Outline of Mikir grammar—The original text of the three stories translated in Section V., analysed and elucidated. The language spoken by the Mikirs belongs to the great family of Indo-Chinese speech called Tibeto-Burman, the general characteristics of which have been fully set forth in The Linguistic Survey of India, vol. iii. Mikir itself is treated on pp. 380 ff. of Part II. of that volume, and is described by Dr. Grierson as a member of the Naga-Bo?o sub-group, in which it is classed together with Empeo or Kachcha Naga, Kabui, and Khoirao. It is unnecessary here to occupy space with any demonstration of the fact that Mikir is a Tibeto-Burman language, or to cite lists of words in it agreeing with those of other languages of the same great class. In the next section an attempt will be made to examine its affinities with other varieties of Tibeto-Burman speech, and to define more clearly its place in the family; in this the language will be dealt with in its internal structure only, and, as specimens, the original text of the three stories translated in Section V. will be given, with an interlinear rendering and a running commentary. A grammatical sketch of Mikir was printed at pp. 381–391 of Part II. vol. iii. of the Linguistic Survey. What follows is mainly borrowed from that source, which was the first published attempt to explain systematically the facts and mechanism of the language. Sounds. Mikir has no written character of its own. The first publication printed in it, a short catechism issued by a missionary press at Sibsagar in 1875, used the Assamese character; since then, so far as is known, the Roman alphabet has always been employed to express the sounds of the language. Mr. Stack, from whose materials this monograph has been compiled, distinguished the following vowel sounds:— a, long a as in father (chiefly in open syllables); À, the same shortened and pronounced abruptly, as in the German Mann, always in closed syllables; (N.B. The language does not possess the short Hindi a, representing the u in but.) e, the long e in the French scÈne; e, the same sound shortened, as in belief; È, the sharp e in the English men (always in closed syllables); i, the long i in machine; i, the short i in it; o, the long o in bone; o, the same shortened, as in obey; Ò, the sharp abrupt sound in pot (always in closed syllables); u, the long u in June; u, the short u in full. The diphthongs are— ai, as in aisle; ei, almost as in feign, with the i audible; oi, as in boil; ui, long u with i added: no English equivalent. The consonants used in Mikir are b, ch, d, h, j, k, l, m, n, ng, p, r, s, t, v (all with their value as in English), and the aspirates kh, ph, th (pronounced as in cookhouse, haphazard, anthill). Bh, dh, and g occur only in a few borrowed words, and bh and dh are commonly resolved, as bahar (for Hindi bhar), “a load,” and dohÒn (for Ass. dhon), “money.” F, sh, w, y, and z are not used. Ng is never initial, and the g is not separately heard (always as in singer, never as in younger). Monosyllabic Roots. The root words of the language, whether nouns, adjectives, pronouns, verbs, or adverbs, are generally monosyllabic; where simple roots have more than one syllable, the additions are formative prefixes, once probably separate words, which have become incorporated. Such are the prefix ke-, ki-, ka-, used to form adjectives, present participles, and verbal nouns; and the prefixes ar- (in arni, “sun,” arlÒng, “stone,” arlÈng, “man,” etc.), ing- (in inglÒng, “mountain”; inghÒn, “pity,” etc.), and te-, ti-, to- (in terÀm, “call,” tekÀng, “abandon,” tikup, “house-yard,” tovar, “road,” etc.), of which the precise significance is not now traceable. In compound roots, formed by combining monosyllabic elements, the force of each individual syllable is still fully felt; such compounds are exceedingly common. Words are not inflected, but are located in sense by their position in the sentence or by the addition of particles. These particles may often be omitted where ambiguity is not likely to occur; such omission is particularly frequent as regards the postpositions indicating case, and the tense-affixes of the verb. Gender. Gender is not distinguished except for animated beings, and in them either (1) by added words indicating sex (as so-po, “boy,” so-pi, “girl”; aso-pinso, “male child”; aso-pi, “daughter”; chainÒng-alo, “bull”; chainÒng-api, “cow”), or (2) by the use of different terms (po, “father,” pe or pei, “mother,” phu, “grandfather,” phi, “grandmother,” etc.). Number. The ordinary suffix for the plural is -tum (which is originally a separate word meaning “company,” “followers”); but other words are occasionally employed, as mar, a “mass, quantity, or company”; Òng, “many”; and li, a respectful form used in addressing a number of persons. When -tum is suffixed to a noun, it takes the prefixed a- of relation, as arlÈng-atum, “men”; when added to a personal pronoun it does not require this adjunct, as will be explained below (ne, “I,” ne-tum, “we”; nÀng, “thou,” nÀng-tum, “ye”; la, “he, she, it,” la-tum, “they”). Case. Case is indicated by position, or by postpositions. The nominative, and, generally speaking, the accusative, have no postpositions, but are ascertained by their position in the sentence, the nominative at the beginning, the accusative following it before the verb. Both, when necessary, can be emphasised by the addition of the particles -ke and -si, which in some sort play the part of the definite article; but these are not case-postpositions. There is no device (as in Tibetan) for distinguishing the case of the agent with transitive verbs. The genitive always precedes the noun on which it is dependent. When the word in the genitive is a pronoun of the first or second person, nothing intervenes between them: ne-mÈn, “my name”; nÀng-pe, “thy clothes.” But when, the pronoun is in the third person, or a noun is in the genitive case, the following noun has a- prefixed: e.g. la a-po, “his father”; ArnÀm a-hÈm, “God’s house”; hijai-atum a-kÀm, “the jackals’ work”; arni-kÀngsÀm a-pÒr, “day-becoming-cool time.” This prefixed a- is really the pronoun of the third person, and means his, her, its, their; the full meaning of the combinations given above is therefore “he, his father”: “God, his house”: “the jackals, their work”: “day becoming cool, its time.” As in many other languages of the Tibeto-Burman family, nouns (especially those denoting personal relations, parts of the body, etc.) are seldom conceived as abstract and self-contained; they most often occur in relation to some other noun, and thus the syllable a- is more often prefixed to them than not. Especially is this the case with adjectives; these ordinarily follow the noun which they qualify, and almost always have a- prefixed; e.g. ArnÀm a-kethe, “God Almighty”: la a-kibi a-bÀng, “that younger one.” Sometimes this prefixed a- is thinned down to e-, as in hÈm-e-pi, hÈm-e-po, “widow, widower,” literally “female or male owner of the house”: hijai e-hur, “a pack of jackals.” Most postpositions (originally nouns joined to the genitive of the qualified word) similarly require a- before them; and the suffix -tum of the plural, since it means “a company,” also in this manner assumes the form a-tum. Before ing- the prefix a- is absorbed, and the result is Àng. The other cases are formed by postpositions. The instrumental is generally indicated by pÈn (sometimes with prefixed a- or e-, as apÈn, epÈn, but more often without), or pÈn-si. The dative takes a-phÀn, “to or for,” which is also occasionally used for the accusative. The sign of the dative of purpose is apÒt: pi-apÒt, “what for, why?” kopi-apÒtsi, id. The ablative is formed with pÈn or pÈnsi: nÒn-pÈn, “from now”; dÀk-pÈn, “from here”; apara (Ass. para) is also used, generally with pÈn as well. The locative has a number of postpositions, according to the position required: -si is used for “in,” as hÈm-si, “in the house,” adÈt-si, “in his country”; arlo is also used for “in, inside.” Le (properly the conjunctive participle of a verb meaning “arrive, reach to a place”) is often used as a postposition for “at, in.” Other common locative postpositions are a-thÀk, “upon, on,” ÀngsÒng, “above, upon,” arum, “below,” aber, “below,” alÒng “together with” (lÒng means “place”), adun, adung, “beside, next to” (dun is a verb meaning “to be with, accompany”), adÀk, “between,” ÀngbÒng, “in the middle of,” aphi, “after.” Adjectives. Adjectives are regularly formed by prefixing ke-, ki-, or ka- to the root, and do not change for gender, number, or case. Thus, from the root me, “to be good,” we have keme, “good”; helo, “distance,” kahelo, “far off”; dÒk, “to have savour,” kedÒk, “savoury”; ho, “to be bitter,” keho, “bitter”; lÒk, “to be white,” kelÒk, “white”; ri, “to be rich,” kiri, “rich.” Ke- and ki- are generally used with monosyllables, ka- with longer words; ka- with ing- forms kÀng. The form of the adjective is precisely the, same as that of the present participle of the verbal root, used to form the present tense, and also as that of the infinitive or abstract of that root, and the collocation of the sentence alone determines the meaning of the word used. When particles of comparison or other modifying elements are added to the adjective, the prefix ke- etc. is often dropped as unnecessary; thus— - kelÒk, “white”; lÒk-hik, “whitish.”
- keme, “good”; me-mu, “better”; me-ne, “best.”
- keding, “tall”; ding-mu, “taller.”
