some way or other to reach our country. All of them have made journeys on steamers along the coast; some of them have been to Europe; all of them can easily reach Hamburg and have money in their pockets; the anxious question with them all is how to go from Hamburg to New York—and whether they will be admitted in the port—and whether they can form connections after they are in our country. There is no foolishness in all these plans; they have thought them out in detail: they will come.

Then there are the pagan tribes of the interior. They are a more serious proposition for the Liberian than the Mohammedans and Kru. They are still “bush niggers”; they live in little towns under the control of petty chiefs; most of them speak only a native language; there is no unity among them; not only are there jealousies between the tribes, but there are suspicions between the villages of one tribe and speech; they live in native houses, wear little clothing, have simple needs; they are ununited and know nothing of the outside world—they know little of France or England, have rarely seen a white man, scarcely know what the Liberian Government means or wants; they are satisfied and only wish to be left alone; they do not need to work steadily—life is easy, they raise sufficient rice and sweet-potatoes and corn and cassava to feed themselves; if they wish to cover their nakedness, they can weave cloth for their own use; there is little which they need from other peoples. Few know anything either of the teachings of the Prophet or Christianity; they practice fetish—“devil-worship”—have their bush schools for the instruction of their boys and girls in the mysteries of life and of religion. They are polygamists, the number of whose wives depends wholly upon the ability to accumulate sufficient wealth with which to purchase them. Among them domestic slavery—which, by the way, is not a matter which need particularly call for reprehension—is common; some of the tribes no doubt still practice cannibalism; it is these tribes in the interior upon which Liberia depends almost completely for the development of wealth; if Liberia shall flourish, it is necessary that these peoples shall produce and deliver the raw materials for shipment to the outside world; it is these peoples who must supply palm nuts, palm kernels, palm oil, piassava fiber, ivory, rubber, gums; it is these peoples who must keep the trails open, and develop them into roads; it is they who must permit the easy passage of soldiers and Government representatives through their territories; it is they who must supply the soldiers for the Frontier Force.

It is clear, then, that the “natives” present no simple problem. There are many questions to be considered in laying out a native policy. The matter has by no means been neglected by Liberian rulers; one or another of them has grappled with it. Of President Barclay’s native policy Gerard says: “Among many other subjects of preoccupation, Barclay attaches an entirely particular importance to the native policy. At the beginning of his administration, he brought together a great number of native chiefs, notably of the Gola, Kondo, and Pessy tribes; he convoked likewise a crowd of Kru and Grebo notabilities; he sent special missions along the Cavalla River up to two hundred kilometers from its mouth, and others up the St. Paul’s. This innovation was so much the more appreciated by the natives, and aided so much more powerfully toward the development of mercantile relations of the coast district with the interior, because theretofore the repatriated negroes had been considered by their subjugated congeners only as unjust conquerors and pillagers, or as merchants who were equally tricky and dishonest.”

President Howard also realizes the importance of conciliating the native populations; he designs to carry out an active policy; in his inaugural address he says: “We are aware of the oft-repeated charges of ill treatment toward this portion of our citizenship, made by foreigners against the officers of the Government, also of the fact that some of our people feel that these uncivilized citizens have but few rights which should be respected or accorded to them. But the responsible citizens recognize that in order for us to obtain that position of independence, power, and wealth, which we should obtain, it must be accomplished by the united efforts of all citizens, civilized and uncivilized, male and female. The denial of equal rights to the ‘natives’ has never been the intention or purpose of the Government. We will not disallow that much wrong has been done to that portion of our citizen body, but it is equally true that much of the deception and misunderstanding of the past have been due to machinations and subterfuges of some unscrupulous aliens, among whom had been some missionaries who have done all in their power to make and widen the breach between the two elements of our citizenship. We are very optimistic, however, in our belief that the dangers of such exploitations and false pretensions of friendships are drawing to a close.”

Again he says: “Much of our interior trouble of the past has been the result of a lack of proper understanding between ourselves and our fellow-citizens of that section of the land. Another source of trouble has been the actions of unqualified men sent among these people to represent the Government. We believe that great good will accrue to the State by holding frequent conferences with these chiefs and head men, and by responsible representatives of the Government, explaining to them its policy, the benefits to be derived by them in co-operating to build up the country, as well as the evils of the inter-tribal wars which they have been waging with each other for years.”

Exactly how to unite the chiefs with the Government is a serious question; to seriously weaken their authority among their own people would lead to chaos; to lead them to recognize the supremacy of the Government and yet not arouse their hostility by the abrogation of their own powers is a delicate task. Yet it must be done. Of one of the notable features of this inaugural President Howard himself says the following: “The very large concourse of chiefs and head men from the interior of all the counties, as well as from the Kru coast and most of the Grebo towns in Maryland, who are up to take part in the inaugural exercises, is to me one of the most pleasing features of the occasion. Their presence here testifies to their loyalty to the State and their willingness to co-operate with the Government in matters pertaining to the welfare of the country. Moreover it betokens the kindly feelings they and their people entertain toward the outgoing, and their well wishes for the incoming administration.”

No less difficult than the question of how to adjust the power of the Government with the power of the chiefs is the problem of how to adjust Liberian law and practice to native law and practice. According to their constitution, Liberia must forever be without slavery. Still domestic slavery flourishes in the interior. We have already indicated our opinion that it is not a serious matter and that it may quite well be left to regulate itself with time; still there is bound to be an outcry on the part of outsiders in this matter. Liberia as a civilized and Christian nation is legally monogamous; yet both among Mohammedans, Kru and pagan interior tribes polygamy is common. Is it wise, is it possible to extend the monogamous law of the Republic to the polygamous natives? Cannibalism no doubt still exists among certain of the interior tribes; if so, it will be long before the strong arm of the Government located upon the coast can reach the practice. Among all these native tribes there are methods of procedure and ordeals which have their value and their place. Thus the sassy-wood ordeal is used not only in dealing with witchcraft, but with a thousand other difficulties and misdemeanors; personally I should consider it unwise to attempt to do away with such native methods of control; they work more certainly than the legal procedure of the civilized government can work. A wise policy will probably lead to the gradual disappearance of these things with a general advance in education and with a greater contact with the outside world. There is always, however, the danger of these native practices extending their influence upon the Christian populations in the outside settlements. If the bush negro is polygamous, and the Americo-Liberian is in constant contact with his polygamy, the legal monogamy of the Government may become more difficult to maintain; if the sassy-wood ordeal is repeatedly seen to be effective in the conviction of the truly guilty, there will be a constant tendency to reproduce it for the detection and discrimination of criminals among the civilized; if domestic slavery is tolerable among the neighboring pagans, a feeling of the harmlessness of some vicious system of apprenticeship may be developed. These are real dangers, and while it probably is wise to exercise a deal of tolerance toward native customs, it must be constantly and carefully watched from this point of view.

The native life is certainly good in many ways; all that is actually good in it should be left so far as possible. Native houses are well adapted to the conditions of the country and nothing is gained by the attempt to change the styles of local architecture; scantness of clothing, or even nakedness, is not immoral, suggestive, or in itself worthy of blame—and native dress, though scanty, may be entirely becoming and even beautiful; there are many native arts—which, far from being blotted out, might well be conserved and developed; public palavers in native communities are often models of dignified conduct and serious consideration; the respect shown to native chiefs is often warranted and in every way should be encouraged and developed. The topic lends itself to many observations and tempts to full development. We can only say, however, that there are actually few things in native life which deserve condemnation and immediate destruction. The natives will be happier, better, and make more certain progress if they are permitted to build largely upon their own foundations. Dr. Blyden was always begging the people to make an African nation in Liberia, not the copy of a European state. Delafosse carries the same plea to an even greater extreme. It is impossible to actually meet the wishes of these gentlemen. Liberia is and must be patterned after other civilized nations. Such a native African state, original in all things, and purely African, as Delafosse imagines, would not be permitted to exist a single week by the crowding, selfish, civilized and Christian foreign nations. If Liberia is to play within the game, it must follow the rules of play.

In dealing with its natives, the government should be frank, honest, and candid; it should make no promises unless it knows that it can keep them—unless it means to keep them—unless it will keep them. Too many times in the past, when misunderstandings have led to armed resistance on the part of native peoples, the Government has appealed to one or another man of great personal influence among the aroused natives. Facing danger, frightened, wanting peace at any price, it has authorized its representative to make promises of satisfaction which it knew perfectly well could not and would not be kept. Such a temporizing policy is always bad; it not only fails to right wrongs, but destroys the trust of natives in the government, and shatters the influence for good which the intermediary formerly enjoyed.

It is time that, in dealing with the natives, chiefs be considered as men and dealt with not as if they were spoiled children; appeals should be made to manhood and to principle, not to depraved ambitious tendencies. Less gin and more cloth should be used in gaining their assistance. President Howard pertinently says in this direction: “By way of encouraging the ‘natives’ to stay at home and develop their lands, we feel that instead of granting ‘stipends’ and ‘dashes’ as formerly, they should be given only to the chiefs and people who will put on the market so many hundred bushels of kernels, or gallons of oil, so many pounds of ivory, rubber, coffee, cocoa, ginger, etc., or so many hundred kroos of clean rice. The proceeds of these products, of course, would go to the owners. We feel that this plan would have a better result than the one now in vogue.”

That there should be a feeling of caste in the Republic is natural. There are actual differences between the four populations which we have indicated. It is impossible that Americo-Liberians, Mohammedans, coast peoples, and interior natives should not feel that they are different from each other, and in this difference find motives of conduct. This feeling of difference is based upon actual inherent facts of difference, and can not be expected to disappear. It should, however, give rise to mutual respect, not to prejudice and inequality of treatment. Every motive of sound policy must lead the Liberian in the civilized settlements to recognize the claims, the rights, the opportunities which lie within this difference. He needs the friendship of the “bush nigger” far more than that pagan needs his. Caste in the sense of proud discrimination of social difference and the introduction of over-bearing treatment must be avoided. It is suicide to encourage and permit the development of such a feeling.

In the nature of things, constant intermarriage takes place between the Americo-Liberians and the natives. There is more or less prejudice against such connections, but they have taken place ever since the days of the first settlement. They are, for the most part, one-sided, Americo-Liberian men marrying native women. The other relation, namely that of native men with Liberian women, is so rare that it may almost be said not to occur. There is no question that these mixtures should tend to produce a good result, the children inheriting physical strength and fitness to their surroundings beyond that of the Americo-Liberian. There is, however, a danger in such unions; the native woman has all her associations and connections with her own people, and there is a constant tendency for the husband to assume a position of influence among the natives, adopting more or less of their customs, and suffering the relapse of which we hear so often. None the less it is certain that such mixtures are more than likely to increase in number with the passage of time.

A notable influence upon the native problem may be expected from the Frontier Force. The soldiers for this force are regularly drawn from the tribes of the interior. It is easy to get Boozi Mpesse, and their neighbors in large numbers. They come to Monrovia as almost naked savages, with no knowledge of the outside world, but with strong, well-developed bodies; they are quite amenable to training and quickly make improvement; they have almost the minds of children, and are easily led in either direction; if well treated, they have a real affection for their officers; if they are badly treated, they are morose, dispirited, and dangerous. They love the companionship, the bustle, the music, and the uniforms, and rather quickly submit themselves with fair grace to discipline. They regularly bring their women and their boy slaves with them from their distant homes, and these live together in special houses constructed at the border of the barracks-grounds. As the government not infrequently is in arrears in paying them their wages, there are times when the camp is full of insubordination and bad feeling; at such times there is always danger, unless the officers are tactful, of their becoming mutinous, and demanding payment with a show and threat of force. It is not impossible that some time on such occasions serious results may occur. When the term of enlistment has ended, these soldiers may go back to their towns and villages, carrying with them the effect of the influences, good or bad, to which they have been subjected at the capital. Not a few of them, however, re-enlist for a second, or even a third, term of service. The effect of this training must be very great upon the tribes. It could be made a most important influence for raising the condition of the whole interior; there is no more certain way by which the people of the remoter tribes may come to know about the Government.

We have read dreadful accounts of the relapse of civilized natives to their old form of life. Bright boys taken from the interior towns and villages are trained in mission schools, or even sent to the United States, and given a fairly liberal education. They have become nominal Christians; they have learned English and can read and write; they wear white men’s dress and seem to have adopted white men’s ways; much is expected of them when they return to their native country in the way of mission effort with their people. After they return, all changes; their Christianity takes flight; having no one but their own people with whom to converse, they return to the native dialect; as the European dress wears out, they soon possess a nondescript wardrobe; instead of leading their people in the ways of industry, they sit down at ease; gradually they resume natural relations with their people and play the part of advisers to the chiefs, or even themselves become petty chiefs; of them it is frequently claimed that they have all the vices of Christian and pagan and none of the virtues of either. There is more or less of reality in such accounts. But it is not true, even in these cases, that nothing has been gained. One must not expect rare individuals to produce rapid results in a great mass of population. It is doubtful whether the result is harmful. The importance, however, of impressing upon all children, who are taken into mission schools, their relation to the government, their duty to it, and the advantage of co-operation with it, should be profoundly emphasized; in such schools loyalty is as important a subject for inculcation as religion, reading, and industry. If as much care were taken to instruct the mission child in his duties as a citizen, as is taken in other directions, every one of these persons on their return to the bush would be a genuinely helpful and elevating influence. It is also true that Americo-Liberians occasionally take to the bush. Sometimes they are persons who have had difficulties in the settlements and find it convenient to change location; sometimes they are men who have married native women and find it easier and more profitable to turn their attention toward the natives; sometimes they are traders who spend about one-half their time in settlements and the other half in going from town to town to secure products; sometimes they are shiftless vagabonds merely drifting from place to place in order to avoid labor. Such Liberians among the natives may be found everywhere. They are usually of little value to those among whom they live. But the fact that there are such should not be over-emphasized. It is by no means true that the Americo-Liberians as a whole tend to throw off civilization and to become degenerate.

From this native mass much that has been helpful to the nation has already been secured. Work among them has always been accompanied by encouraging results. Two-thirds of the communicants of the Protestant Episcopal Church are natives; they show as true a character, as keen a mind, as high ideals, often more vigor, than the Americo-Liberians in the same churches. Wherever the native is given the same just chance as his Liberian brother, he gives an immediate response. At the Girls’ School in Bromley, and among the boys at Clay-Ashland, natives and Liberians do the same work and offer the same promise; so in the College of West Africa the Kru boys are every whit as good as the Liberians. The number of natives who are at present occupying positions of consequence in the Republic is encouraging. The Secretary of the Department of Education, Dr. Payne, is a Bassa; Mr. Massaquoi, a Vai, holds the chief clerkship in the Department of the Interior; Senator Harris is the son of a native, Bassa, mother; Mr. Karnga, member of the House of Representatives, is a son of a recaptured African—a Kongo; Dr. Anthony, a Bassa, is Professor of Mathematics in Liberia College; there are numbers of Grebo clergymen of prominence and success within the Protestant Episcopal Church—as McKrae, who is pastor of the flourishing Kru Chapel at Monrovia, and Russell, who is pastor of the Liberian Church at Grand Bassa.

The natives, after all, are the chief asset of the nation. Only by their co-operation can aggression and pressure from outside be resisted; carefully developed and wisely utilized, they must and will be the defense and strength of the Liberian nation. Even if immigration on an enormous scale, a thing not to be expected, should take place, the native population will never be submerged; it will continue to maintain supremacy in numbers.

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EDUCATION.

The importance of education was recognized by the “fathers.” The quotation of President Roberts which we have given above voiced the feelings of the more thoughtful of the settlers. Yet it must be admitted that the educational situation is far from perfect. There is a recently established Department of Education, the Secretary of which holds a Cabinet position. In 1912 Dr. Payne had under his direction ninety-one public schools in different parts of the Republic. Most of these schools were housed in buildings totally unsuited to their purpose; they were small, badly built, and unsupplied with even the barest equipment. There are no book-stores in Liberia, and there is a notable lack of suitable text-books for the children’s use; there are few black-boards and those of poor quality; the desks, seats, and other furniture are conspicuous either for their absence or poor quality. Teachers are frequently badly prepared; they not infrequently neglect their duties; the number of days of teaching is uncertain—as often the teachers will be occupied with other work than that to which they are supposed to devote their time and attention. Salaries are very low and badly paid. Mr. Deputie, once Superintendent of Education, in his report of 1905, appealing to the legislature, said: “Lend a hand by your official acts that will tend to ameliorate the condition of the teachers in the public schools, that they may receive a just recompense of reward. Some of these teachers, after serving faithfully during the quarter, receive only ten shillings on their bills, while many others of them receive not a shilling.” In 1910 Mr. Edwin Barclay was General Superintendent of the Schools. He made a careful study of the situation and in his report presents interesting statistics and facts with reference to the condition. He made a series of thoughtful recommendations for the future, and drew up an entire scheme of proposed legislation. Much of that which he suggested has been approved and theoretically put in practice. In regard to the matter of teachers’ salaries, he makes an interesting statement in tabulated form, comparing the average salaries of teachers with those of clerks in the department of the Government and in mercantile establishments. He shows us that the average salary of public school teachers at that time was $143.95 per year; that this salary was stationary and without increment of any kind. At that same time, clerks in government departments received an average salary of $321.29 per year with definite chance of promotion and a career before them. Clerks in mercantile establishments did even better, receiving an average annual salary of $365.90 a year with contingent increment annually of from twenty to fifty per cent on net profits. It is hardly strange under the circumstances that good teachers are rare and that promising young men should look to other fields than that of teaching. Three grades of teachers are recognized in the public schools; all teachers are required to pass an examination and receive certificates; second grade teachers receive thirty dollars per year more than third grade teachers, and teachers of first grade, thirty dollars more than those of second grade. Public schools are subject to the inspection of a local school committee which “consists of three good, honest, substantial citizens of the locality, having an interest in education. Sex ought not to be a barrier. They need not be highly educated, but should be able to read and write intelligently and earnest friends of education.” Membership in the committee is purely honorary, no fee accompanying the appointment. The members of the committee are to take an annual census of children of school age and to see that they attend school; they are to keep tab on the teacher and report him if he be guilty of immoral conduct or fails to advance his school. Each county has a school Commissioner whose business it is to examine candidates for teaching, to employ and direct teachers, to approve bills of salary, to visit each school in his district without announcement at least once a quarter, to remove and replace teachers, to make reports to the General Superintendent, to supply text-books, and hold annual teachers’ meetings in order to develop greater ability on the part of the instructors. Compulsory education is recognized in the Republic; as, however, many young people are obliged to assist in the support of the families to which they belong, night schools are provided for those who may be working during the hours of the day. The public schools are practically confined to the Americo-Liberian settlements. The latest definite statistics in regard to the number of children in attendance on the public schools are those of 1910. At that time 1782 children were in the schools; of these 1225 were civilized, 557 uncivilized, i. e., native; the distribution according to counties was as follows: In Grand Bassa County, 407; in Maryland County, 148; in Montserrado County, 947; in Sinoe County, 280. The instillation of patriotism into the young mind is regarded as a matter of importance, and it is required that the flag of the Republic shall be daily displayed at every school-house or place where public school is held; and “the hoisting and striking of colors at the daily opening and close of school session shall be attended with such ceremonies as shall tend to instill into the minds of the pupils a respect and veneration for the flag and a knowledge of the principle for which it stands.”

The public schools, however, are probably less numerous, and certainly reach fewer scholars than the various mission schools conducted by the different denominations. At the time that Mr. Barclay made his report he claimed but sixty-five public schools to ninety mission schools. While the public schools reached 1782 children, the mission schools had an attendance of 3270 children.

Denomination	Schools	Pupils	Teachers
Methodist Episcopal	35	1,300	55
Baptist	1	25	1
Lutheran	7	275	13
Protestant Episcopal	47	1,670	55
Total	90	3,270	124

These mission schools very largely reach a native population; it is true that some Liberians attend them, but the larger number in the attendance is from native families; all the schools located in native towns are, probably, under mission guidance. In some respects these schools are distinctly superior to the public schools of the Republic. Their teachers, with higher salaries, devote themselves with more energy to their work; text-books are supplied and the equipment for school work is better; the buildings, too, both in construction, lighting, and adaptation to their work, are better. A glance at the table shows that the Protestant Episcopal Church is in the lead. The work reported by Bishop Ferguson in his last annual report is most encouraging. Two schools at Cape Mount, one for boys and one for girls, care for both boarding and day students; at Monrovia the parish school is attended by 157 Kru children; the Girls’ School at Bromley, with 78 boarding pupils, is flourishing; at Clay-Ashland the new Alexander Crummell Hall was nearing completion, and the young men and boys there were full of enthusiasm; in Grand Bassa County parish day schools were conducted at Edina, Upper Buchanan, and Lower Buchanan; at Tobakoni work for Kru boys was conducted at a boarding school which had recently extended its work to the neighboring village of Nito; in Sinoe County both a parish day school and a boarding school were maintained; in Maryland County, where the work of this mission culminates, there is Cuttington Collegiate and Divinity School with 121 pupils, the Orphan Asylum and Girls’ School, St. Mark’s Parish School, the boarding school at Mount Vaughn, and thirteen boarding and day schools at other places. We have no adequate information regarding the excellent work of the Methodist schools and those of other denominations. Their work is, however, actively conducted. The Lutherans, from their centre at Muhlenburg, make the central idea of their mission effort the educational work; they emphasize, too, the manual phase of education and encourage the development of arts, industries, and agriculture.