But kÀngtui, “high”; kÀngtui-mu, “higher”; kÀngtui-ne, “highest.” Comparison is effected by means of the postpositions apar and aphÀn; “his brother is taller than his sister,” a-te apar (or aphÀn) a-kÒr ding-mu. Adjectives commonly follow the noun qualified; when they precede, the construction corresponds to what in Aryan languages would be indicated by the relative pronoun (see below, p. ). Numerals. The cardinal numerals are isi, one; hini, two; kethÒm, three; phili, four; phÒngo, five; therÒk, six; therÒk-si, seven; nerkÈp, eight; sirkÈp, nine; kÈp, ten. It will be seen that seven is six plus one, eight ten minus two, nine ten minus one. From eleven to nineteen kre takes the place of kÈp: kre-isi, eleven; kre-hini, twelve; kre-kethÒm, thirteen, etc. A score is ingkoi, and from this point onwards the syllable ra is inserted between the multiple of ten and the added units: ingkoi-ra-isi, twenty-one; ingkoi-ra-hini, twenty-two, etc. Thirty, forty, etc. are formed by adding kÈp to the multiplier unit: thÒm-kÈp, phili-kÈp, etc. Eighty is therÒk-nerkÈp, ninety therÒk-serkÈp. A hundred is pharo or paro, a thousand suri. The numeral follows the noun. In composition hini (except with bÀng, “person”) is reduced to ni, and kethÒm to thÒm, as jo-ni jo-thÒm, “two or three nights.” Phili and therÒk are often contracted to phli and thrÒk. Generic determinatives, as in many other Tibeto-Burman languages, are commonly used with numbers:— with persons, bÀng, as a-Òng-mar kÒrte bÀng-therÒk, “his uncles, the six brothers”; with animals, jÒn (perhaps an Assamese loan-word), as chelÒng jÒn-phili, “four buffaloes”; with trees and things standing up, rÒng: thÈngpi rÒng-therÒk “six trees”; with houses, hum, as hÈm hum-therÒk-kÈp, “sixty houses”; with flat things, as a mat, a leaf, a knife, pÀk: as tar pÀk-phÒngo, “five mats”; lo pÀk-phili, “four leaves”; noke pÀk-thÒm, “three knives”; with globular things, as an egg, a gourd, a vessel, pum: as vo-ti pum-ni, “two eggs”; bÒng pum-therÒksi, “seven gourds”; with parts of the body, and also with rings, bracelets, and other ornaments, hÒng: as kÈng e-hÒng, “one leg”; roi hÒng-ni, “two bracelets.” One of anything is not formed with isi, but, if a person is spoken of, inut (a Khasi loan-word) is used: if anything else, e- is prefixed to the generic determinative; “one cow,” chainÒng e-jÒn; “one tree,” thÈngpi e-rÒng; “one book,” puthi e-pÀk; “one egg,” vo-ti e-pum. This e- appears to be borrowed from Assamese, where it is shortened from Èk. Ordinals are formed by prefixing batai to the cardinal, as batai-kethÒm, “third,” batai phili, “fourth.” They seem to be little used: in the story of Harata Kunwar it will be seen that clumsy periphrases are employed to designate the second, third, fourth, and fifth brother of the family to which the hero belonged. Distributive numeral adverbs are formed by prefixing pur or phÒng to the cardinal: pur-thÒm or phÒng-thÒm, “thrice.” Pronouns. The following are the personal pronouns:— 1st Person: | ne, I; ne-tum, ne-li, ne-li-tum, we, excluding the person addressed: i-tum, i-li, we, including the person addressed; | 2nd Person: | nÀng, thou; nÀng-tum, nÀng-li, nÀng-li-tum, ye; | 3rd Person | | la, he, she, it; la-tum, they; | alÀng, he, she; alÀng-li, alÀng-atum, alÀng-li-tum, they. | (The pronoun la is really a demonstrative, = this, that: it is probable that the original pronoun of the third person was a.) These pronouns take the postpositions like nouns. The possessive or genitive prefixes are ne, my, our, excluding the person addressed; e- or i-, our, including the person addressed; nÀng-, thy, your; a-, his, her, its, their. The demonstrative pronouns are—la, labÀngso, bÀngso, this; pl. labÀngso-atum, these: hala, halabÀngso, that; pl. hala-tum, halabÀngso-atum, those. The syllable ha- connotes distance, as dÀksi, ladÀk, here; ha-dÀk, there; ha ahÈm che-voi-lo, “he returned home from a distance.” (There appears once to have been another demonstrative pronoun, pi, pe, pa, still preserved in the compound words pi-ni, “to-day,” penÀp, “to-morrow,” pedÀp, “this morning,” paningve, “to-night.” Instead of pi and pe we also find mi, me, as mi-ni, me-nÀp. This survival is important for the purpose of comparison with other Tibeto-Burman languages.) As in other Tibeto-Burman languages, there is no relative pronoun; its place is taken by descriptive adjectival phrases. Thus “those six brothers who had gone to sell cow’s flesh” is— kejÒr-dÀm-a-tum | to sell going (plural) | bÀng-therÒk. | persons-six; | “The man whom Tenton had tied with an iron chain” is— In these constructions, it will be seen, the adjective or qualifying participle precedes the noun. The interrogative syllable, used to form interrogative pronouns, is ko-: komÀt, komÀt-si, who? kopi, pi, what? ko-pu, ko-pu-si, kolopu, kolopu-sÒn, how? ko-Àn, ko-Ànsi, how many? konÀt, konÀthu, where? konÀm-tu, nÀm-tu, nÀm-tu-si, when? Always when the sentence does not contain an interrogative pronoun, and sometimes when it does, the syllable ma at the end marks a question: “Are you afraid,” nÀng phere-dÈt ma? Ne (probably an Assamese loan-word) is also used instead of ma: “Will you marry him or not?” do-ji-ne do-de-ne? The reflexive pronoun is amethÀng, self; binÒng, own; but the most usual way of indicating that the action affects oneself is to prefix the particle che- (chi-, ching-, cheng-, and rarely cho-) to the verbal root: la hÈm che-voi-lo, “he returned home,” i.e. to his own house; a-Òng-mar-atum che-pu-lo, “his uncles said to one another”; che-hÀng-jo, “they asked for themselves.” With initial ing-, che- coalesces to ching: with ar- it unites to form cher. Verbs. The Mikir verb indicates time, past, present, or future, by means of particles prefixed or suffixed to the root. It does not vary for number,1 gender, or person. There is no separate verb-substantive, though there are several ways of expressing existence, as do, “stay, abide,” used also for “have, possess”; plÀng, “become”; lÀng, “exist, continue (with a sense of incompleteness)”; le, “arrive, happen,” etc. Great use is made of adjectival or participial forms, and, in narrative, of the conjunctive participle. Compound roots are very extensively used, the principal verb being put first, then the modifying supplements, and last the time-index. The simple, or indeterminate present is expressed by the participle with ke-, ka-, without any suffix: konÀtsi nÀng kedo, “where do you live?”; vo kÀngjar, “the bird flies”; sarbura thi-lÒt-si ne ka-chiru, “the old man having died, I am weeping”; ne-phu ke-so-kÒn, “my head is aching badly.” This tense, as in other languages, is often used historically for the past. The definite or determinate present is expressed by the same participle with -lo added: la kopi kÀnghoi-lo? “What is he doing (now)?” The habitual present is expressed by the verbal root with -lo: as vo-atum-ke ne-phu-athÀk ingjar-lo, “the birds fly above our heads.” The simple or narrative past is formed by the verbal root with -lo or -dÈt added: la pu-lo or pu-dÈt, “he said”; ne-phu so-dÈt, “my head was aching”; la keri-aphi-si lÒng-lo, “he, after searching, found it.” Sometimes dÈt and lo are used together: la ne ingtÒn-dÈt-lo, “he abused me.” DÈt may also be used for the present when the state indicated by the verb is one that began in the past and still continues: e.g. “Why are you afraid?” may be rendered kopi apÒtsi nang phere-dÈt, or kopi apÒtsi nÀng kaphere? The complete past is indicated by the root with tÀnglo added: la-apÒtsi ne dam-tÀnglo, “I went, or had gone, on his account”; telÒng lÒngle pho-tÀnglo, “the boat has touched ground.” Tang is a verb meaning “to finish.” There are besides a great number of other particles indicating past time used with particular verbs. Thus, with verbs meaning “to fall,” bup and buk are common: hala che-koi-bup, “he fell down”; hÈm ru-bup, “the house collapsed”; lÒng-chÒng kli-bup, “the upright memorial stone fell down”; lÒng-pÀk klo-buk, “the flat memorial stone fell down”; thÈng-pi ÀngsÒng-pÈn nÀng-klo-buk, “he fell down from the top of the tree.” Such particles generally indicate not only past time but abruptness. A periphrastic past, with the root followed by inghoi-lo, “did,” frequently occurs; this is probably an imitation of Assamese idiom. Here may be noticed the prefix nÀng, used, as the specimens show, with great frequency in narrative. It has the effect of fixing the occurrence to a known place, and may generally be rendered “there.” It is probable that this particle is originally the pronoun of the second person, and that it refers to the knowledge of the person addressed: “as you know,” “as you see.” The future is represented in two ways: (1) by -po added to the root, to indicate an action beginning now and continuing in the future; as itum nÒnke labÀngso akÀm apÒtsi pu-po, “we will talk about this affair now;” and (2) by -ji added, for an action which commences later on; as badu arlÈng-ta thi-ji, “all men will die” (i.e. at some future time). As -po includes the present in the case of continuing action, it may be, and often is, used in a present sense; -ji is restricted to future time. A compound future may be formed by adding to the root with -ji the words dÒkdÒk-lo: la thi-ji dÒkdÒk-lo, “he is just about to die”; Àn cho-ji dÒkdÒk-lo, “it is near breakfast-time” (rice-eating); Àn ik-ji dÒkdÒk-lo, “the rice is nearly all done.” A doubtful future may be expressed by -ji added to the present participle: konÀt chainÒng a-Òk-si dÀk-si kedo-ji, “where should cow’s flesh be here?” From the above it will be seen that there is much indefiniteness in the indications of time afforded by the Mikir verb: except tÀng for the past complete, and -ji for the future, the other suffixes may, according to circumstances, be rendered by the past, present, or future; they may also on occasion be omitted altogether. But the context generally removes all ambiguity. Conditional phrases are formed by putting -te or -le, “if,” at the end of the first member, and the second generally in the future with -ji or -po. Of the conditional future an example is nÀng dÀm-te, nÀng la thÈk-dÀm-ji, “if you go, you will see him.” The conditional past inserts asÒn (“like, supposing that,”) before -te: dohÒn do-asÒn-te, ne la nÀm-ji, “if I had money, I would buy it.” The conditional pluperfect modifies the second member thus: nÀng dÀm asÒn-te, nÀng la lÒng-lÒk apÒtlo, “if you had gone, you would have got it”; nÀng ne thÀn asÒn-te, ne la klÈm tÀng-lo, “if you had explained to me, I would have done it.” The imperative is, for the second person, the bare root, or more usually the root strengthened by the addition of nÒn or tha, and dialectically of noi; nÒn (= “now”) is the strongest form. The other persons are formed by the addition of nÀng (a verb meaning “to be necessary”) to the future in -po or present in -lo: “let us go” is i-tum dÀm-po-nÀng; “let us go to the field and plough,” rit hai-bai dÀm-lo-nÀng. We may, for the third person, use the causative form of the verb: la-ke pedÀm-nÒn, “let him go.” Participles. The present participle has the form of the adjective, with the prefixed ke- (ki-) or ka-; as kedÀm, “going,” ka-chiru, “weeping.” The past participle is the root or the present participle with tÀng added: dÀm-tÀng, “gone,” thÈk-tÀng, “having seen,” ka-pÀngtu-tÀng, “fattened.” Perhaps the most used form of