Two of the mission schools demand special mention, as they represent the highest development of educational work in the Republic. These are: Epiphany Hall, Cuttington, four and a half miles from Cape Palmas, and the College of West Africa, located at Monrovia.

The work at Cuttington began in 1889, when the Cuttington Collegiate and Divinity School was founded under the auspices of the Protestant Episcopal Church. One of the basic principles in Maryland since its foundation has been the development of agriculture. The efforts of the founders of the colony were exerted against trade and in favor of production. This desirable ideal has never been lost. At Epiphany Hall an important part of the school’s plan is that students should be taught to work: a coffee plantation and a farm are connected with the school, and four hours a day of practical agriculture and horticulture are required; connected with this school also is a printing establishment at Harper, the work of which is done by students of the school. So far as the literary work is concerned, the school is divided into three departments—preparatory, higher, and theological. The work in the preparatory school covers four years; it is primarily arranged with native needs in mind, but other students are admitted. The work of the higher school consists of a two years’ advanced course, two years of collegiate work, a year’s course for a certificate of proficiency in general education, and a normal course. The work of the theological school covers three years, and is arranged with reference to preparation for the ministry.

The College of West Africa is located at Monrovia, and is under the direction of the Methodist Episcopal Church. The building is an ugly structure of brick which has served its purpose for a long time and which should soon be replaced by a new and better building. It is, however, a hive of industry; it is crowded with boys and girls who are earnestly desiring an education. A great number of the students live in the building as boarders; many also come from the town of Monrovia and from “Krutown.” The teachers are mostly American negroes who have been trained in our southern schools. The courses offered cover a considerable range.

The work in this institution began in 1839 under Jabez A. Burton, assisted by Mrs. Anne Wilkins and Mrs. Eunice Moore. The present building was erected in 1849 at an expense of $10,000. The work of the school is divided among seven departments. The primary school covers three years; the grammar school three years; the high school two years. There is a normal course for the preparation of teachers; in the college preparatory and the college departments the classics are taught. In the biblical department the design is to prepare religious workers. There is an industrial department in which instruction is given in carpentry, tin-smithing, shoe-making, black-smithing, and printing; in this department girls receive instruction in home-training. The printing establishment demands particular notice; almost all the unofficial printing of the Republic, outside of the county of Maryland, is done upon the press of the College of West Africa. Many creditable pieces of workmanship have been put out by this institution and the mission paper, Liberia and West Africa, is printed here. The college conducts night schools for those who can not attend during the daytime. Regular charges are made for tuition, text-books, and—to those students who board in the institution—for room, board, and washing. These charges are extremely modest and can be rather easily met; through the opportunities connected with the industrial department students who wish to earn their education can largely do so. With the exception of printing, the work of the industrial school is conducted outside of the city of Monrovia.

We have already, stated that the mission schools are better equipped and more attractive than the public schools. The work of such schools is desirable and should be encouraged and developed. At the same time it is true that in such schools exists an element of possible danger. This is brought out by Mr. Barclay in his report. He says: “As regards the mission schools, if we observe attentively the final efforts of their endeavors, we will discover that, when they have operated exclusively in civilized centers, they have been a great public service and in many cases have supplied the want of a public school system. But, on the other hand, where the scope of their operations has extended beyond these centers, to districts wholly or mainly uncivilized, their care has been to ‘save souls’ rather than to create citizens or to develop proper ideals of citizenship. Their tendency is toward denationalization. Here, then, is where they come in conflict, unconsciously perhaps, with the imperative policy of the government. Pupils coming to attend the mission schools, for however short a period, leave with a feeling of antagonism to constituted authority, or at best, with no sentiments of congeniality with the civilized element either in aspirations or ideals. On returning to their homes, they develop into pernicious and vehement demagogues. Fomenting the tribal spirit in opposition to the national ideal, they frequently lead their people to foolish and irrational measures, and stir up misunderstanding and discord between them and the Government. They pose as arbiters between these two parties to their own profit, and, finally, when discovered, are discredited by both. The net result of this missionary activity, unsupervised and unregulated, is to create an element of discord in the State, which it becomes imperative to stamp out by force and at great expense to the public. These facts of course do not apply universally; but they are sufficiently general to attract attention and to call for amelioration of the condition which they point out as existing. It should not be thought that these remarks are intended or designed to discredit absolutely all missionary enterprises. But what I do desire to point out is that some supervision should be exercised over these schools by the Government. Under the direction of unscrupulous and unsympathetic people, they may be made powerful agencies of disintegration in the State. It must not be overlooked that the foreign missionary does not feel himself called upon to help direct in the process of nation-building. His aspirations are after spreading his own form of superstition and toward the realization of his particular moral Utopia.”

Again he says: “... all private affairs, when they impinge on the domain of public affairs, or assume a quasi-public character, must become the subject of regulation by public authority. So far as internal administration goes, the State has, and can claim, no concern so long as such administration squares with legality. But public authority must step in when these schools become potent factors in public economy. We have been led, therefore, to the suggestion that such schools as are established by foreign and domestic mission societies in the Republic, should conform, in their primary grades especially, to the requirements of law for the public schools, and that the Department of Public Instruction should have the right to inspect these schools in order to find out if the conditions are being kept. To secure this, every school, before beginning operations, should be registered at the Department of Public Instruction, and licensed to this end. Where the legal requirements have not been kept, the Board of Education, or other educational authority, should have the power of summarily closing said school. These regulations are necessary when we consider the peculiar conditions which confront us in the administration of the country.”

Again he says: “While the State must in great measure depend upon the public spirit and missionary zeal of individual citizens in fomenting and creating the national spirit, it is, a priori, the duty of the people in their collective capacity to provide capital means to this end. If the country is to be utilized, if we are to develop into a strong nation, capable of demanding universal respect, and worthy of taking that leading place among African states and the African civilization, which is our destiny, the preoccupation of government for the next two or three generations must be in the direction of developing a specific type of citizens, animated by an identical spirit, filled with an unbounded faith in their destiny, and possessed and inspired by the same ideals. As this is to be effected through the schools, we can not escape the impressions: (a) That some central authority of the State must supervise all educational operations in the country; (b) that, if mission schools and private corporate and non-corporate institutions be allowed, they must operate subject to limitations imposed by law as regards the course of study, the general character of instruction, and the special object to be obtained, especially in the primary grades. In other words, they must assist in developing the civic instincts of the pupils; (c) that a uniform system of training must be rigidly, consciously, and universally enforced.”

The matter suggested by these quotations is really of considerable importance. The central thought of them is surely sound; all mission schools, while entirely free to teach religion according to their own tenets, should consult together and have a uniform system of secular instruction which should be kept quite separate from the religious teaching; this should be of the same character and have the same end as the teaching offered in the public schools; the mission schools should work in harmony with the public schools and should recognize the Superintendent of Education; they should heartily co-operate with him toward the production of good citizens and the development of a feeling of respect and loyalty to the national government. It is true that some of them have a standard which is not reached by the public schools; such should not, of course, reduce their standard, but should serve as a friendly example to the Government of what is reasonably expected of schools of their grade. The proper treatment of this matter calls for great tact and good spirit on both sides.

We have already called attention to the fact that in Vai and Mandingo towns instruction is given to boys in Arabic and in the reading of the Koran. These little village schools are interesting. The boys use smooth boards with handles as slates; these are smeared over with a light colored clay, and passages from the sacred writing are copied in black upon the light surface; the little fellows are constantly drilled in reading these passages aloud and in copying similar passages upon their wooden tablets. Such schools as these form a nucleus which could be utilized in the development of schools for broader instruction. We have already called attention to the fact that the Vai have a phonetic system of their own, developed among themselves. The ability to write and read this phonetic script is rather widely spread, and when schools come to be established in Vai towns this system might be widely utilized for purposes of education.

Theoretically, and to some degree actually, Liberia College stands at the summit of the Liberian system of education. It has had a checkered history with ups and downs; most observers have been inclined to see and emphasize the downs. In 1848 John Payne, of the Episcopal mission, suggested to Simon Greenleaf, of Boston, that a school of theology should be established in Liberia. Partly as the result of this suggestion, in 1850 there was established in Massachusetts a Board of Trustees of Donations for Education in Liberia. In 1851 the Liberian legislature incorporated Liberia College, the outgrowth of the steps already taken, although not in the exact direction suggested by John Payne. In 1857 Ex-President J. J. Roberts was elected first president of Liberia College, and superintended the erection of the building which had been provided for. During the next few years further funds were raised for the purpose of conducting the enterprise, and in 1861 the endowment was vested in a Board of eighteen Trustees. In 1862 Liberia College was opened for work. Since that time it has had a struggling existence, making periodical appeals for financial assistance, receiving donations of more or less magnitude, occasionally putting forth a spurt of momentary vigor, then languishing almost to the point of death; again and again this round of experiences has been run by the institution. It is difficult to secure definite and connected information regarding it; to prepare a fairly complete history would involve considerable labor. It is interesting to notice that, among the expressed purposes of the institution, was the providing of an opportunity for American colored youth to receive an education, as they were then debarred from educational institutions in our country. There were at first three chairs in the institution:—Jurisprudence and International Law, English Literature and Moral and Mental Philosophy, and the Fulton Chair of Languages; in 1905 the faculty consisted of eight members, including the president. In 1879 there was but a single teacher, who was giving instruction in mathematics (to which chair he was originally appointed) and also in languages. The largest donation at any time received by the College was from Joseph Fulton, of New York, who left $25,000, the income of which was to support the Fulton professor, who was to be nominated by the New York Colonization Society; the Board of Donations of Boston has had some $30,000 at interest for the benefit of the institution; Albert Fearing at one time gave $5000 for library purposes. In addition to these gifts and bequests from and in America the institution has received and does receive some governmental aid; 1000 acres of land in each county have been set apart for its advantage; certain sources of income are theoretically devoted to its maintenance. At one time four scholarships had been established and named; these scholarships were, the Gordon Memorial (in memory of Midshipman Gordon, who died in 1822), the John Payne Scholarship, the Simon Greenleaf Scholarship, and the George Briggs Scholarship. To what degree these scholarships are still productive we do not know. The institution had run down and was threatened with extinction when, in 1898, under the national administration of President W. E. Coleman, it received a new impulse, and in the year 1900 was re-organized. It is unfortunate that the exact status of Liberia College is not more definite; it is neither fish, flesh nor fowl; it is at once a private institution with a directorate and management located across the seas, and a part of a system of public education, receiving aid from national funds.

Such is the condition of education in the Republic. It leaves much to be desired. Those who lead public thought are by no means ignorant of its weak features; the national poverty, however, makes it difficult to develop better things. If the nation is to advance, its education must be greatly improved. This improvement must begin at the very foundation with the primary public schools. These need reform in the matter of buildings, equipment, and teachers’ salaries; if good teachers are to be secured, and kept steadily at work to earn their salaries, they must be promptly paid—prompt payment of any employees is a difficult matter in Liberia. There should be a large increase in the number of public schools; there are perhaps as many as are necessary within the civilized settlements, but the native towns are almost without school opportunities, except as these are offered by the missions. There is crying need of the establishment of public schools in native towns. Such should, however, be established only in towns where genuine promises of self-support are given. There are, no doubt, many towns where, if the matter were properly presented, the chiefs would readily build a school-building, order the children to attend school, and support a teacher. Such a teacher should be well acquainted with the native tongue, and the bulk of the instruction should be given in it; to teach elementary branches in a foreign language is poor policy; true, it has been attempted—as on a wide scale in the Philippines, but mental and moral imbecility are likely to be developed by such procedure; English should be taught, but it should be taught as a subject in itself, and the English language should not be used as the medium for conveying elementary instruction in fundamental branches; after English has once been learned, it is of course desirable to encourage the reading of English books and the acquisition of general knowledge through such reading. It will probably be suggested that it will be impossible to find teachers acquainted with the native tongues and competent to teach the various branches of primary education; such a difficulty ought not to exist after nearly eighty years of mission schools which have by preference sought to teach and raise the native population. It will be claimed that such teachers in native towns will be in danger of relapse; there is such danger, but it is far less than might be thought, provided the Department of Public Instruction keeps in constant touch with such teachers in native towns and properly emphasizes to the native chiefs the value of schools and education. When we were in the Bassa country, we found, at a native town quite in the interior, an intelligent black man who spoke English well and who told us that he had been sent out by the Lutheran mission at Muhlenburg to pick up and bring in native boys for instruction at that famous school; he told us at that time, that the chief of the village where we were, together with the leading men, were very anxious that a local school should be established in their midst, and promised land, a building, and attendance. It would be easy if the matter were handled wisely, to establish at once, in twenty native towns, carefully selected among the different tribes, twenty local schools which would be supported with considerable enthusiasm by the communities in which they were situated. If the Government could at once equip these twenty schools with good teachers who had graduated from the mission schools, there would spring up a popular demand throughout the whole interior for the establishment of village schools; it would be difficult to satisfy the demand, but from the number of villages asking for the establishment of schools, a reasonable number of the best might be selected, and the work would grow. There would actually be little expense in such development; if it is to be successful, and if it is worth while, it should originate largely with the towns themselves, and every school should be practically self-supporting. For a time of course there would be on the part of chiefs a demand for some sort of bribe or “dash”; this ought to be refused in every case.

To illustrate exactly what is meant, we quote a sample of the kind of document which mission schools at one time regularly drew up with the idea of getting children into school. It is presented in Hoyt’s Land of Hope:—“Articles of agreement between Tweh, King of Dena, his head men and people, and the Methodist Episcopal Mission:

Art. 1. The mission school is to have at all times at least ten boys; and more if they should be wanted. Girls at all times are desirable.

Art. 2. The children of the school are at all times to be under the entire control of Mr. Philip Gross and his successors in the teaching and government of this station, without interruption on the part of their parents or guardians until the time for which they are put in the mission school shall have expired.

Art. 3. As good substantial buildings may soon be required for teachers to reside in, and more land will be constantly wanted for manual labor purposes, the King, his head men and people, also agree to protect the missionaries in occupying and using it, in the manner they may think proper, without responsibility to any one beyond themselves. The King, etc., agree to protect them in their persons and property from either abuse or violence, and if anything is stolen from them, the King, his head men and people, promise to see it returned or paid for.

Art. 4. As long as the authorities of Dena continue to fulfill this agreement, by giving the children for school instruction, and protecting the mission and mission-premises from intrusion and disturbance, the mission will give them annually, (about Christmas) one piece of blue baft, two small kegs of powder, ten bars of tobacco, ten bars of pipes, and fifty gun-flints; with the understanding, that this being done, they are not to be teased for dash to any one.

Art. 5. But if the King and his head men fail to fulfill the conditions of the above agreement, then they will be under no obligations as a mission to give the above named articles.

Francis Burns, Preacher in Charge.
Philip Gross,		-	Tweh, his * mark,
Ney (his * mark),			Toboto, his * mark,
John Banks,			Twabo, his * mark,
Witnesses.			Twaah, his * mark,
			Ero-bawh, his * mark,
			Nywah-wah, his * mark.”

Of course this document is many years old. No doubt, however, the bad policy of paying chiefs for permission to establish schools in towns and for children who shall receive instruction is continued by the mission schools. Certainly, however, if the government develop its own plans of dealing with native chiefs for the encouragement of trade, it will be easy to do away with this idea of compensation for the tolerance of schools. Such native village schools as we have recommended should not attempt to do more than teach the elements of education; they should correspond to the primary schools in the system of public education for the nation; every teacher in charge of such schools should be expected to encourage boys and girls of exceptional promise and diligence, who do well in the village schools, to go up to the local “feeder”.

When we were in Monrovia, we were asked more than once whether it was best to remove Liberia College into the interior. It is the opinion of many that such removal should take place. The answer to the question depends entirely upon what is conceived to be the proper function of Liberia College. If it is to be an institution of higher education, if it is to aim at academic instruction and the development of able men for the filling of public positions, for professional life, for leadership, it would be a great mistake to move it. To remove such an institution into the interior would make it difficult for students from the settlements to attend the institution; if it were intended to meet the needs of natives, its removal would sound the death knell of its hopes; it could be located in the area of a single tribe only, and located in such an area, it would receive the patronage of but a single tribe. Recognizing the fact that the natives are actually tribesmen, if schools of higher grade than primary village schools are to be developed, with reference to them, there should be at least one school of higher instruction in every tribal area; such schools should be of a grade corresponding to our secondary or grammar schools. It is unlikely that any one will, for many years, think of the establishment of such higher schools in numbers sufficient for each tribal area to have one; while, theoretically the idea may be attractive, practically it is out of question. It would be entirely possible, however, for four good county schools of grammar grade to be established—one in each county; these should be in the country, not in the settlements. They should be open to both natives and Liberians, but it is to be supposed that their attendance would be largely, overwhelmingly indeed, native. These county schools should be thoroughly practical—they should combine book-work and manual-training; they should give instruction in trades and agriculture. They should be as well equipped and as well managed as the resources of the Republic will allow. They should be thorough and earnest, and should not attempt to undertake more than the exact work here suggested; they should be secondary—grammar—schools, and a part of their aim should be to fully acquaint every student attending them with the work and opportunities of the Higher Agricultural School, outside Monrovia, and Liberia College at the capital. The teachers should not attempt to force large numbers of their students to look for higher education, but should make them thoroughly acquainted with the fact that opportunities may be found in the Republic for it; the very few students of real promise, who desire education of higher grade, the teachers should encourage and direct toward the Higher Agricultural School and Liberia College; certainly the larger number of the boys should be directed toward the former—a select few of special promise in the direction of leadership, toward the latter.

For the general uplift, there is no question that the most important element in this scheme of education must be the Higher Agricultural School. It should be situated upon an experimental farm; it should be supplied with sufficient suitable buildings; it should combine literary and manual instruction. It should carry boys far enough to infuse them with ambition and vigor for an agricultural career. It should teach the methods demanded by the peculiar surroundings. Tropical agriculture in any country is still in its beginnings; scientific agriculture in Liberia is as yet non-existent; as rapidly as possible, the school should, through investigation and experiment, learn what is necessary for the locality. It will start with the benefit of blind experiments conducted through a period of almost a hundred years; it should, by twenty years of well-directed effort, work out the fundamental principles of successful agriculture. In such a school boys should be taught that hand labor is respectable and necessary; they should be taught equally how to plan, develop, and direct an enterprise. Coffee was at one time an important article of shipment; Liberian coffee had an excellent reputation throughout the world and commanded good prices; there were many creditable plantations which brought in good returns to their proprietors. Why has Liberian coffee ceased to pay? It is true that it has had to meet keen competition from countries where labor was plenty and under good control; it has had to meet in open market products which had been raised through subsidies paid by nations far wealthier; still, the chief reason why Liberian coffee no longer has the vogue which it once had is because it was badly handled, badly packed, and badly shipped. In the higher agricultural school one should be taught not only how to establish coffee plantations, but how to properly treat, prepare, and ship the produce. There was a time when many fields were planted with sugar-cane; there were many little local mills where the cane was crushed and molasses and sugar made; to-day it may be said that there is no cane industry in the Republic. Has the demand for sugar ceased? Has the soil lost the capacity of growing cane? Is not the decline in this industry due to time-losing, crude, and imperfect methods of production? Liberia seems well adapted to various domestic animals. Goats and sheep—the latter covered with hair, not wool—are seen on the streets of the national capital; when one gets back into the interior, cattle are found in native towns and in the district about Cape Palmas cattle are met with in the coast settlements. Yet fresh meat is difficult to secure in Monrovia; why? In the Higher Agricultural School definite investigation should be made of all native plant and animal possibilities; there are no doubt many forms of plant life which could be improved under proper cultivation and made to yield desirable materials for commerce or for national use; it is quite possible that some of the native animals could be utilized if kept and bred; it is certain that harmful animals can be controlled or totally destroyed. The experimental station in connection with the agricultural school should deal with all these matters. Of plants and animals which flourish in our own and other countries, some prosper and succeed on the west coast of Africa—others fail; many experiments have already been made in introducing plants and animals from the outside world into Liberia; much, however, still remains to be done in studying the possibilities. It is time that the experiments in this direction were wisely made by competent and educated investigators and that the period of blind and wasteful experimentation cease.