the verb, especially in narrative, is the conjunctive participle, which is either the bare root, or the root with -si; hÈm che-voi-si thÈk-lo, “having returned home, he saw.” When the past is indicated, dÈt is used, either with or without -si, as cho-dÈt jun-dÈt, sarbura, tÒn-arlo kaibÒng patu-joi-si, i-lo, “having finished eating and drinking, the old man, having quietly hidden his club in a basket, lay down”; TÈntÒn, dohÒn-alÀngbÒng lÒng-si, rit dÀm-de-dÈt-si, kÀt-jui-lo, “Tenton, having got the bamboo-joint with the money, without returning to the field, ran away.” When the phrase in which the conjunctive participle occurs is terminated by an imperative, the suffix is not -si but -ra: “having eaten your rice, go,” is Àn cho-ra dÀm-nÒn; but “having eaten his rice, he went,” is an chodÈt-si dÀm-lo. While -si links together parts of a narrative, -ra links together a string of imperatives. The infinitive or verbal noun is identical in form with the present participle; kum-kirÒt tÀngte kekÀn arki nÀng arju-lÒnglo, “he heard (got to hear) there (nÀng) the sound (arki) of fiddle (kum) scraping (ki-rÒt) and dancing (ke-kÀn).” All words beginning with ke-, ki-, and ka- may therefore be regarded as (1) adjectives, (2) participles forming tenses of the verb, or (3) verbal nouns; and it will be seen from the analysis of the specimens how clearly this at first sight strange allocation of forms can be made to express the required sense. In all Tibeto-Burman languages the passive voice is either non-existent or little used; a sentence which in English would be stated passively is turned the other way, and appears in an active form. Thus—“Four trees were uprooted by the wind” would be rendered tomÒn thÈngpi rÒng-phili pi-pur-koi-lo, “the wind uprooted four trees”; “this house has been thrown down by an earthquake” is chikli-si labÀngso ahÈm pi-ru-hup-lo, “an earthquake has thrown down this house.” Sometimes a passive may be expressed by a periphrasis, as “I was beaten,” ne kechÒk Èn-tÀng, lit. “I received a beating.” The only unquestionable example of a passive is in the case of past participles, and here the passive is expressed by the simple expedient of putting the participle before instead of after the noun: bÀng kevÀn ahÒr, “the drink brought by people”; maja kelÒng arlÈng, “a man bewitched”; ne ke-pi a-Àn ahÒr, “the to-me-given rice and beer.” This construction is exactly parallel to the method (explained above) of expressing the relative phrase by putting the adjective first, instead of after the noun, and is in fact another case of the same idiom. The participle, which may also (as just explained) be regarded as a verbal noun, comes before the subject of the sentence, because the action passes on to the subject, instead of emanating from it, as in an active construction. We are tempted to think that languages which lack what seems to European modes of thought such essential elements as a relative pronoun and a passive voice cannot be capable of any subtlety of expression; yet this phenomenon is common to forms of speech like Tibetan, Burmese, and Chinese, which possess vast literatures dealing with all kinds of subjects, and in which it is possible to render ideas of the greatest complexity and variety. Even in Europe, the clearest and most logical of languages, French, prefers to use the active form of phrase (with on) rather than the passive. The negative verb is a very interesting and remarkable feature of the language. A separate negative root, formed by prefixing or suffixing a negative particle, and conjugated in the same way as the positive, is indeed a common property of Tibeto-Burman speech; but in Mikir this secondary root is formed in a peculiar manner. The negating syllable -e is added to the primitive, as un, “can,” un-e, “cannot”; Òng, “be much,” Òng-e, “be not much”; i, “lie down,” i-e, “not lie down.” But when the root begins with a consonant or a nexus of consonants, and is monosyllabic, the consonant or nexus is repeated before the added vowel: thÈk, “see, be able”; thÈk-the, “not see, be unable”; dÀm, “go,” dÀm-de, “not go”; kroi, “believe, obey,” kroi-kre, “disbelieve, disobey”; mÈk-prÀng, “eye-open, awake,” mÈk-prÀng-pre, “not awake.” When the verb is of two or more syllables, the last is chosen for reduplication: inghoi, “do,” inghoi-he, “not do”; ingjinso, “show mercy,” ingjinso-se, “not show mercy”; chini (Ass. loan-word), “recognise,” chini-ne, “not recognise.” The secondary root thus obtained is treated in construction just like the positive root, and takes the tense-suffixes: pÀk-ta pi-vÀng-ve-dÈt-lo, “anybody to give him (anything) came not.” The time-index is, however, with negative verbs more often dropped as unnecessary, owing to the context showing what the time-relation is. In the imperative the reduplication is not used; the particle -ri is added to the positive root, with or without nÒn as well: thÈk-nÒn, “see!”; thÈk-ri, or thÈk-ri-nÒn, “see not!” It may be added that this method of forming the negative by reduplication is also applied to verbal adjectives in ke-, ki-, ka-, which thereupon usually drop the prefix: keso, “in pain, sick”; so-se, “not sick, well”; but kÀngjinso, “merciful”; kÀng-jinso-se, “merciless.” Besides this organic negative, there is a periphrastic negative formed by adding the word ave, “is not”: ArnÀm abÀng ave, kechÈng ave, kapetÀng ave, “God has no body, no beginning, no end” (lit. “God his body is not, beginning is not, end is not”). The a in ave is the usual a of relation, and may be dropped: alÀm-ave “without a word”; lÀm-ve, “word-less, dumb.” Ka- may be prefixed, forming kave, used as an adjectival negative: kopai (Ass. kopal), “fortune,” kopai-kave, “unfortunate.” Another negative used separately, in emphatic assertions, is kali: tovar nÀng kepÈk-ji kali, “the way I will by no means yield to you”; ne-thibuk kali, “it is not my water-jar.” The causal verb is formed by prefixing the syllable pe-, pi?-, pa-2 to the root: this is probably the verb pi, meaning “to give”; e.g. cho, “eat,” pecho, “feed”; tÀng, “finish,” petÀng, “cause to finish, end”; ingrum, “be gathered together,” pÀngrum, “collect”; virdÈt, “be lost,” pi-virdÈt, “destroy.” This syllable takes precedure of che- in reflexive verbs: e-chainÒng e-pa-chi-thu-koi-lÀng, “he has caused us to slaughter all our cows”: here e- is the pronoun of the first person plural inclusive of the addressee; pa-, the causal prefix; chi-, the reflexive particle, indicating that the cattle slaughtered were their own; thu, a verb, “to kill by cutting”; koi, a particle indicating completeness; lÀng, the tense-suffix. Compound verbs meet us at every step in Mikir. Roots are heaped together, and the compound is closed by the tense-suffix. Ordinarily the first root determines the general meaning of the compound, the rest being adverbial supplements of modifying force:—chiru-pi-lÈm-lo, “he pretended to weep” (chiru, “weep,” lÈm, “seem, appear,” pi-lÈm, “cause to seem, pretend”); ke-phlÒng-dÀm abÀng, “somebody who will go and set fire (to the funeral pile)” (phlÒng, “kindle,” dÀm, “go”); kroi-dun-lo, “she consented” (kroi, “agree, obey,” dun, “go or be with another”); ne do-dun-ji-ma, “will you stay with me?” (do, “stay,” dun, as above). The texts which follow supply a multitude of other examples. These adverbial supplements to verbs, inserted between the principal verb and the tense-suffixes, are a very characteristic feature of the language, and their proper use is one of the most difficult things for a learner to master. Certain roots take constant supplements of this kind, and are scarcely ever found without them; thus the verbs thi, “die,” i, “lie down to sleep,” and jÀng, “close the eyes,” are almost invariably followed by lÒt; rÈng, “to live,” takes Èt before verbal suffixes; lÒng, “to get,” takes lÒk; chingbar, “to be equal (in size, weight, height),” and chingdÒn, “to be equal in length,” take chit; inghÒn, “to love,” and ingjinso, “to pity,” both take duk; jÒk and thÈt, both meaning “to escape, get loose,” take phlÒt. The complements for verbs meaning “to fall” have been mentioned above (p. 82). These supplements frequently cause the tense-endings to be dispensed with, in which case the action is understood to be in the narrative past or historic present. No doubt most of them were originally separate verbal roots, but are not now capable of being used separately. The brief outline given above will, it is hoped, enable the reader to apprehend the general construction of the narratives which follow, and display the language in action; for further analysis reference should be made to the notes appended to the texts. miso-rÒngpo | a big black ant | che-thÒn-dÀmlo. | to carry went. | ingni-thip. | sat down and blocked. | chethÒn-dÀm-ji.” | carry-go-will.” | ne-lut-thÒt-ra | entering (creeping)" | do-kÒk-le, | being tied up, | nÀng-rum-le | you-underneath | nÀng-kelut-thÈk-ji?” | enter, creep, shall I be able?” | pÈk-pe, | would not give way, | chitim-lo. | became middle. | Àn-ingchir-si | rice-hunger-in | aning-ne-thi-po” | angry with me will be” | chÒngholoso-arum | the frog-under | lut-thÒt-lo. | he entered, crept. | ingni-dun-chÈt-lo. | sat-down-flat. | miso-rÒngpo | the big black ant | aning-thi-ning-thi | becoming very angry | karle-sarpo-a-dÒn | squirrel-big-old’s ladder | chÒn-rai. | (on) jumped and broke. | Karle-sarpo | The big old squirrel | aningthi-ningthi | becoming very angry | hÀnthar-a-kÒk | gourd’s stem | aningthi-ningthi | becoming very angry | phÀk-belÈngpi a-moi | a wild boar’s back (on) | PhÀk-belÈngpi | The wild boar | aningthi-ningthi | becoming very angry | aningthi-ningthi | becoming very angry | sÀp-rai. | struck and broke. | aningthi-ningthi | becoming very angry | aningthi-ningthi | becoming very angry | helÀng-phlut. | tore up suddenly. | aningthi-ningthi | becoming very angry | kÒnglÒng-pi-bup. | rolling-down killed. | nÀng-bisar-lo: | made an enquiry: | pithi-lÒtlo?” | has killed?” | kÒnglÒng-bup,” | rolled down on him,” | arju-dÀmlo: | he summoned to answer: | kÒnglÒng-bup?” | did roll down upon?” | HÈmphu-arnÀm-recho, | Lord-God-King, | kÒnglÒng-bup-be-ji? | to roll down-not was I? | helÀng-phlut-le | torn up suddenly having, | ne-ri ave, | (to) me hands are not, | ne-kÈng ave, | (to) me legs are not, | cher-chÀk-thÈk-ji? | withstand could I? | NÀng-sopo | Your honourable son | kekÒnglÒng a-tovar | rolling down-path | kÒnglÒng-bup-lo-te.” | rolled down upon him accordingly.” | la-ÀnsÈt bÒn-he”— | that so much (trouble) caused”— | kopi-apÒt | for what reason | helÀng-phlut?” | tore up suddenly?” | helÀng-phlut-phle-ji, | was to help tearing it up, | ne-kelut-thÒt-si, | having entered into, | thÈk-the-dÈt-lo-le, | having lost control of me, | helÀng-phlut.” | tore up suddenly.” | bÒn-he” | (trouble) caused” | ingnar a-no | elephant’s ear | kopi-apÒt | for what reason | nÀng lut-thÒt?” | did you enter?” | lut-le-ji? | was I not to enter? | lobÒng | the plantain-stalk | kesÀp-rai-le, | falling on having broken, | oi-Òng, | being very disturbed, | ingnar a-no | elephant’s ear | la lobÒng | that plantain-stalk, | Ànpin bÒn-he”— | so much (trouble) caused”— | arju-dÀm-lo. | he summoned. | kopi-apÒt | for what reason | sÀp-rai?” | fell upon and broke?” | sÀp-rai-re-ji, | was not to fall and break, | PhÀk-belÈng-pi-si | The wild boar | kathimur-phÀk-le: | rooted me up suddenly: | thimur-phÀk-lo-te | having been rooted up, | kave-dÈt-lo-le: | none had at all: | karjÀp thÈk-ji-lÀng? | standing-up was to be able to continue? | kali-dÈt-le.” | not-at-all there is.” | Àn-pin bon-he,” | all the (trouble) caused,” | Recho pulo. | the King said. | Ànsi phak-aphÀn | So the pig (accus.) | arju-dÀm-lo. | he summoned. | “O phÀk phÀk! | “O pig, pig! | pi-apÒt nÀng | for what reason you | thimur-phÀk”? | rooted up”? | thimur-phÀk-phe-ji? | could help rooting it up? | chopÀn-vÈk, | was feeding, grazing, | keklo-dÀp-le: | came tumbling down: | keso-Òng | being in great pain | lobÒng thimur-phÀk.” | the plantain rooted up.” | Àn-pin bÒn-he” | all this (trouble) caused,” | “O hÀnthar hÀnthar! | “O gourd, gourd! | phÀk-belÈng-pi | reason the wild boar | klo-dup-de-ji, | could help falling? | ne-kerÒt-pÈt-le, | having cut through, | ne-ri, ne-kÈng | to me hand, to me foot | le-kedo kali-dÈt, | there-not-existing, | ne rÒt-pÈt-lo-te, | to me is cut through, | klo-nÀng-po. | must necessarily fall. | PhÀk-belÈng-pi | The wild boar | keklo-nÀng-dup.” | falling became necessary.” | pu-le-lo—“Mai! | said again—“Oh! | kopi-apÒt | for what reason | rÒt-re-ji, | not to cut it, | chÒn-rai-le. | (on) jumping broke. | ave-dÈt-lo: | did not remain: | arju-dÀm-lo. | he summoned. | kopi-apÒt | for what reason | karle a-dÒn | the squirrel’s ladder | chÒn-rai?” | jumping on broke?” | chÒn-rai-re-ji? | was to help jumping on and breaking? | Miso-rÒng-po-si | The big black ant | la keso-Òng-si | that pain-great-from | karle-adÒn-bo-po | squirrel’s ladder (honorific) | chini-ne-dÈt-si chÒn-rai-te.” | not knowingly jumped upon and broke.” | chÒngholoso-a-mi | the frog’s loins | kÒr-rÀk?” | bite severely?” | kÒr-rÀk-re-ji? | was to help biting him? | che-thÒn-dÀm-lo: | I was going along carrying: | ingni-thip. | sitting down blocked. | ‘ne-rum-le lut-nÒn’ | ‘me underneath creep’ | lut-thÒt-lo: | crept under him: | ne-thÀk ne ingni-thip; | on the top of me sat down tight; | chujÈng-pÈn | hair of head-with | kÒk-chÈk-lo: | they tied-firmly: | a-vÀm chÈng-jÀn. | his-waist is very slender. | tarme-lÀng-bÒng-pÈn | a blistering creeper-with | sÀp-phrÀt-phrÀt; | they soundly thrashed; | phrÒk-se-nÒk-tÒk. | he is speckled all over. | This simple and direct narrative, easy of analysis, affords an excellent illustration of the mechanism of Mikir speech. First, we observe that the indication of time is put at the beginning of the sentence: arni-si, “one day”; adÀp, “in the morning.” Then follows the subject, then the object, and last the verb, with all its qualifications. The most frequent conjunction is Ànsi, “and, so,” which appears to be made up of Àn, the particle indicating quantity, and si, the particle indicating locality, used also for the conjunctive participle; the meaning would then be—“so much having passed (what follows comes next).” Àn-ke, Àn-le and Àn-lo have the same force. For the tenses we find the usual suffixes, -lo, -dÈt, for the narrative past, -po for the present-future, and -ji for the future. In the narrative a much-used auxiliary is -le, which means “having arrived.” The passage is remarkable for the number of cases in which, no ambiguity being possible, the tense-particle is omitted, and the past is expressed by the bare root, without, or more commonly with, an adverbial supplement. Thus, we have pulo, pudÈt, and pu for “said”; ingni-thip, “he sat down and blocked,” kÒr-rÀk, “bit severely,” chÒn-rai, “jumped upon and broke,” rÒt-pÈt, “cut in two,” klo-dup, “fell plump,” thimur-phÀk, “rooted up,” sÀp-rai, “struck and broke,” lut-thÒt, “entered,” helÀng-phlut, “tore up suddenly,” pi-bup, “killed by tumbling on him,” chÒ-pÀn-vÈk, “was feeding, grazing,” sÀp-phrÀt-phrÀt, “beat soundly.” Then, we notice that the great majority of these cases are examples of roots qualified by the addition of a particle which, while not used separately by itself, gives energy and definiteness to the verbal root; this method of heightening the force of verbs is a great characteristic of Mikir diction, and is at once the chief beauty and the chief difficulty (to a foreigner) of the language. The adverbial particles so used are very numerous, but they are appropriated to particular verbal roots, and if they were wrongly applied the result would be nonsense. Thus, the particle lÒt is used with three verbs only, thi, “die,” i, “lie down,” and jÀng “close the eyes,” and always precedes the verbal suffixes with these roots: it cannot be used with any other. ThÒt, again, always occurs with lut, “to enter,” jÒk and var, “to throw.” Bup conveys the idea of a sudden blow or fall, and is used with verbs of falling or striking. DÀp and dup seem to have much the same force. PÈt, koi, klip are particles used to indicate completeness; lut-pÈt-lo, “all have gone in,” rÒt-pÈt-lo, “he cut through,” cho-koi-lo, “he ate up,” thu-koi-lo, “he killed them all,” cho-klip-lo, “he devoured them.” Several of these auxiliary particles seem to be onomatopoetic. Much resembling the use of these particles are the cases in which verbal roots are combined together to form a single expression. Thus, in our story, thÒn-dÀm-lo “he carrying went”; do-kÒk-le “remaining tied-up”; ingni-dun-chÈt-lo “he sat down suddenly (chÈt) when the ant was passing (dun)” (dun means “to be with,” and is constantly used as an auxiliary, but can also be employed alone in the sense “to go with”); arju-dÀm-lo “he summoned to answer”; ne klo-nÀng-po “I must necessarily fall” (nÀng, verb of necessity). The story gives a number of examples of the remarkable Mikir negative verb: pÈk-pe, “did not give way (pÈk)”; dÀm-de, “did not go”; pi ne kÒnglÒng-bup-be-ji, “how was I not to roll down upon him and smash him?” where the negative syllable be borrows the initial consonant of the qualifying particle bup; similarly, helÀng-phlut-phle “not suddenly root up”; sÀp-rai-re “not strike and break”; chÒn-rai-re “not jump upon and break”; chini-ne-dÈt-si “not knowing” (where chini is a loan-word from Assamese). As regards vocabulary, tha in ne-pÈk-tha is the imperative particle: another such particle (rarely occurring) is te in ne lut-thÒt-ra dÀm-te; ra is used as the suffix of the conjunctive participle in a string of imperatives. HÒr in dÀm-hÒr-le indicates plurality: “every one has to pass under me”; other such particles are jo and jÀm. Ta in chÒngho-ta and miso-ta gives definiteness and emphasis; so also ke in ne-ke, &c. Sarpo in karle sarpo means “big chief”: po is a syllable added to give honour and dignity. Notice intensiveness indicated by reduplication in aningthi-ningthi, “very angry”; ning-thi, angry, is made up of ning, mind, and thi to be vexed (also to die). HÀnthar: see note on p. 46. RÒt-pÈt means to cut down a slender stem or twig by drawing a knife across it: pi-pÈt to cut down a thick trunk of a tree; rÒt is used for drawing a bow across a fiddle in kum-kirÒt “fiddle-scraping.” BelÈng means a shovel or tray for winnowing rice; phÀk-belÈng-pi is a wild pig, because he roots about in the earth with his snout like a shovel; -pi is a syllable used to form augmentatives, as -so indicates a diminutive. Bisar, to hold a judicial inquiry, is Assamese. HÈmphu, “owner,” the God Mikirs belong to. Vo-arbipi, “a small bird, the size of a sparrow” (not the sparrow itself, which in Mikir is vo-puru). Ne chopÀn-vÈk, “I was grazing”; chopÀn is used of feeding for animals only; vÈk (or vÈk-vÈk) is a particle indicating continuance. MamÀtsi is used of some sudden and unpleasant interruption: klÈm-vÈk-vÈk mamÀtsi thi-lo, “he died suddenly as he was working”; ne Àn cho-vÈk mamÀtsi ne chÒk-dÈt, “he beat me while I was eating.” Notice, finally, nÒn, the particle most often used to indicate a strong imperative, here in its original sense of “now”; in this meaning it is usually emphasised by adding ke or le, nÒnke, nÒnle. achÈkle-mar | (woman’s) brothers (plural) | arni-kÀngsÀm | in the cool of the day (evening) | a-Òngmar-atum | his maternal uncles | jÀngreso-aphÀn | the orphan (accus.) | cho-du-dÀm-nÀng.” | set up-go-let-us.” | kÒrte bÀng-therÒk-ke | the brothers persons-six, | me-sÈn-si | having well built | phÀng-o-phÀng-a-si | carelessly, disorderly, | nÀng-che-voi-lo. | returned. | che-vÀt-dÀm-lo. | went to inspect. | kepÀt-peme-ta, | well-built though, | chikung-chikÀng-ta | one cray-fish even | che-var-thÒt-the; | had not thrown itself into it; | jÀngreso a-ru | the orphan’s trap | pÀt-dÀm-thu-nÒn.” | go and set your dam again.” | a-Òng-mar-atum | his uncles | pÀt-dÀm-thu-lo; | again built his dam; | lapu-thÀk-thÀk, | just that same way, | Òk-ejÒn-nÀt-ta | one single fish even | jÀng-thÒt-the, | did not hold, | plÈngsÈt-plÈngsÈt. | was quite full. | adÀp-vÀng-ta | morning-every | che-rai-ver-lo. | took for themselves continually. | selÈt-Òng-si, | becoming very weary, | du-tekÀng-ke-dÈtsi, | not setting up at all, | jÀngreso-aphÀn | to the orphan | nÀng-hÀng-lo: | called out: | ru chevÀt-dÀm-le-lo-nÀng.” | our traps let us go again and visit.” | du-tekÀng-ke; | I have not even set up; | nÀnglitum-ari | (as) your companion | nÀng-dun-ji,” | I will go with you,” | pusi dun-lo. | so saying he went with them. | che-lÀng-dÀmlo. | he went to look at. | chainÒng-aso-ta | a cow’s child (a calf) | matha-thÈk-the jadi-thÈk-the, | as could not be imagined (doublet) | nei-bÒt Àn-pin. | very sleek so greatly. | lÀng-un-e-si | to look at-being unable (through envy) | thu-pÈt-lo. | killed (entirely). | patu-dÀm-joi-lo. | hid it quietly. | jÀngreso: | the orphan (said): | chainÒng-a-Òk | cow’s flesh (of) | angnim-hai-Òng-he!” | smells strongly!” | bamÒn-po | the big brahman, | aningthi-si | becoming angry, | “TÈke nÀng-kÒrdut-pi a-oso! | “Tiger-bitten boy! | achainÒng-a-Òksi | cow’s flesh | thÈk-ser-ma-si: | must be able to: | thÈkthe-le | you cannot-if, | nÀng-Èn-ji.” | I will take here.” | Ri-phÀng-o-phÀng-a-si, | searching carelessly, | kapatu-alÒng | hiding-place (to) | vung-dÀm-phlut | pull out suddenly | nÀng pu-lo-he!” | told you so!” | bamÒn po— | the big brahman— | “BÀng-kaprÈk-atum | “people other (plur.) | vÀng-thÈk-dun-te, | come-see-together-if, | virdÈt-ji” | will be destroyed” | jÀngreso-aphÀn | the orphan-to | po-arnÀm-po! | my good sir! | thÀn-ri-nÒn! | do not tell! | mÀntung-isi | a cloth-full-one | che-le-lo, | his he arrived, | hÀng-dÀm-tha.” | go-ask-for.” | hÀng-dÀm-lo: | asked for it: | ‘tÒn tÀngho.’” | ‘a basket I want’” | tÒn nÀng-lo-lo. | a basket they sent. | tÒn pisi | the basket having given | che-pu-lo— | said among themselves— | kÀnghoi-i-ji-ne? | is to do with? | lÀng-dun-tÒn-tha— | go and peep (imper.)