Liberia College, however, should remain at the capital city. It must be strengthened and developed. It should be a college, and if at present below grade—and it is below grade—it should be gradually worked up to a high standard. The nation will always need a higher institution of liberal culture; there is as much reason why there should be a genuine college in the black Republic, as there was why there should be a Harvard College in Massachusetts at the date of its foundation; in fact, there is more need of a college for Liberia than there was in Massachusetts for Harvard—Liberia has more serious and broader problems to deal with than the old colony of Massachusetts; she is an independent nation; she must have men competent by training to control the “ship of state” and to deal with the representatives of all the civilized nations on the globe.

One can easily understand, and to a degree sympathize with, the statement of Thomas in his little book upon West Africa, published a half century ago. He wrote shortly after the college was established. He says: “I regret to say that a college has been lately established in Liberia, the presidency of which has been conferred on President Roberts. I regret it, because it will involve an outlay that might be better used for common schools. It will send out, for years at least, men imperfectly learned, with the idea that they are scholars, and create a false standard of education. The present state of society has no demand for such a thing, the high schools already in operation being sufficient to supply teachers and professional men, and these are sufficiently patronized. A couple of manual labor schools somewhere in the interior would be vastly more useful. These things—academies dubbed colleges—are getting to be an evil among us in the states, and we are sorry to see our ebony off-shoot copying any of our defects.” We are all familiar with such criticisms and this line of argument, and of course they contain a germ of truth. But every young and developing community must have higher education, and we have indicated why the necessity in Liberia is urgent. From her population must come presidents, congressmen, cabinet officers of ability, diplomatic and political officials, and nothing below a college can produce the desirable supply.

In contrast to the statement of Mr. Thomas, we may quote two passages from Dr. Blyden—himself a negro, a Liberian, an official in Liberia College. At the dedication of the Institution, he said: “Why, then, should not Liberia, after forty years’ existence, having secured the confidence and respect of the aboriginal tribes, enjoy the means of superior education? The name College applied to this institution may seem ambitious; but it is not too early in our history to aim at such institutions. Of course we cannot expect that it will at once fulfill all the conditions of colleges in advanced countries, but it may come in time, as many American colleges have done, to grow into an institution of respectability and extensive usefulness.” Again, in the same address, he says: “Every country has its peculiar and particular characteristics. So has Liberia. From this fact, it has often been argued, that we need a peculiar kind of education; not so much colleges and high schools as other means which are more immediately and obviously connected with our progress. But to this we reply, ‘If we are a part of the human family, we have the same intellectual needs that other people have, and they must be supplied by the same means.’ It shows a painful ignorance of history, to consider the present state of things in Liberia as new and unprecedented in such a sense as to render dispensable those more important and fundamental means of improvement, which other countries have enjoyed. Mind is everywhere the same; and everywhere it receives character and formation from the same elemental principles. If it has been properly formed and has received a substantial character, it will work out its own calling, solve its own problems, achieve its own destiny.”

In other words, it is the old question between Tuskegee and Atlanta. In any broad and wise view both are equally essential.

Liberia College and the Higher Agricultural School will do more to develop a national spirit among the natives of the interior than any other single agency. From the native village schools boys will go out to the county “feeder”; there their ambition is stimulated; they come into contact with boys of other tribes; acquaintance and a generous and proper rivalry develops between them; each boy will feel that the credit and reputation of his people rests in him—he will feel that he is not inferior—he will strive to hold his own in legitimate fields of rivalry; from the county “feeder” the brightest, most ambitious, and best of the scholars will go up to the College or Agricultural School, both of which are national. There, in contact with the selected and best from every part of the Republic, from Liberians and natives alike, the native boys will come to know the national spirit; they will learn what Liberia means, they will comprehend its plans and hopes; they will be prepared to assist in its development and to protect its rights.

We have said that Liberia College would be national; it can not and ought not to be hampered by denominational or even by religious demands; it would be better if the College were absolutely under the control of the national government; the double control works badly. It is not absolutely essential that such should be the case; if the American Board, or Boards, interested in it would wake up to the idea of the great opportunity within their hands, they would be willing to co-operate heartily with the local authorities to develop a really great institution. The difficulty of distance of course would ever interfere with prompt and harmonious action; ignorance of local conditions and of the inherent difficulties is another bar to effective and prompt co-operation. If the double control of the Institution is to continue, there should be a carefully worked out agreement between the two governing bodies which should leave very considerable power with the resident authority to deal with serious problems as they may arise. If the double control must continue, it is cryingly necessary that more vigorous and liberal assistance should be rendered. To put the College into proper condition, and develop its field of action, needs money, in considerable quantity, much more than the government would be warranted in supplying for some time to come. There are various things in connection with the conduct of the College which are bad and need re-adjustment. Thus, there is a vicious system of student assistance, which undoubtedly works more harm than benefit; attendance at the College is stimulated by cash payments to students, for which apparently no return service is rendered; any such mode of assistance should be completely stopped. It is better that the College should have a half dozen students who are attending because they wish to gain an education, than that its halls should be filled with idlers who come simply because they receive pay during their attendance. For every penny given to any student, actual service, preferably hand-labor, should be demanded. This is particularly important when we remember the general attitude towards the whole subject of working with the hands.

The presidency of the College has always been, and still is, a problem. The president should not be an autocrat, beyond control and irresponsible, and he should be absolutely fitted for his high post. On account of the uncertain status of the institution, it is possible for its president to do what he pleases without check or hindrance. When it suits his own convenience, he takes refuge behind the fact that it is a chartered institution, responsible to a foreign board of managers to whom alone he owes allegiance; he may thus refuse to recognize the Superintendent of Public Instruction and to conduct the financial affairs of the Institution as if he were without responsibility to the government from which, however, the school receives financial aid. Again, this high position has seemed, sometimes in the past, to be merely a political football. When a man has served a term of office, when he has been defeated in an election, when for a moment he is without a job, he may become the president of Liberia College. This is all wrong. That presidency should be a position demanding a man’s full time, and filling his whole horizon; it should be a position to which he willingly devotes a lifetime, and through which he may justly hope to gain a lasting reputation. It is true that great names in Liberia’s history have been associated with it; Roberts, Gibson, Blyden, Barclay, Dossen, and others have occupied it with credit to themselves, and no doubt with advantage to the school; but the position should be a position for men without other ambitions, men not in politics. Perhaps it is necessary at this stage to import a head for the institution? If so, it is not for lack of competent Liberians already in the Republic—but because there is no competent man there but what has other ambitions.

Here we believe is an actual opportunity for wise American philanthropy to exercise itself. Vast gifts of money could be properly employed in these two institutions of higher learning—the Higher Agricultural School and Liberia College. The one will have to be founded and developed from foundation up; the other needs development, re-organization, and continuous and wisely exercised interest and sympathy. Suitable but flexible restrictions should justly be imposed in connection with any gift, but the future ought not to be bound too tightly. The absolutely different character of the two institutions should be recognized and emphasized. If both were energized with gifts from our country, it would be just that both should be headed by American presidents. If so, Tuskegee might supply the president for the Higher Agricultural School, Atlanta that for Liberia College. In any event, only the best men that the institutions could furnish should be sent; they should be men of ideals, ideas, and devotion; they should be teachable men, who would recognize that much of good already exists in the Republic, and who would aim to utilize everything helpful and hopeful which is already there; they should be men who will co-operate, rather than men who will eradicate; they must be wise men; theirs will be no easy task; and they should realize that it is frequently best to “make haste slowly”—if only progress is made surely.

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IMMIGRATION.

The original settlers in Liberia were for the most part aided in their immigration by the American Colonization Society. The whole business of shipment, transportation, and reception soon became quite thoroughly systematized. Those who had funds of their own made use of these in getting to the “Land of Promise” and settling; but many were quite without resources. Such were sent out passage free by the Society; on arriving at Liberia, they were transferred to “receptacles”—houses especially constructed for the purpose,—where, for six months, they were provided with board and medical attendance. During these six months the immigrants usually passed through the acclimating fever, and were sufficiently restored to begin the serious task of establishing themselves in their new homes. To each adult person a piece of land was given, either in the town or country; the Society had already supplied an outfit for farming and housekeeping purposes. With land assigned and outfit ready, the newcomer proceeded to adjust himself as well as possible to his new surroundings. In the very nature of things, many of the early settlers were undesirables; it is true that much was made of the care with which they were selected before they were shipped to Africa; such claims, however, deserve little more belief than might have been expected under the circumstances. It was not strange that many weak, undesirable, even vicious, individuals were sent; the remarkable fact is that the mass was as good as it actually was. While much allowance must be made for partisanship, and the desire to make a good showing, there is remarkable uniformity in the reports concerning the decency, neatness, and progressive character of the settlers. Among the newcomers there were indeed a number of exceptional men, men who, in any time or place, would be recognized as superior; they were men of ability who, in the old home, had felt themselves subject to the most unjust discrimination; they had chafed under the disadvantages and inequality of their situations; they felt that in Liberia there was indeed a chance for black men. Such were Lott Carey, Elijah Johnson, Hilary Teague, Amos Herring, and others. The new colony owed much to the presence of a few such men. It has always been so, it will always be so; there is no community where the number of leaders is large; there is no community where the rank and file are honest, respectable, ambitious, and progressive. It is unreasonable to expect in Liberia what we could not find in any civilized land of white men. An interesting fact regarding Liberia is that the supply of leaders has never failed. The “fathers” died; the sons have followed; the first settlers have gone to their reward; new settlers with the qualifications of leadership have always come. When the colony gave place to the Republic, it had leaders like Roberts, Hilary Johnson, and Stephen A. Benson. To-day there are, all things considered, a remarkable number of men of ability; the little land with Arthur Barclay, Daniel E. Howard, J. J. Dossen, F. E. R. Johnson, T. McCants Stewart, Bishop Ferguson,—and plenty more—is not badly equipped for grappling with national problems.

In the early days every one had to suffer the acclimating fever; many died. Such, however, has been the experience in the settlement of all new countries, even outside the tropics. Our own pilgrim fathers lost severely in taking possession of New England; mastery of the Mississippi Valley was achieved only at a frightful loss in life; to the outsider, who only reads the death list, Liberian settlement seems horrible; but, to the one who knows the price eternally paid for colonization, it appears less bad. After passing through the fever, and settling down to work, the question of success was one for each man to settle for himself. The two opportunities were trade and agriculture. We have seen repeatedly that, on the whole, trade had the greater attractiveness. Still, numbers went to farming and the development of plantations. Opportunity was really large and success was not infrequent. The number of early settlers who promptly secured comfort, and even modest wealth, was great.