— | akibi-abÀng | their youngest one | nÀng-lÀng-dun-tÒn-lo, | there went and watched, | hotÒn-pÈn | the basket-with | nÀng-thÈk-dun-lo. | there he saw. | nÀng-kelÀng-dun-tÒn-abÀng | there-the-one-who-had-watched-person | che-voi-si, | his having returned to, | kelÒng-dÀm-lo-ne? | get-did he (all this money)? | tÈng-tÀng-dÈt | measuring-finished-having | nÀng-pu-dun-lo | there said to her | nÀng-toi-th?.” | here send.” | nÀng-che-l?-s? | having arrived | ?s?p?-?phÀn che-pulo— | her son to said— | “NÀng Òng-?tum kipu | “Your uncles say | ‘VÀng-th?-tu tÀngh? | ‘Come here, we want you, | “ChainÒng-?-Òk | “Cow’s flesh (of) | nÀngl?-tum-n?-kith?-p?-pÈt | (by) you my killed-entirely | mÈk-?-vur-kelÒng-?tum | eye disease who had got people | jÀngr?s?-?phÀn | The orphan-to | ‘chi-h?-nÒn-tu-m??’ | “shall we apply it now?” | pu hÀng-lo. | saying called out. | pu-bÒm-s? | saying having continued, | h? h?loving | to a distance | “nÀng-ph?-dun-un-?-lo” | “here reach to me they cannot” | “bÀp chi-h?-nÒn” | “the medicine rub in now” | nÀng-hÀng-lo. | there called out. | mÈk-kes?-?tum | eyes the sufferers from pain | jÀngr?s?-kevÀn-?ph?l? | orphan-brought-ashes | k?chi-h?-pÈn-?p?r?, | applying from at once | m?th?-thÈk-th? | it cannot be imagined | j?di thÈk-th?: | (doublet): | chekei-dÀm-po-nÀng.” | having applied let us go.” | chekei-dÀm-s?, | their having-set-to, | ?bÀng-phu-t? | each individually | bah?r-un-tik bah?r-un-tik | as much as he could carry | thÀn-dun-l?-lo: | explained to them again: | “H? mÈk-kes?-?rÒng-l? | “To that eye-sore-village up to | h? rÒng-?-kung | that distant village near | l?-lo-t?, | when you arrive, | Èn-j?-m??’ | will you take?’ | pur?-punÒn.” | saying say.” | kÒrt?-bÀng-therÒk | brothers six | mÈk-kes?-?tum | sore eyed people’s | pÀng-l?-lo, | near arrived, | ?rju-lo—“Ph?l? | asked—“Ashes | Èn-j?-m??” | will you take?” | mÈk-kes?-Àtum | the people with sore eyes | “VÀn-th?” | “Bring it here” | pu nÀng-hÀng-lo; | saying called out; | ingchin-?r?-pÈn | the iron cage-with | v?r-chu? inghoilo. | throw into water (him) they did. | jÀngr?s?-?-Òngm?r | the orphan’s uncles | kÒrt?-bÀng-therÒk | brothers six | chi-pu-lo— | said one to the other— | che-voi-lo. | they returned. | r?ch?-?s?p? | the King’s son’s | che-pindÈng | having put on, | m?th?-thÈk-th? | inconceivably, | j?d?-thÈk-th?-dÈt | unimaginably, | thÈk-dÀm-th?-l?-lo! | they saw again on arrival! | chi-pu-l?-lo— | said among themselves again— | k?cheph?-ph? ?pÒts?, | not having met together on account of, | k?cheph?-l?-m??” | have they not met at last?” | jÀngr?s?-?phÀn | the orphan (accus.) | nÀng-?rju-th?-l?-lo— | asked again there— | vÀng-v?-rÈk-m??” | have not come by this time?” | “VÀng-dÀp-prÀng-po.” | “They will come to-morrow morning.” | jÀngr?s?-?phÀn | the orphan (accus.) | ?rju-dÀm-th?-l?-lo— | asked again— | kopi-?pÒts? | for what reason | vÀng-v?-dÈt-m??” | have not come?” | “NÒksÈk-l? | “In the nÒksÈk | dÈng-p?-?k-krei-nÒn.” | set on (honorific) for each.” | Here we have a narrative of a more complex character than that of the first story, with a richer vocabulary, and abounding in the descriptive adverbial particles which are the main feature of the language.JÀngre, orphan: so is a diminutive particle. JÀngre indicates that one parent is dead; jÀngrÈng is used when neither survives. Inut, a loan-word from the Khasi ngut, used for the enumeration of persons: in Mikir initial ng is inadmissible. HÈm-epi, widow, literally, “sole mistress of the house” (hÈm); the syllable e is perhaps a thinning down of a; pi is the feminine affix, here of dignity. AchÈklÈ, brother, used only by a woman speaking of her brothers; ik is used by both sexes; mar, collective particle, used to form plurals: often atum is added; kÒrte, brother; both kÒr and te separately may be used for either brother or sister; bÀng, the class-word used for human beings before numerals. Do, a verb meaning to stay, dwell, exist; specially, it has the meaning “to live with as a wife,” and is the correlative of Èn, “to take (to wife).” Arni-kÀngsÀm, “day-becoming-cool-time,” the late afternoon. As is natural where there are no clocks, the divisions of the day are marked by other means than the count of hours. Arni is a day (or sun), regarded without reference to the lapse of time = French jour; anerlo is a day’s space = journÉe. Similarly, ajo is a night, jirlo a night’s space. The first indication of coming day is vo-khu e-the, “first cock-crow”; then follows vo-khu the-ni, “second cock-crow,” and vo-khu the-thÒm, “third cock-crow”; then the-Àng prinpre-le, “just before dawn”; then adÀp kÀng-thÀng, dawn (adÀp, general word for morning); then nerlo-chitim, “day-middle,” noon; then arni the-lelo, “the sun at its height”; then arni-kÀngsÀm, “the sun becoming cool,” afternoon; then ingting lim-rim, or ingting-rim, dusk. Then begins ajo, night, when the evening meal is taken, after which soon comes the first sleep, Àn-cho mÈk-bur, “rice-having-eaten eye-close”; then jirlo chitim, midnight. NÀng-, a particle used, prefixed to verbs, to give vividness, is really the pronoun of the 2nd person singular, emphasis being given by referring the verb to the person addressed. NÀng at the end of the phrase is the verb of necessity = must; it often means “let us do this or that.” PÀt, as a noun, is a stone dam or fence, put across a stream with an opening in the middle in which the bamboo cage or fish-trap, ru, is placed; as a verb, it means to build such a dam or fence; du means to place a thing so that it will catch or intercept something else. LÀng, water, stream: lÀng-thÀk up-stream, lang-ber down-stream. Che- prefixed to verbs gives them a reflexive meaning, and indicates that the action relates to the subject; hÈm che-voi-lo, “he went home, to his own house”; che-pu-lo, “they said to one another”; ru che-vÀt-dÀm-lo, “they went to inspect their own fish-trap.” Chikung, a cray-fish; chikÀng is an imitative sequent; similarly phÀng-o, carelessly, is followed by phÀng-a. JÀng, as a verb, means to fill up, or, of the containing vessel, to hold—Òk-kejang a-ru, “fish-to-hold-trap.” Notice that Òk means both fish and flesh; alone, it has usually the former meaning, or that of game, animals hunted; when joined to the name of an animal, the latter: chainÒng-a-Òk, beef; phÀk-a-Òk, pork; bi-a-Òk, goat’s flesh. TÈng and plÈng both mean to be full: sÈt is a particle added to strengthen the verb, taking the place of the tense-affix. AdÀp-vÀng, “every morning”; literally, “as (each) morning came.” Che-rai-ver-lo; here che- is the reflexive particle, rai a verb, to occupy, take up, ver a particle indicating continuance, lo the tense-affix; the whole therefore means “they kept on taking up for themselves.” Du-tekÀng-ke-dÈt-si; du, verb, to place, set; tekÀng, a verb, to leave, depart; ke, negative syllable, reduplicated from last syllable of tekÀng, dÈt, particle of past time, si affix of conjunctive participle; the whole therefore means “not having placed and left,” “without setting up at all.” EjÒn: jÒn is the class word for animals, as bÀng is for persons, used with numerals; e- is the prefix for “one”; the other numerals follow—phÀk jÒn-ni, jÒn-thÒm, two, three pigs. Matha thÈk-the: matha, verb, to think, imagine; thÈk, verb, to be able (also to see); the negative affix: the whole therefore means “as could not be imagined”; jadi-thÈk-the is a doublet of the same meaning. Àn-pin: Àn, particle of quantity; pin up to; also tik; Àn-pin or Àn-tik therefore means “to such a degree.” AkÈng e-hÒng: a its (the calf’s), kÈng, leg, e-, one (as before), hÒng class-word for enumerating parts of the body; ha, particle indicating distance; La, this, ha-la, that: la-dÀk, here, ha-dÀk, there. TÈke-nÀng-kÒrdut-pi a-oso: tÈke, “tiger”; nÀng, particle of vividness, or, possibly, “you”; kÒr, verb, to bite, dut, particle strengthening the verb and dispensing with tense-affix, pi syllable used in abuse, a- syllable of relation, oso boy: the substantive being put last indicates that the verb is to be taken passively: “you tiger-bitten scoundrel of a boy!” As the Mikirs consider that to be eaten by a tiger is conclusive evidence of the wickedness of the victim, the phrase is equivalent to “you wicked wretch of a boy!” NÀng peklÀng thÈk-ser ma-si: nÀng, “you,” klÀng, verb, “to see, observe”; pe-, causative particle, so that peklÀng means “to show, to produce”; thÈk, verb, to be able, ser strengthening particle, “fully”; ma, syllable used for direct or indirect questions: doji-ma? “will you marry me?” NÀng peso Èn-tÀng-ma? “have you taken a wife?”; then, for alternatives, do-ji-ma do-de-ma? “will you marry him or not?”; and lastly, as here, “if you are not able to produce—then,” etc.; si, affix of conjunctive participle, properly a locative particle. Dei, “very good,” a loan-word from Khasi. TÀng-te, “then,”—properly “not having finished”; tÀng is the verb meaning to be ended, completed, te the negative syllable. Vung-dÀm-phlut inghoi-lo. This periphrastic construction, in which inghoi, to do, is used to strengthen the verb, seems to be borrowed from Assamese; many examples occur further on. Po-arnÀm-po! a honorific form of address; po, literally, “father,” but used also of a son (cf. the Hindustani baba) arnÀm, God (Ass. deuta), po, big, honourable. For a girl the corresponding phrase is pe-arnÀm-pi. DohÒn, Assamese dhÒn (dhan), wealth, money; notice that the dh is resolved by the insertion of a vowel; similarly, further on, bahar occurs for bhar (Ass.), a load; neither dh nor bh is used in purely Mikir words. TÒn, hotÒn, one of the numerous words for basket. TÀng-ho, a word used by a messenger to express the wish of him who sent him to ask for something: not used in other phrases. TÒn pi kÀnghoi-i-ji-ne “the basket for the purpose of doing what is?” Pi, what, kÀnghoi, infinitive, to do, -i syllable added to indicate purpose, ji affix of future, ne, particle of enquiry, an Assamese loan-word. LÀng-dun-tÒn-tha: lÀng, verb, to look, dun, verb, to go with, to be with, tÒn, verb, to peep, pry, tha, imperative particle. TÈng, to measure, with a vessel of known contents; originally, to fill (see above, tÈngsÈt = plÈngsÈt). KonÀt-tÒng kelÒng-dÀm-lo-ne: konÀt, where: tÒng, a particle expressing uncertainty: “where on earth did he get it”? Sai-se “in order to”; “he really (chinÀm) has to use a basket in order to measure this mass of money!” ThÒn, to return a thing borrowed. VÀng-tha-tu tÀng-ho-po: notice the use of po, father, as a respectful address, by the mother to her son; so also the uncles address their nephew respectfully with nÀng-li. NÀngli-tum-ne-kithu-pi-pÈt achainÒng: notice the string of descriptive words prefixed adjectivally to the noun: this is an excellent example of the manner in which Mikir deals with what in English would be a relative sentence—“the cow of mine which you put to death by cutting her up”; literally, “by-you-my-killed-and-cut-up cow.” Thu, to kill by cutting; pi, here a verb meaning to cut a large mass (see note to preceding story, p. 94); pÈt adverbial supplement indicating completeness. ChetÀng-te, “It is not enough”: che, reflexive particle, tÀng, verb, to complete, finish; te, negative: literally, “it does not finish our business, it does not do all we want.” Che-hÀng-jo: hÀng, to call out, summon; che, as before, indicates that they all called out together; jo is one of the particles used to indicate plurality; others (which will be found further on) are jÀm and krei. LÀng, an auxiliary verb which seems to indicate continuousness, to go on being or doing. Observe that -te is used to indicate the two parts of a conditional sentence: chainÒng a-Òk jÒr-dÀm-te, Èn-ji lÀng-te “if we go selling cow’s flesh, they will go on taking it.” In chainÒng-do-o-para, o is a syllable indicating multitude, perhaps another form of Òng; para is a loan-word from Assamese. AbÀng-phu, “each one”; also abÀng-phu-isi (used further on); phu means “head,” isi “one”; the latter is used in bamÒn-po-rÒng-isi in the sense of “the whole,” “as one man.” A-ri-kÒk-krei-si: a-ri “their hands,” kÒk, verb, “to tie with a noose,” krei, particle of plurality. Katirva, “to offer for sale,” a loan-word from Khasi (tyrwa). E-ke-chobei, “us he has cheated,” e- is the pronoun of the first person plural including the person addressed. Notice the doublets—echainÒng ehaidi “our cattle,” erÈng e-hu, “our skins” (hu, “hide, bark of a tree”), and observe how e- is prefixed to each part of the sentence. Atum chibusi: tum is here a bamboo basket in which to carry a load on the back; bu, “to plait or weave.” HÈm me-kecho “the house that had been eaten (cho) by fire (me)”; hum, to pick up, collect. Phelo means both “ashes” and “cotton.” Arju-lÒng-si, “having got (lÒng) to hear (arju).” Arju means both “to hear” and “to ask.” Chi-hi-ri-tha, chi reflexive particle; hi, verb, “to rub in”; ri particle for the negative imperative, “do not”; tha, ordinary imperative affix, which may be dispensed with when the negative particle is used. Tha! “wait”! loan-word from Assamese. TÀn-mu-chÒt: mu is the comparative particle, “more,” chÒt is the constant suffix to mu; tÀn, a verb, to be severe, burdensome. Chu-aphÀn, “than last time:” aphÀn is the postposition of comparison = “than.” LÒng-dÀm-o-lo “have you got so much more”: o is, as before,the particle of multitude. KedÒr-de: dÒr, “to suffice, be enough”; de negative syllable; hÀng-jo, “they cried in crowds” (jo, particle of plurality). Ong-e-dÈt; Òng “much,” particle of quantity; e, negative; dÈt tense-suffix. The-dung “big”; ke-the great, dung particle; on its addition the ke- is dropped. Habit, “in the jungle,” locative of Assamese habi, forest. It is noticeable that many, if not most, Assamese nouns borrowed by Mikir are taken over in the locative case (of which the final t is the proper ending in Assamese), as here: thus dÈt, “country” = Ass. deh; munit, “man” = Ass., muni; nÒrokÒt, hell = Ass. nÒrÒk. Konane “some one or other,” Ass. loan-word. Keme-pu “she is so lovely!” me, “to be fair, beautiful,” pu, literally, “saying.” Èn-tu: here Èn, “take,” has the special sense of “take to wife, marry” (see what is said of do, ante, p. 95); tu, one of the signs of the imperative mood, is perhaps borrowed from the Khasi to. BÒnta, “but,” perhaps a Khasi loan-word. Àn-helo-ma, a difficult expression to translate: Àn “so much,” particle of quantity; helo “far”; ma particle of questioning; it might be rendered “how are you getting on?” literally “thus-far-what”? But it is also used in the answer to the question: Àn-helo there seems to mean “all right”—“so far so good.” To-tÀngte; to is a Khasi loan-word: in that language it is used in answer to a question to express assent = “very well.” Var-chui, “to throw into water,” “drown”: so also nim-chui. It seems possible that chui here may be an old word for water, corresponding to the Tibetan chhu. Che-pindÈng “having put on himself”: pindÈng, “to put on,” is an Assamese loan-word. Kithi-ji kali: the use of ji, the particle of the future, seems anomalous here: possibly the phrase means “he is not going to die, not looking as if he were going to die;” kali is the emphatic separate negative. Dola, “a palanquin,” Ass. loan-word. Ke-pha-dun-par: pha, verb, to send a message: dun, verb, to be with: par intensive particle, “urgently.” NÀngkelo “they have sent”: lo is a verb, “to send a thing,” while toi means “to send a person.” Ser, gold; it is remarkable that the Tibetan word (gser, pronounced ser) is used for this object of culture both in Khasi (ksiar) and Mikir, and not the Assamese (son, hon); for silver, on the other hand, the Aryan rup is in general use. Lut-dÀm-ik-nÒn; lut, verb, “enter,” dÀm, verb, “go”; ik, honorific address = “elder brother” (though he is speaking to his maternal uncles); nÒn imperative particle. Note the doubling of the verb rÀk-dun-hÈt-lo to indicate repetition of the action in the case of each person. NÒksÈk-le. The nÒksÈk (see plan of Mikir house at p. 8) is the part of the house where the food (Àn, cooked rice) is placed as an offering to the Manes. DÈng, “to place a share, leave a share”; pi “give”; ik honorific (as above); krei particle of multitude = “for each one.” MÒn-duk-lo, Assamese loan-words (mon, mind, heart, dukh, grief). LÀng-un-e-abÀng “a person who cannot (un-e) look on (lÀng) another (for envy).” kÒrte bÀng-therÒk, | his brothers (were) six persons, | akibi-si | the youngest (being) | Harata Kun?war. | Harata Kunwar. | AmehÀng-kethÈk-pÈn-apara | From the time of his birth | tiki-ke inghoi-he; | he never did any field-work; | bÀng-phÒngo-ke | the five of them, | sai-katiki. | laboured in the fields. | kÒrte bÀng-phÒngo | the five brothers, | a-po-pÈn bÀng-therÒk | with their father six persons, | chingvai-lo: | took counsel together: | tiki-ke inghoi-he | doing no work | chingvai-nÒn.” | take counsel together.” | chingvai-lo. | they took counsel. | aklÈng-aphÀn | eldest (accus.) | ne-hi-po?” | me-will-supply?” | “Ne-pu-tÀngte | “As for me, | do-ji; | will hold assembly; | bÀng-kevÀn | by people brought | ahÒr-ahÀn-pÈn-si | the rice-beer-from | ne-hi-po?” | me will supply?” | “Ne-pu-tÀngte | “As for me, | nÀng-kethip-atum | there made by me | kevÀn | brought (i.e. procured) | arÀk-chidhir | spirit (doublet) | nÀng-piji.” | you I will give.” | adÀk-vÀm adunke, | the second next to, | ne-hi-po?” | will you supply me?” | “Ne-pu-tÀngte | “As for me, | sai-tiki-si | field-work-doing | pelÒng-si | having got together | nang-piji.” | you I will give.” | “NÀng adÀkvÀm | “You the second | le-thÒt-ke, | coming after, | nehipo?” | will you supply me?” | bÀng-ahÈm | (other) person’s | do-dun-si, | house inhabiting as a companion, | nÀng pipo.” | you I will give.” | adÀkvÀm-adun-le-thÒt-ke | the second next coming after, | nehipo?” | will you supply?” | “Ne-pu-tÀngte | “As for me, | bÀng-abÀn | another person’s slave | Harata-Kunwar-ke, | Harata-Kunwar, | ne-hipo?” | me will you supply?” | pÀngni-si | having caused to sit | bÀn-sÒt-atum | slaves and maids | nÀng-pechÀm-si, | having caused to wash, | nÀng-p?-j?.” | you I will give.” | chingvai-tÀnglo. | they finished consulting together. | sai-tiki-?lÒng, | cultivation-place-in, | Harata-Kunwar | Harata-Kunwar | ?bÀng-k?v?-?ph?, | not being there, | kÒrt? bÀng-phÒng? | brothers five, | bÀng-therÒk | father persons-six, | chingvai-th?-voi-phÀk-lo. | began to consult together again. | Harata-Kunwar | Harata-Kunwar | peth?-lÒt-lo-nÀng. | kill let us (him). | chingvai-th? | let us consult | s?-nÀng.” | together again.” | Àn-ch?dÈt | rice having eaten | chingvai-lo, | consulted together, | n?-nÀngkev?r | my-here-throwing | kith?-lo.” | shall be dead.” | ?rn?-kÀngsÀm ?pÒr | day-becoming cool-time | nÀng-che-voi-lo, | there returned, | ch?-koi-lo; | are eating up; | naidung-?hoi | clearing-on border | nÀng-k?m-p?-koi-lo.” | have finished building.” | Àn-ch?-dÈt | rice having eaten | che-pÒn-s? | taking with him | lik-pÒn-s? | having gathered, | phingu-?-Òp-pÈn | plantain-sheath-in | “Ai t?p?! | “O sister-in-law! | nÀng-do-dun | remain with you | kÒrt?-?pÒk | my brothers own | ?-p?-?pÒk-t? | our father own even | n? ?rlÈn-thurÒng; | me aim at (plur.); | n?-pejÀng-j?-s? | me to slay | m?th?-thurÒng. | they are plotting (plur.). | chÒngv?r-po. | will go a-wandering. | sÀngph?r-l? | parched rice also | sik-p?-nÒn.” | preparing give.” | ?t?p? | to his sister-in-law | pu-tekÀng-lo— | he said on leaving— | th?