If there is to be immigration on any considerable scale, there must be easy communication between the United States and Liberia. The original settlers were sent when opportunity offered; sometimes in private sailing vessels, sometimes in government ships. There has been very little direct sailing between the two countries since our Civil War. For a long time it was necessary for passengers who desired to go from the United States to Liberia, to go first to Liverpool, Hamburg, Rotterdam, or Antwerp, and from there to take a steamer for the West Coast; such an arrangement of course involved considerable expense and much loss of time. There have been efforts at various times to establish direct lines of communication. Thus, in 1838, Judge Wilkinson submitted a project. He recommended that a vessel should be purchased and sold to such free persons of color as would agree to man her with colored seamen, and navigate her as a regular packet between Liberia and the United States. Regular passenger rates would be paid to the conductors of this enterprise for the conveyance of emigrants sent out by the Society. The plan was approved and the money promptly raised; $3000 was subscribed by the New York Colonization Society, $1000 by the New Jersey Colonization Society, and $400 by individuals. Judge Wilkinson, at once, on his own responsibility, purchased the Saluda for $6000; she was a vessel of 384 tons; a fast sailer; in good order; she had passenger accommodations for 150 persons.

A few years later, in 1846, a joint-stock trading company was established by the Maryland Colonization Society under the name of the Chesapeake and Liberian Trading Co. It was to maintain a line of packets for taking out emigrants and bringing in produce; it was expected that the colonists would invest in the shares; $20,000 was considered necessary for the enterprise, and there was considerable difficulty in raising it, only $16,000 having been subscribed when the first vessel was completed and ready for sailing. The first voyage took place in the month of December. The Liberian Packet, as it was called, made many voyages. It was found necessary to increase the size of the vessel employed, but the whole enterprise received a severe check with the wreck of the Ralph Cross. It was in several respects a real success, but there was considerable disappointment felt because of the little interest taken in this line by the colonists themselves; it was hoped that the bulk of the stock would be taken by them—as a matter of fact, only about one-eighth was so purchased. Commodore Foote, in his interesting book, Africa and the American Flag, emphasizes the fact that the one great advantage resulting from this line was the ease with which Liberian settlers revisited the United States for short periods, thus forming and keeping up connections with their mother country.

When Thomas was along the West Coast in 1857, direct communication appears to have ceased. He says: “The day is not distant when steam communication will be established between the United States and Liberia, and her exhaustless fields be brought within fourteen days of our shores. Already the interests of American commerce demand the establishment of such a line, and the general government should extend its aid in such an enterprise, before England and France take the field from us. Already the steam-liners between England and Fernando Po touch at Monrovia, and it is said that arrangements are being made with the company to have them stop at Cape Palmas also. Of the 125,000 gallons of palm oil annually exported from this place, American producers get 50,000. The other exports are pepper and camwood. The revenue of Maryland, the year previous to its annexation to Liberia, was about $2000, derived from a light duty on certain classes of imports.” In 1850 an effort was made in the American Congress to establish and develop a trading line between the two countries. Since that time there have been occasional suggestions looking in this direction; thus, in 1904 a company was established under the name of the New York and Liberian Steamship Co. with a capital stock of $50,000; at about the same time, there was organized the American and West African Steamship Co. with head-quarters at New York, a capital of $600,000, and the apparent endorsement of many of the most prominent colored men of the United States. Many such schemes have been broached, some with brilliant promise; for one reason or another, however, they have failed. There is no question that such a company under conservative management might make a success; the difficulty so far with most of them has been that they have started with too high hopes of large, immediate returns and with insufficient capital. In the long run, good returns might be expected; but there should be anticipated a considerable period during which there would be little, if any, income. Very recently an experimental arrangement has been made by the two great steamship-lines of West Africa to connect New York with Monrovia. At present a vessel sails once every two months from New York for the west coast of Africa. The first stop is at Las Palmas, Canary Islands; the second, Monrovia; the time from New York to Monrovia is nineteen days; the vessel then proceeds south along the western coast of Africa, returning to Monrovia at the end of about nine weeks; on the return the only point of call is St. Vincent in the Cape Verde Islands. The return voyage occupies eighteen or nineteen days. The vessels making these runs are alternately German and English, of the Woermann and the Elder Dempster Lines.

This arrangement is the best that has been offered for many years. It is relatively easy by means of it for Americans to visit Liberia, and for Liberians to see our country. It is to be hoped that the arrangement will be continued—or even improved; if there is anything in this trade at all, it should not be long before sailings will take place monthly instead of one in two months.

Does Liberia wish immigration from America? Liberians say so, but they usually qualify the statement by saying that it should be “of the right kind”. They assert that they will welcome thousands. Presidential messages, congressional action, local resolutions, all express one sentiment; they want Americans, they will welcome them, they will give them every opportunity. This is no doubt true theoretically and in the abstract. As a matter of fact, however, they do not really want American settlers. There are many reasons for this attitude, and all are natural. The new-comer from America is apt to be supercilious and condescending; he is critical and makes odious comparisons; he knows little of the history of the country, has no sympathy with its achievements, sees only its crudities and errors. He is full of grand schemes for his own advancement; he is in Liberia for exploitation; a man of some little prominence in his home community with us, he expects to be a leader in the new surroundings; he wishes to be a new broom, sweeping clean. He would brush away all that already exists, and construct a totally new edifice; but when one brushes away what already exists, the task before him is worse than that of “making bricks without straw”. It is no wonder that the new-comer is promptly looked upon with dislike.

Again, there are not many paying “jobs”; those that exist are already occupied by native sons and old settlers; the coming of a considerable number of new immigrants will not increase the number of these “jobs” in proportion to the influx of population. The new-comers will crowd those who are already located; lack of opportunity, scantness of educational facilities, inability to secure a proper preparation—all things which are in the nature of Liberian conditions and for which the individual can not be held responsible,—give to those already in possession a sense of inferiority and unpreparedness which makes them fear the coming of the outsider who has had a wider training. Whatever they may say to the contrary, however much they may express the desire that highly trained and competent Americans should come to the aid of the Republic, the whole official and governing body will look with natural suspicion and jealousy upon intruders.

It is commonplace to be told by Liberians that there is plenty of work in the Republic for carpenters, masons, blacksmiths, and wheelwrights. This is said so readily that it sounds like a recitation learned for repetition. That there may be room for carpenters and masons is probable; but the need of blacksmiths in a country where there are no real vehicles or horses is less evident; and exactly what a wheelwright would do to fill his time is questionable. There are at present in Liberia almost no manufactories; it will surely be some time before there is need of such. There are in Liberia no opportunities for day labor for American negroes; the “bush nigger” is there and will work for wages which no American colored man could think of receiving if he were able to work at such labor in that country. It has been suggested to me that thousands of American negroes might be employed in road-building; there is indeed much need for roads; but the work of road-building is likely to continue to fall to the native. Newcomers are almost certain to go into professional life, politics, trade, or agriculture. Professional life and politics are already fairly full—trade and agriculture remain as legitimate opportunities for the newcomer. The American negro who comes to Liberia for trade must have capital, and he must realize that he enters into competition with old established white trading houses as well as with experienced Liberians who know the country and its needs. If the newcomer goes into agriculture, he must expect to make some outlay in securing land, constructing buildings, buying outfits; curiously enough, even in this field, where it might be supposed that he would meet with little, if any, opposition, he is quite sure to encounter hostility from neighbors. Into whatever field of legitimate enterprise the American immigrant may plan to enter, he should not come to Africa unless he is healthy of body, young, of active mind, fairly educated, and with money for tiding over a period of non-productiveness and opposition more or less frank and open.

Yet many succeed. Conspicuous examples are not wanting. Three recent cases may be considered typical. There is J. H. Green, who came to Liberia from Little Rock, Arkansas, in 1902; a lawyer by trade, he had been interested while still in the United States in the promotion of Liberian immigration; he carried with him into the new region his paper, The African League, which is a monthly periodical largely devoted to the encouragement of Liberian immigration. At first in Monrovia, since then at Buchanan, he has continued to print his paper which has the longest continued existence of any genuine newspaper that has been printed in Liberia for many years; he has encountered constant opposition; he is a fighter from way back and has the courage of his convictions. He has made good. He practices law, has been a local judge, conducts a successful, influential, and outspoken paper, has his printing-house, and conducts a shop for trade. Judge T. McCants Stewart is justly respected as one of the leading men of the Republic. He first went to Liberia thirty years ago, in connection with Liberia College; he stayed but a short time, returning to the United States; while in this country, he published an interesting and useful little book upon Liberia; later he went to Honolulu, Hawaii; returning to America from our newest territory, he closed out his affairs in this land and went again to Liberia; as a newcomer, he necessarily had prejudice and opposition to encounter; he has rooted there, however, and, respected and influential, is now one of the associate justices of the Supreme Court. One of the most interesting men in Liberia to-day is Jeff Faulkner; he is active, enterprising, pushing, indefatigable; he is the only handy, all-around mechanician in Monrovia; he is absolutely one of the most useful men in the Republic; he is depended upon by the government in many a time of need; when “the Lark” goes to the bottom, Jeff Faulkner is the only man to raise her; he has a keen eye for business, and develops every opportunity; he has recently established an ice-factory, and his ice-cream parlor—a novelty in Liberia’s capital—is popular. This very useful man, though well appreciated, has literally had to fight his way to success. These men are well established, but they have succeeded only because they were men of ideas, conviction, purpose, determination. Weak men in their positions would have failed. Liberia is no place for weaklings; there is no demand for immigrants who leave America because they have been failures there.