-dÀm-d? | do no kedÀm-ma-kedÀm, | went along, | hÈm-epi ahÈm | the widow’s house (at) | nÀng bÀng-do?” | are you there?” | nÀng-thÀk-dÈt | there answered | “KomÀt-ma? | “Who is there? | ne-dÒn ne-rÀp | to me kith and kin | avedÈt-pile: | there is not any: | “kopi-kevÀng-ma, | “Why have you come, | cho-hÀng chorÈk-chÒt-si | food-begging (doublet) only (from) | kevÀng-lo?” | have you come?” | nÀng-do-dun-po.” | I will remain here as a companion.” | recho-athÈng | fit-to-be-a-king, | kethe-athÈng le, | fit-to-be-a-great-man are, | nÀng-kedo-dun-thÈk-ji ma?” | can keep me company?” | nÀng-do-dun-po.” | here I will stay.” | do-dun-lo | he stayed with her | te-dun-nÒn; | spread out to dry; | recho-arÒng | in the king’s village | rÈk-dÀm-po. | to beg am going. | te-dÈt | you have spread out, | lÀng-chinglu | in the stream bathe | dÀm-ji-sÈt-ta, | to go if want, | sÒk-te-dÈt | paddy having spread out | recho-arÒng | to king’s village | harlo-dun-lÒtsi | having turned it over frequently | palÒm-pÈt | in a very short time | pe-rÈng-dÈt-si | having thoroughly dried it | oi-si | having collected together | chinglu-dÀm-lo. | he went to bathe. | matha-voi-phÀk— | thought again— | “kopi-apÒtsi | “for what reason | ne-kepu-tekÀng-lo-ma? | me telling went away? | nÀng-lÀng-dÀm-ji-lÀng,” | I will go and see for myself,” | thÈk-dÀm-lo. | he, going, saw. | “O lasi | “Oh, that was why | ‘lÀngthÀk dÀm-ri’ | ‘up-stream go not’ | ne-ke pu-tekÀng-le. | told me when she went away. | nÈng-arju-ji, | I will ask her, | nÀng-chevoilo. | he returned. | hÈm-epi-ta | the widow-also | recho-arÒng-pen | king’s village-from | arni-kÀngsÀm | in the afternoon | Àn-cho-dÈt | rice having eaten | a-lÀnghe ma, | watering-place is it, | kepu-tekÀng: | told at parting: | arju-je-dÈt-si | not hearing (obeying) | nÀng lÀngthÀk | there up-stream | dÀm avi-le?” | went surely?” | “DÀm-te-ma, | “Yes, I did go, | ne-thÀn-tha, | explain to me, | a-lÀnghe; | watering place; | kÒrte bÀng-therÒk, | sisters six, | lÀng-nÀng-kachinglu-adim: | in the water bathing-place (it is): | matha-voiphÀk— | considered again— | dÀm-ri-thu | ‘go not again’ | nÀng-dÀm-thu-ji-lÀng.” | there going again I will continue.” | dÀm-thu-lo. | he went again. | LÀng-kung | River bank (under) | chipatu-joi-si | hiding himself quietly, | arju-ver-si | continuing to ask, | ke-Èn-ji-pÈt-tÀngte, | are-bent-on-wedding-one-if, | la lÀng-kung-le | that river-bank-on | pÀn-dÀm-nÒn.” | to clear go.” | “Me-Òng-chÒt-lo, | “Very good, | menÀp-pÈn-apara | to-morrow-from | pÀn-dÀm-po.” | I will go and clear it.” | lÀng-ding: | he continued to watch: | ing-thÀnglo. | dawned fully. | che-pÒn-si | taking with him | arni-si-pÈt | in one day only | pÀn-dÈt | he cleared it fully | kecho puke, | it (the fire) ate it up so quickly, | aphu-thÀk-ta | over and above also | mir phÈk-e, | (name of a flower), | nÀng-chinglu-lelo: | there-to bathe-arrived: | nÀng-klo-Èt-jo | there they descended beautifully, | thÈk-the-Òng | to impossibility | puke—chiklo-le | so—moon-as-if | chinglu-tÀngdÈt | having finished bathing | chingthi-tÀngdÈt, | having finished washing themselves, | nÀng-thÈklo. | they saw there. | me-Òng-he.” | it is very pretty.” | “E-kÒrpo | “Our cousin (brother-in-law) | aterÀn-le-ma.” | garden plot it must be.” | chingjar-thu-Èt-jo-lo. | they flew away again beautifully together. | ke-Èn-lÒng-po-ma?” | shall I succeed in getting her?” | matha-ding, | continued to think, | arju-thu-le-lo— | went and asked again— | nÀmtu-ching-si | when and how | ke-Èn-lÒng-apÒtlo-ma?” | am I to succeed in getting one?” | “La-pu-pe-lÒng, | “That-way-not, | chi-kim-tha.” | build for yourself.” | kim-dÀm-lo. | he went to build. | Arni-si-pÈt | In one day only | “hÈm-thÀp | “the jungle hut | che-Èt-nÒn,” | bore a hole for yourself,” | che-Èt-o. | he bored several for himself. | hÀnjÀng-apÒrlo. | millet-time it became. | “HÈm-thÀp | “In your jungle hut | chehÒn-dÀm-ra | going to watch | Arit putÀngte, | His field as-for, | palÒm-pÈt | in a very little time | kÀngthu-puk?, | blossomed-so, | m?th? thÈk-th?-dÈt. | it could not be imagined. | nÀng-chinglu-l?-lo: | there to bathe arrived: | nÀng-ingj?r-Èt-j? | there flying beautifully | sun-phit, | jumped straight, | sun-phit, | jumped straight, | k?chingth?. | washed themselves. | nÀng-pinkhÀt-l?-lo— | there advised them again— | dÀm-po-nÀng.” | let us go.” | m?th?-thÈk-th?-dÈt. | it could not be imagined. | pÒngs?-kebut-t? | flute-playing indeed | ju-m?-Òng: | is very good to hear: | ingj?r-dun-Èt-j?-lo; | flew up with her gracefully all together; | ?kib?-t? | the youngest also | ingj?r-dun-lo | tried to fly with them, | ingj?r-dun-thÈk-th?-dÈt: | but found she was unable to fly: | ingj?r-tÀng-t?, | if she flew up, | nÀng-kl?-th?-bup; | there she fell back again; | ingj?r-dun-chÒt, | if she tried to fly with them, | nÀng-kl?-th?-bup. | there she fell back again. | kopi-ching ?pÒtlo-m??” | what in the world is the matter?” | ?klÈng-?tum-t? | the elder ones also | nÀng-chih?r-th?-voiphÀk-lo, | there came down again, | n?-mu | our younger sister’s | pu-hÀng-lo. | saying they called out. | “?nut-l?-?nut | “One or other of you | ?klÈng-?bÀng | the eldest one | thÀn-bÒm-t? | (our) instruction from time to time | ?rju-j?-dÈt-lo, | would not listen to, | n?-mu | our youngest sister | nÀng-tekÀng-po; | here we are leaving; | ?-mu | their younger sister | che-per?-tekÀng-s? | having instructed and left behind | chingj?r-th?-Èt-j?-lo. | they flew up again beautifully together. | chi-lÀng-dun-ding: | they (H. K. and his wife) continued gazing together: | thÈk-dun-d?-lo. | they could see them no more. | “Ingting-po, | “It is getting dark, | dÀm-po-nÀng.” | go our way.” | | ingtÀng-lo. | came to an end. | ne-kepulo, | I say to myself, | kolopu-lo-ma?” | what am I to do?” | hÈm-tÀng-dÈt, | have your own house, | rit-tÀng-dÈt-le-ma, | have your own field indeed, | nÀng-che-me-me-lÀng.” | with you does not get on well yet.” | “ningkÀn-isi-lo-le-ma-thi, | “a year one (whole) it is, though, | che-me-me-la.” | have not hit it off yet.” | dÀm-thÈk-the-lÀng-po” | go I cannot yet,” | katiki lale | working in the field | ingkro | cylindrical receptacle for rice | ardung-dung. | were so many (i.e. was filled with). | arju-thu-le-lo: | he asked again: | cheme-me-lÀng-ti, | is not yet well reconciled, | chemelo: | she is reconciled: | tÀng-dÈt-lo-le-ma?” | has she not already given me?” | thÀn-bÒm-ta, | I repeatedly advised, | arju-thÈk-the-dÈt-lo; | would not listen to me; | nÀng-cheme-me-lÀng | is not thoroughly reconciled, | “Ai nÀng-pi, | “O thou dear one, | chedÀm-po-nÀng.” | let us go.” | aling-lo-he.” | wherever you will.” | adÀp-lo: | it became morning: | Àn-cho-dÈt | rice having eaten | asopo-pÈn apeso-pÈn | his child and his wife | tÀmpÒng-hÈt-si, | putting between waist and girdle firmly, | che-vÀm-phÒng-hÈt-lo. | he bound well round his body. | dÀm dÀm dÀm, | as they went on their way, | inglÒng | on the mountain (side) | arke-dut, | was scratching, | nÀng-arke-dut | was scratching | matha-thÈk-the | inconceivably | jadi-thÈk-the. | (doublet). | vohar-alopo, | jungle-cock, | kacheplÀng-ma? | are you doing there? | kachedÀm-tÒng | am-going-in-a-hurry, | Vohar alopo | The jungle cock | kepÈk-ji | I will leave free by no | aso chevÀn-po’ | his child will bring’ | ?khÀt ?khÀt | the way he is coming | pulÈm-dÈt-r?! | joke do not! | chevÀn-Àns? | bringing while, | pup?-n?.” | do not have to say.” | Voh?r ?lop? | The jungle cock | nÀng-t?-m? n?-t?-m?.” | either you or I (will prevail).” | “S?khit-m??” | “Is that true?” | “Dohai-m??” | “Do you swear it?” | chep?ching-kÀngs? | having set | dÀm-th?-chÒt, | a little further he went, | vo-rÈk ?lop? | a cock pheasant | tov?r | the way | dÀm dÀm dÀm, | as they went, | phÀk-lÈng alopo | a wild boar (male) | jadi-thÈk-the, | (doublet), | pÀn-lÒk-phÒng, | overlapping so, | nÀng-par-pÀn-pÈt | there-right-across | nÀng-thimur-phÀk | there was rooting | nÀng-thimur-phÀk | there was rooting | abidi thÈk-the-dÈt. | in an extraordinary way. | phÀk-lÈng alopo, | wild boar, | cheplÀng-ma? | are doing there? | ne-pÈk-tha: | leave free for me: | PhÀklÈng alopo | The wild boar | kepÈk-ji | I will leave free | chevÀn-po-tÀng’ | will bring along,’ | amÀng-amÀng | he is coming (doublet) | pulÈm-dÈt-ri! | don’t jest! | jasemÈt ma-pu-ma?” | is it true or not?” | PhÀk-lÈng alopo | The wild boar | chevÀn-Ànsi | while bringing | pupa-na.” | don’t have to say.” | PhÀklÈng alopo | the wild boar | “Pu-pe.” | “I don’t say so.” | “Sakhit-ma?” | “Is that true?” | “Dohai-ma?” | “Do you swear?” | chepaching-kÀngsi | having set | hÈm-le-ji-dÒk-dÒk-lo, | (when) he had nearly arrived at his home, | pÀngrum-si | having collected | sarnung | the roof (on) went | vardÀmlo. | and threw them. | atepi | his elder sister-in-law | pai-a-re | the hedge beside | nÀng-bikÒk-si | there having set it down | atepi | his eldest sister-in-law | nÀng-pi-lo. | gave him there. | charsÀp un-e. | be looked in the face could not. | a-ik-atumke— | his brothers— | kopi-ching | what in the world | ahÀn-lo-ma?” | has happened?” | ning-ri-jo. | were perplexed. | pai-are-si | beside the hedge | puthÒt-adÀplo. | next morning dawned. | arju-lÒng-si | having got to hear | a-rÀt-isi adÈt-isi | the whole country-side | chethÒr-pre | kept coming and going | matha-thÈk-the | as you could not imagine | jadi-thÈk-the. | (doublet). | pÒng-ting-ke, | gold-drum (in a) | kardÒng | (in the) pitch of the roof | rÒng-phu-ri | the village people | dÀmlo, | each went to visit | rup-phu-ri-dÀmlo: | (doublet): | chi-phu-ri dÀm: | in turn came to visit him: | vÀng-pre. | kept coming and going. | “nÈng” | “sister-in-law” (brother’s wife), | pu-abÀng-ta-dolo. | saying each one was. | me-Òng-te-ma?” | is she not beautiful, sister?” | pasingnÀk-jo. | they all admired. | thÀk-dun-lo— | answered them— | chepindÈng-lÒng-te, | to put on were to get-if, | aparta so-se-lÀng.” | it would not be thus only.” | nÀng pi-tha.” | do you give them to her.” | la oso ingchÀm | (did) that boy mad | bipikÒk-lo-ne-le? | stow them away? | kopi athe-tÀng | for what reason | kepi-pe-dÈt?” | did he not give her? | kardÒng-le | pitch of roof-in | kerÀk-chÈk-ke.” | he has tied them in a bundle. | phri-dÀm-si | having untied | nÀng-pi-lo. | there he gave her (the things). | chepindÈng-lo | she put them on herself | che-sum-pÒt-lo. | (doublet). | matha-thÈk-the-dÈt | inconceivably | chi-plÀng-lo. | she became. | mesÈn-te-ma! | lovely indeed! | arni-aso | the sun’s child, | pai-pe-lo.” | not for nothing is she.” | thur-phlut-si | rising up her full height | chehijir-phlum-phlum-lo, | shook out her clothes flap-flap, | ingjar-Èt-dÀn-lo. | flew away gracefully | | (thither whence she came). | ha-tovar-pÈn | from a distant path | nÀng-chethÈk-dun-si, | there having watched her, | jo-dun-rÀng-rÀng-lo. | continually kept bending. | pu-tekÀng-lo, | said on leaving him, | chiphoji.” | we shall meet again.” | mÒn-duk mÒn-sa-si | sad and sorry | NÀng-kele-pÈn | Immediately on arrival, | nÀng-chi-bu-dÈt-si | having taken on his back, | chedÀm-phit-lo. | he started to go. | m?th?