For years Green has been agitating for “the negro city”. In the African League, in 1903, he carried a page announcement regarding it. From it we quote some extracts: “The negro city to be built in Liberia, Africa, by 1000 American negroes. Liberia City will be the name. Foundation to be laid upon the arrival of the great colony early in 1904. Let all be ready and fully prepared for the great corner-stone laying of a great negro town in a HIGH AND HEALTHY PLACE. Stones wanted for the foundation. What kind of stones? Stones in the form of men! Self-sacrificing, vigorous, fearless, strong-hearted, self-supporting, brainy, brawny, God-fearing men? Men fitted for the sub-stratum of the great town in the great country where lynching is not known, and freedom reigns supreme! Where your son may be a beggar or a ruler—at his own election. Come and make him a ruler. ... A city built in a day. The foundation of this new settlement with the town as the centre, will be laid upon the arrival of the colonists from America upon the ground. ... A high and beautiful location, too high for the coast fever that is so much dreaded by the one who has heard about it—a location for work in a country where gold and other precious metals abound. ... This place is especially inviting to the mining negro. The artisans are needed, too, along with the farmers and other workmen, for all these are needed in building up a great republic; only let them bring some capital. This is a great place for merchants. ... Let all who want to join this colony and want a town lot and a farm in the section, free of charge, write.” So far the great negro settlement does not actually exist. The idea has been often ridiculed; but it deserves consideration. At the time in question, Mr. Green made an extended journey in which he claimed to be looking for the best site for his settlement. Such a city, with anywhere from three hundred to one thousand inhabitants, would promise a more speedy and durable success than the trickling in of the same number of immigrants as individuals. There is strength in numbers; a common interest would bind the newcomers to each other; if they really represented a variety of trades and industries, the community might be sufficient to itself; individual jealousies of old settlers would be reduced to a minimum of harmfulness. There would naturally be, in case such a settlement were established, strong jealousy between it as a whole and longer established communities. Such has always been the case in Liberian history. There has always been feeling between Monrovia, Grand Bassa, Greenville, and Maryland. Such jealousies are natural and unavoidable. The only way in which they can be reduced is by the establishment of so many communities that the distance between them would be small; close contact would develop at least a fair degree of harmony.

There are prominent negroes in our own country who have urged an exodus of black men from the United States. The difficulties of transporting our millions of black men, women, and children to Africa, if they care to go, are so great as to render the scheme actually impracticable. Nor is the difficulty of transportation the only one. The limited range of promising occupations makes it unlikely that great numbers will ever go thither; more than that, pronounced success in the United States,—and pronounced success to-day is by no means rare among our colored population,—will hold the majority of colored people in this country. There is, however, room in Liberia for many thousands of settlers and opportunity for those among them who have no foolish notions and who possess the qualities which Green demands from those whom he invites to come. Bishop Turner and Dr. Heard urge migration on the largest possible scale; Dr. Ernest Lyon who, at the time when the excitement in regard to Liberia City was at its height, represented our government as minister to Liberia, discourages “indiscriminate immigration”. His report sent late in 1903 to Secretary Hay, of our Department of State, was a dash to the high hopes of the encouragers of immigration. His letter was called out by the proposed large emigration from the United States in 1904. He says: “From my knowledge of the conditions of affairs here, I beg to inform you that Liberia is not prepared for indiscriminate immigration in 1904. If immigrants come here who are unable to support themselves for at least six months, they will die from starvation and the rigor of the African climate—there are no houses here, even of a temporary construction, to protect them until they can build for themselves.” As might be expected, this report of the resident Minister called forth a vigorous reply from Mr. Green. He closes his answer with an actually able burst of feeling. He says: “As to indiscriminate immigration, it was that that planted the colony of Liberia; it was indiscriminate immigration which gave birth to a Republic to which the Rev. Dr. Lyon might be accredited United States Minister; it was this immigration scheme that gave us a President Roberts, a Benson, a Gardner, a Coleman. It reinforced, succored, perpetuated the Republic in its infancy. It was indiscriminate immigration which gave Liberia the grave and distinguished statesman, His Excellency, President A. Barclay, our present and honored incumbent. Yes, and more than that, even America is a child of indiscriminate immigration which yet constitutes the greatest increase of American humanity. It made America great. May it not make Liberia great?” Thousands of American black men might no doubt move to Liberia with advantage and profit to themselves and to their adopted country. The Republic offers a rich field. But it needs no idlers, no paupers, no criminals. No one should go without having clear ideas as to his plans; the questions of “receptacle”, location, temporary support, must be looked into and provided for. And the newcomer who is to be successful must be forceful, self-reliant, and ready to meet with temporary prejudice. While the conditions of many blacks might be improved by removal to Liberia, the black population in this country would be advantaged by the elimination; if a considerable number of emigrants were to go to Liberia, pressure here would be relieved and conditions would be improved.

There will of course be a constant trickling of newcomers from this country to Liberia; there may very well be a constant stream. Such a stream indeed is necessary, if the vigor and vitality of Liberia is to be maintained; new blood is desirable—whether welcome or not. Know-nothing-ism is not confined to Liberia or to any one place. In the United States we have a condition which is comparable to that which Liberia presents. Here, too, the old population is barely holding its own, if it is doing so; the old families of New England and the eastern seaboard have largely run to seed; it is absolutely necessary that a great and steady immigration of European whites pour in to maintain our life by the infusion of new blood. Such immigration of course is not welcomed by our “true Americans”. If rigid exclusion could be practiced, we should soon face a condition much like that of France. If we are to live and occupy a significant place among the nations of the world, we must accept this constant incoming of population from outside. The mixture of these newcomers with our own people, fagged and worn out by new and unfavorable conditions, produces a new stock with sufficient vigor to carry on our national development. The hope of Liberia lies largely in a considerable immigration of black people from our southern states.

One of the most serious dangers of Liberia lies in its isolation; it needs contact; everything that tends toward an increase of contact with the outside world is good. Liberia needs ideas, friends, interchange; otherwise stagnation is inevitable—and death. She must receive these aids either from Europe or from America; she will of course receive them from both; but the source of the greater part of her inspiration and ideals must be on this side of the Atlantic and from our people of color. Immigration from America, whether small or great, must necessarily be helpful. If great and constant, difficulties will be lightened and helpful bonds strengthened.

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THE FOREIGN DEBT OF THE REPUBLIC.

THE LOAN OF 1870.

On January 26, 1870, the Legislature authorized President Edward J. Roye to negotiate a loan not exceeding £100,000, at not more than 7 per cent interest; the bonds were to run for fifteen years, and three years’ interest advanced might be deducted. Of the sum to be received upon this loan £20,000 was to be used in buying up all the checks, scripts, currency debentures, and government paper of whatever kind then afloat; £20,000 more was to be deposited securely as a basis for the issue of a paper currency in what were to be known as Treasury Notes; the balance of the proceeds of the loan was to be deposited in some reliable bank as an emergency fund to be drawn upon at need by special act of the Legislature.

At the time when this action of the Legislature was taken, President Roye was about to go to England; it was supposed that he would attend to the business while in London, and that considerable expense would be saved to the nation by his personal attention to the details of the arrangement; for some reason or other, he did not take up the matter while he was absent. On his return to Monrovia, however, he proceeded to secure the loan. He appointed David Chinery, at that time consul for Liberia in London, Henry V. Johnson, Sr., and W. S. Anderson, commissioners—the two latter being sent to London for the purpose—to negotiate the loan. President Roye should of course have submitted this whole matter to the Legislature; there was considerable objection to the loan, and no serious steps should have been taken regarding it without the authorization of the legislative body. The commissioners succeeded in negotiating the loan for £100,000 at 7 per cent interest, at 30 per cent below par; three years’ interest were deducted from the £70,000, leaving a balance of £49,000 to be placed to the credit of the commissioners. “Then followed,” to quote the words of President Roberts, “a system of charges, speculations, and frauds unparalleled, I presume, in any public loan transactions of modern times.” No sooner had the news of the negotiation reached President Roye, than he commenced to draw against it for himself and others, not waiting for any part of it to be paid into the treasury of the Republic for the purposes specified in the act, and before the Legislature had accepted the loan or taken any action in regard to it. More than that, without legislative authority, he sent an order drawn by the Secretary of the Treasury—a member of his own family—approved by himself for £10,000 value of merchandise, alleging that this was on account of the government. Mr. Chinery, in filling this order, sent merchandise invoiced at more than £14,000, including transportation, shipping-charges, freight, insurance, etc., most of the articles being charged at amounts in excess of their market value, many of them inferior in quality, and some nearly, and others entirely, useless in Liberia. How much was actually realized of this loan no one knows; Sir Harry Johnston says £27,000; Ferguson (from whom we draw most of the particulars regarding this transaction) says £17,903. In return for it, at least £80,000 in bonds were issued—Sir Harry Johnston says perhaps the whole £100,000.

The moment was one of political disturbance. In 1869 there had been an effort to amend the constitution so as to extend the office of President from a term of two years to one of four; the effort failed. In May, 1871, when his two years had elapsed, Roye attempted to continue himself in power for two years longer; a shadow of an excuse for this usurpation was found in this attempted passing of an amendment. This bold coup, together with the dissatisfaction regarding the loan, led to his being hurled from power. Notice of the disturbed condition of the Republic was at once sent to the representative of Liberia in London, and to the bondholders; the newly established government ordered all drafts, etc., for money received on account of the loan to be stopped, countermanded the orders for goods, and demanded a statu quo until the Legislature should have a chance to act; legal proceedings were taken against Commissioners Johnson and Anderson; Chinery was discharged from his office as Liberian Consul in London; Mr. John Jackson was appointed Consul-General in his place and took charge of matters. So palpable was the mismanagement of this whole transaction in London, and so extravagant had been the charges and other outlays connected with it, that Consul Jackson took legal proceedings to protect the interests of the Republic.

Through a period of almost thirty years, the matter of this loan was constantly agitated, and it was only in 1898 that the Liberian Consul, Henry Hayman, was able to bring about a final arrangement of the unhappy affair. At that time the Liberian Government recognized its responsibility to the amount of £80,000; it agreed to begin payment at once upon the bonds—paying interest at the rate of 3 per cent the first three years, 4 per cent for the following three years, and 5 per cent thereafter until both the principal and interest be fully paid; after that, the back interests would be assumed at 5 per cent. Since this adjustment, the Liberian Government has regularly and honorably met its interest payments. Sir Harry Johnston, in his great work on Liberia, speaks vigorously and frankly regarding this loan of 1870, which was a disgraceful operation for British financiers.

THE LOAN OF 1906.

It is curious that, in connection with the next financial undertaking of the Republic, which was little, if any, more satisfactory than the loan of 1870, Sir Harry himself should have played a significant part. When President Barclay and his companions were in London in 1906, they made arrangements for a new loan, also of £100,000. An interview was held at the office of Consul-General Hayman, at which were present Sir Harry H. Johnston, chairman of the Liberian Development Co., Limited, together with some of this company’s officers, Mr. Clark of the Foreign Office, Emil Erlanger, and Consul Hayman. Mr. Erlanger represented the brokers through whom the Liberian Development Co. were to secure a loan of £100,000 for the benefit of Liberia. Excellent discussions of this loan by Mr. Ellis, who was so long connected with our Legation at Monrovia, and Mr. Scott, who was a member of the United States Commission in 1909, have been printed. It is from these articles that we draw our details.

The proceeds of the loan of 1906 were to be applied in the following manner: (a) $25,000 was to be used for pressing Liberian obligations; (b) $125,000 was to be employed in the payment of domestic debts; (c) $35,000 was to be loaned to the Liberian Development Co.; (d) the balance was to be devoted to the development of banking, and for road schemes by the Liberian Development Co. in Liberia. As security for this loan, two British officials, as chief and assistant inspectors of customs, were to have charge of the Liberian customs revenue; the chief inspector was to act also as financial adviser to the Republic; $30,000 annually (in semi-annual payments) was to be turned in as interest until the whole loan was repaid; 10 per cent of any excess over $250,000 in customs revenue per year was to be received by the Liberian Development Co. The “company was charged with the responsibility of returning the loan to Erlanger and Co. by the payment of 50 per cent of the net profits derived from the exercise of the powers and privileges of the charter of the former company, together with profits from the banking and road schemes to be undertaken in Liberia.”

The loan was actually applied as follows: (a) to the extinguishment of domestic debts, £30,000; (b) loaned to the Liberian Development Co., £7000; (c) in carrying out road schemes, £32,776.11.3; (d) obtained by Liberia on ratification of tripartite agreement of 1908, £30,223.8.9; total, £100,000.

Friction soon arose in the administration of the customs. The Liberian Development Co. constructed fifteen miles of automobile road in the Careysberg District, bought a small steam launch for the St. Paul’s River, and purchased two automobiles; it then announced that its road fund was completely exhausted, after having spent, on an ordinary dirt road, about $163,882. Liberian dissatisfaction was great, and question was raised regarding the “balance of the £70,000 which had been entrusted without security to the management of the company.” In the investigation which followed in an attempt to rearrange affairs, considerable feeling appears to have been shown. Sir Harry Johnston had repeatedly ignored the requests of President Barclay for an accounting by his company; in the interview in which efforts at adjustment were made, he is said to have conducted himself in a supercilious manner and to have expressed his surprise “that the President should have required the company to furnish him with a statement of accounts, and disclaimed any responsibility for the manner in which the money had been expended”. Under the tripartite arrangement which was entered into between the Government of Liberia, Erlanger and Co., and the Liberian Development Co., Chartered and Limited, it was finally arranged that “Liberia assume direct responsibility to Messrs. Erlanger and Co. for the loan of 1906, and, aside from obtaining some advantages in the new Agreement, secured from the Liberian Development Co. the residue of the loan, amounting to £30,223.8.9, and practically dispensed with the future services of this company in the solution of the new Liberian problems.”

Mr. Emmett Scott makes some pertinent observations in connection with this affair. He says: “Sir Harry Johnston, in his book, quite spiritedly criticizes the agreements under the loan of 1871. It is hard to determine, however, how less one-sided they were than those of his own benevolent corporation, even if his company had in perfect good faith carried out their part of the bargain. The suggestion that the customs should be collected by European experts, Englishmen being understood, introduced, of course, the feature of external control into the customs service ... of the so-called experts sent to Liberia under the agreement, the first one’s selection was, to say the least, unfortunate. He all but confessed his utter failure after two or three months to understand what he was about, although he had been granted a salary of about $3500 a year, much more than he had received in the British service in Sierra Leone. The second one appointed has developed into a somewhat capable official, although his chief claim to being called an expert was, it is said, that he had successfully raised oranges in California. He was certainly no customs expert, and, I learn, had probably never been inside of a customs house. He received £500 a year. The present chief inspector of customs is a wholly efficient man, but while doing similar service at Freetown, Sierra Leone, the neighboring country, he received a salary of £300 or $1500 a year, while the Liberians are called upon to pay him a salary of £1000, or $5000 a year. This salary, perhaps I should state, is twice that received by the President of the Republic. Efforts to reduce this salary to £700 or $3500 have recently been made, but with what success I cannot chronicle.”

Again: “The company’s high-handed manner of expending the money on hand, however, engendered so much bad blood, that at last President Barclay applied to Sir Harry Johnston, managing director of the Liberian Development Co., for an accounting. The latter, it is said, expressed the greatest surprise that such a demand should be made upon him, and disclaimed any and all responsibility to the Liberian Government for the way in which the money had been or was to be expended. He persistently refused to render any accounts until he found the position he maintained was so untenable that he could not depend upon his government for support; he also found that President Barclay was about to sever all relations with his company, maintaining, in the absence of any accounting, that the Government of Liberia would hold itself responsible only for the cash actually received. About $200,000 of the amount raised on the credit of the government, it is said, had been frittered away on badly managed schemes.”

And finally: “In dismissing this loan of 1906, may I say that no one now contends that the Liberian Development Co. has, or has had, any money aside from that raised on the Government’s credit; to-day it is practically bankrupt. The relations between the Government and the Company have been severed, and under the agreement of 1908 with Messrs. Erlanger, London, the Liberian Government is responsible for the whole loan.”

THE AMERICAN LOAN.

Conditions became desperate; there were now two obligations to British creditors, each for a handsome sum, and both drawing interest; more than that, there had grown up a considerable domestic debt; real bankruptcy seemed to threaten the nation. As a result of the visit of the American Commission to Liberia in 1909, the United States used its good offices in favor of the Republic, and arrangements were perfected whereby certain banking institutions of the United States, Germany, France, and Great Britain furnished the Republic of Liberia with a loan of $1,700,000; this loan was to be used in the payment of its domestic and foreign debts. According to the official report of the Commission, the public debt of Liberia in 1909 amounted to the sum of $1,289,570.60. Mr. George W. Ellis has prepared an excellent paper regarding this loan, and from it we abbreviate our own statement. In order to secure the loan, the Liberian customs revenues are temporarily to be placed in charge of a customs receivership, with a general receiver appointed from the United States by the President, and holding office during his pleasure, and three receivers, one each from Great Britain, Germany, and France, appointed by, and holding office during the pleasure of, their respective governments. As further security for the loan, the revenues from exports and imports, duties on rubber, and all head moneys are pledged. Five per cent gold bonds in denominations of $1000, $500, and $100, for a period of forty years, interest and principal payable in New York, are to be issued by the Liberian Government. The Liberian revenues subject to the loan are transferred for its service and are termed “assigned revenues”; these assigned revenues are in charge of the receivership. The majority of the receivers have the power to suspend customs officials, make temporary appointments, make rules and regulations relative to the assigned revenues; they have a right to adequate patrol for land and sea, and in case such is not furnished, to supply it themselves. The general receiver has a salary of $5000, the others, $2500. A monthly report of accounts is to be rendered to the government. As a condition of the loan, the frontier police force is to be maintained; the President of the United States is to assign training officers, to be paid from the assigned revenues. The General Receiver is also the Financial Adviser of the Liberian Government; he is to systematize the finances of Liberia; and to approve statements before submission to the legislature. Appropriations must not overrun the revenues; after the legislature adjourns, the President, Secretary of the Treasury, and the Financial Adviser must revise the appropriations if they have overrun; their act is binding to the Secretary of the Treasury. The Financial Adviser co-operates with the government in establishing economical and efficient administration and expenditure. The debts of the Republic are to be at once paid—by bonds where the creditors chose to receive them. The bankers are to receive for their services their out-of-pocket expenses, legal charges, commission on the face value of the 5 per cent bonds, and 5 per cent on the bonds purchased by themselves. Residue bonds are to be held by the fiscal agents to meet approved, unadjusted indebtedness: final residue bonds will be sold and the money paid to Liberia for public improvements approved by the General Receiver. In order that this agreement should go into effect, it was necessary that the Liberian Legislature should pass all necessary measures of approval before January 1, 1912. This was done. There was some delay in finally placing the funds at the disposition of the Liberian Government, but at present everything has been arranged and the new loan is in effect. This arrangement caused general joy throughout the Republic; it was felt not only that it released the people from a heavy and dangerous obligation to unfriendly creditors, but that it probably began a period of closer relationship between the United States and Liberia. It is possible that too much of a feeling of security existed. It is likely that more joy was felt over the receipt of $1,700,000 than of responsibility for its ultimate repayment. On the whole, it must be admitted that the loan is favorable to the Republic. The government has realized a much larger percentage of actual funds than in any of its preceding financial undertakings. There are, however, some weak points in the plan. It is unfortunate that the loan was theoretically made through banks of different nations; as a matter of fact, it was an American enterprise, and should have been so in word as well. There is no reason why foreign nations should be interested—except indeed that Great Britain should experience a sentiment of joy in having the interests of her citizens secured. The sum of $1,700,000 is so small that it could have been easily supplied by American houses and considered a little matter with no actual political relations. That the loan should have been secured by a receivership is just, but it would have been much better to have appointed a single American receiver instead of four men of different nations. In this international receivership there lies considerable danger. Friction is likely. France, England, Germany are suspicious of each other. The simplest act is liable to misconstruction, and one or another of the three sub-receivers is likely to feel his dignity and that of his nation affected, and squabbles are certain to arise. The American receiver, as is proper, is given the position of leadership. Suppose he were to die or be unfit for service; which of the other three receivers will take his place? There appears to be no arrangement made for such a contingency, yet it is quite certain to arise, and if it should, the man who temporarily assumes the duties, will be particularly likely to find himself in trouble. The question as to location of the four receivers may some time or other raise difficulties. Suppose, for example, the British receiver were placed at Cape Mount, adjacent to British territory, and the French receiver were to be located at Cape Palmas, close to French authority; opportunity for unfaithfulness to the Republic would be very great. There is nothing in the history of the past to warrant us in assuming that these officials would be men of such high spirit and principle as to resist temptation. The possibility of difficulties between the General Receiver and the Liberian Government is also very great. He is given large powers; unless he is a man of extraordinary ability and well-balanced character, it is certain that complications will arise; there will be constant risk of his inter-meddling in every field of governmental affairs. Some of these difficulties of course are inherent in a receivership, and as a receivership is absolutely necessary, their risk must be accepted.

On the whole, the American loan should be a great help to Liberia. Friends of the Republic hope for the best results. The government is given a breathing spell, and time and opportunity for the re-adjustment of its economic interests. There is no danger, if the receivership is competent, but that the income of the nation will easily carry the loan with all its obligations, and leave ample funds in balance for the legitimate enterprises of the government. It is reasonable to hope that Liberia has entered upon a period of prosperity.

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Yes, I say these were but slaves who gave us the Declaration of Independence. They were but slaves who framed our Constitution, they were but slaves who combatted with the odds of life, amidst wars, devastation, and foreign aggressions to hold intact for us and for our children this home of ours.—S. D. Ferguson, Jr.