-th?k-th? j?d?-thÈk th?. | as you could not imagine. | “H?k?-pÈn | “From the first | nÀng-chem?-m?-lÀng’ | is not yet united with you’ | nÀng-pulo-h?; | I told you verily; | nÀng-kelÀng-j?-lÀng? | will you get to see her again? | kedun-thÈkj??” | will you be able to follow her?” | chir?-pÈt Àn-muchÒt | weeping so much the more | kedÀm-?ling | went-wherever | b?r-s?-l? | outgoings-little-in | hundun-kr?, | he kept dogging her, | r?p-dun-lÒk-s?, | holding-on-tight-to, | ?poho-pÈn | his turban-with | che-vÀm-phÒng-dÈt-lo. | tied firmly to his waist. | h? sining | to heaven flew up, | ingj?r-pÒn-lo, | taking him with him, | lÀng-kung | on the river bank | ?-dÀm-kÒk-lo. | set him down. | MÒn R?ch?-?tum-t? | Mon Raja’s people also | nÀng-k?pÀngr?-j?-s? | in order to marry | lÀng-k?pÀnglu-j?-?phÀn | with-water-to-bathe-for-the-purpose | nÀng-kesÒk-j? vÀnglo. | there to draw came. | ?s?p?-?phÀn | his child-for | hÀng-p?-dun-lo: | begged them to give: | ?joi-pÈt | one draught only | n?-s?p?-?phÀn, | | Bari-the | the great palace | thÈk-the-lo! | never seen before! | chi-pethe-rÀp-tÀng-dÈt-lo-le-ma?” | have they got great between them already?” | MÒn-Recho-atum | Mon-Raja’s people | ingringlo: | were disgusted: | mÒn-duk mÒn-sa | grieved and sorry | chevoi-lo. | they returned. | Bari-the-Recho | great palace King’s | pÀngri-lo | they celebrated | do-dun-si | living with them | tiki-lo | he laboured in the fields | puru-krehini | granaries-twelve | phÀndar-krehini | barns-twelve | vo-phri asÒn | sparrows-like | chedÀm-po-nÀng: | let us go away together: | cherjulo: | asked privately: | nÀngli osa | your son-in-law | vo-phri asÒn | sparrows-like | chedam po-nÀng’— | let us go away together’— | phar-dun-po-ma?” | will command?” | Bari-the-Recho | palace-great-King | lo-thui | a bundle of greens | hÀnthui | a bundle of vegetables | chochÒk-palar | given away, or | chothÈng-palar | in exchange (doublet) | tÀng-dÈt-lo-le-ma. | completely I have. | nÀngtum kari-ma? | do you desire of me? | che-thÀn-dÀm lo: | she went and told: | chi-dun-ta-me; | together if you like; | adÀplo. | it became morning. | ardÒm-lo | saluted respectfully | “ThÀngta nÀngne.” | “I need nothing.” | pÈngnÀnso | the wedded pair | hÈm chedÀm-lo Ànsi hÈm | started for home and arrived | This story is a much more elaborate piece of composition than the last, and may be said to exhibit distinct marks of literary style. Its vocabulary is copious and varied, and it makes large use of a device which is employed in Mikir, as in Khasi,3 to give amplitude to the phrase by duplicating the leading words; nearly every important term has its doublet, with the same meaning, following it. AmehÀng-kethÈk-pÈn-apara: amehÀng-kethÈk, “to see the face,” is equivalent to “being born”; pÈn and apara, the latter borrowed from the Assamese para, have the same signification, and the latter is really superfluous. PhÀk-lÈng, shortened for phÀk-belÈng, “wild boar”; see the explanation of the term in the notes to No. I, p. . Tiki-ke inghoi-he: notice that both verbs are given in the negative form; this is unusual. MÀn, “perquisites”; Assamese loan-word. Kove, “betel-nut,” Khasi kwai, Ass. guwa. Chidhir, “spirit,” the doublet of arÀk (itself a Hindi loan-word) is perhaps the Khasi kiad-hiar. Notice how, instead of using the ordinal numbers for second, third, fourth, and fifth brothers, the father employs clumsy periphrases to indicate the sequence. PhÀndar, “store,” Ass. loan-word (bhandar). A-bÀn a-sÒt: in this doublet the second member, sÒt, properly means “female slave”; a similar use of a word of different meaning as a duplicate term will be found below (p. ), where a-mÈk “his eye” is followed by a-no “his ear,” the meaning being “his eyes.” Kado-kave, literally, “being-not-being,” a periphrasis for “all of them.” Miso, “a black ant,” used verecundiÆ caus for rÈk, “louse.” Notice the idiom pe-ma-pe-lo, where the insertion of ma between the repeated roots indicates the time during which an act is done. An-tÀngte, “and also,” literally, “so much not finished.” Phere nÀng-ne: nÀng is the verb of necessity, ne the negative particle: “there is no need for fear.” PromÀn, “proof,” Ass. Chitu, the plant called in Assamese puroi-sak, Basella lucida; its fruit has a red juice. ArlÈng ki-i, “a sleeping man”: observe that arlÈng here evidently means a human being in general (see note, p. ). Àn-cho-mÈk-bur: see note, p. . VÀng-noi; noi is a variant of nÒn, imperative particle. Chir-epÀk: “one spear”; notice that the generic class-word for flat things, pÀk, is used with chir, a spear, referring of course to the head only. Da in Da-nÀng seems to be a shortened imperative of dÀm, to go. Arlu-ra tÒk-dÀm-nÒn: notice how arlu, usually a postposition (= up in), becomes a verb when necessary; similarly, further on, in e-kÒr tÀngdÈt, kÒr, “brother,” is furnished directly with the suffix for the past tense; e- and i- are used interchangeably for the pronoun of the 1st person plural inclusive; the second is perhaps employed when the vowel-harmony calls for it. TÒng-rÀp-chÒm: rÀp, “to help,” is employed as an adverbial supplement to indicate that two persons do the same thing together; chÒm is a doublet of rÀp. PatÈng, paju, words for a second wife. Bhin kali, bha kali: bhin is Ass. bahin, sister; bha, must be Ass. bhai, brother, but is used as a doublet of bhin. Notice the energetic reduplication of the negative in plÀng-ple-ple-le. Pinso, male, virile, “worthy of being called men.” Kopi tÀng-a “what are you saying?” tÀnga is only used in this way as a question, as tÀngho (see above, p. ) is used in carrying a message, for pu, to say. BÒr-i-dÈt-si “with great difficulty”; bÒr-i-bÒr-a, “by hook or by crook.” Arlen-thu-rÒng, matha-thu-rÒng: arlÈn is “to aim at,” matha “to think about”; thu a particle meaning “again,” and rÒng one of the affixes indicating the plural. Chiru-rap-jo-si: jo is an affix indicating the plural. NÀng-bÀng-do? “are you there?” lit. “is your body (bÀng) present?” Kopi kevÀng ma po? po, “father,” is used as an endearing word in addressing a son, or as here a grandson (see ante, pp. , ). SÒk is paddy, rice in the husk; sÀng is rice freed from husk and ready for cooking; Àn is boiled rice; te, a verb, “to spread out paddy to dry.” “Harlo,” a verb, “to turn over” (the spread-out paddy); rÈng, a verb, of the spread-out paddy, “to become dry”; oi, a verb, “to collect into a heap” the dried paddy. LÀng-thÀk nÀng-dÀm-si nÀng-lÀng-dÀm-ji-lÀng: in this sentence the word lÀng, which occurs thrice, has three different significations: the first lÀng is a noun, “water, river”; the second is a verb, “to see, look at”; the third lÀng is an auxiliary verb, “to continue doing, or being,” used here pleonastically. Ser, rup, “gold, silver,” see note, p. , ante. Notice the rare form nÈng for ne, “I”; nasals seem occasionally to be added or dropped at will at the end of words: e.g. da and dÀm, “go”; Òng and o, “much, many”; la and lÀng, auxiliary verb. KomÀt-ching-a-lÀnghe ne: ching is a particle strengthening the interrogative komÀt,—“who-ever?” lÀnghe, a ghat or watering place: ne the interrogative particle borrowed from Assamese, = ma in Mikir. Bari-the Recho, “king of the Great Palace”; bari, “a large house,” loan-word from Assamese: the, “great.” NÀng-klo-Èt-jo “there they descended beautifully”; klo, “to fall or sink down from a height”; Èt a syllable indicating beauty or charm; Mr. Stack notes that it is perhaps connected with the word Ètpi, “yellow, golden”; it is also used as an affectionate form of address in Èt-mar-li, “my dears!” jo, plural affix. KÀn, a ceremonious word for clothes; the ordinary expression is pe or ri. Sun-phit: phit means “all at once,” “suddenly.” Tur, “the brightness, splendour” (of the moon and sun). The syllable jin in arni ingsÀm-jin-lo indicates the day gradually drawing on to evening. ApÒr-lo: notice the verbal affix -lo appended to the noun pÒr, “time.” BÈng, “to house animals for the night.” Hijir, “to shake out,” as a bird its wings before starting to fly. Phlum-phlum, onomatopoetic adverb imitating the sound of flapping; i, “to put on one’s clothes”: a-ri kachi-i, “he is putting on his dhoti”; pini kachi-i, “she is putting on her petticoat”; in this sense the verb i takes lÒk as its constant adverbial supplement: when it means “to lie down,” “to sleep,” it takes lÒt. Observe how the distributive force of the sentence is expressed by repeating the whole phrase. Angphun chepekÈk-koi “he made his neck (ingphun) crooked (kÈk-dÀng or kÈk-juk)”; koi, a particle meaning “completely, altogether.” Èn “take,” and kim, “build,” both mean “to marry”; the latter implies the building of a separate house for the newly wedded couple, or perhaps the wedding bower. ArlÈng-aso: notice that here the word arlÈng evidently means a human being, opposed to arnÀm-aso, the child of a divine person. PÀn, “to cut down and clear the jungle for cultivation.” LÀng-ding “continue to watch”: ding a particle of continuance (cf. keding, tall, long). PÀn-dÈt pi-dÈt; here pi has the sense of “to cut down” (a tree, or something thick): so also thi. MÀm, “the jungle.” Further on, in thi-rÒk-re, thi means “to lie”: Pisi dÀk-le kethi-rÒk-ma? “why are you lying here?” rÒk is an adverbial supplement. Arche is used of sowing or planting many things together, as here: to sow or plant only one thing is e: thÈngthe ke-e, “he is sowing maize”; sÒk ke-rik, “he is sowing rice broad-cast”; sÒk ke-e, “he is transplanting rice.” Mir-phÈk-e: mir, “flower,” phÈk-e, “rice-husks”: “a flower that grows out of heaps of rice-husks; has a long narrow leaf and a flower which is red and white mixed” (Stack); tado, “a kind of white lily or arum with a yellow style” (id.). Keme-thÈk-the-Òng puke: “so (puke) beautiful (keme) excessively (Òng) as never was seen (thÈk-the).” VÀng-phlÒt: phlÒt: a particle indicating suddenness. TerÀn, an individual plot, as distinguished from the rit or general field. E-kÒrpo H. K. aterÀn-le-ma: kÒrpo, “cousin (mother’s brother’s son),” also indicates the relationship between a woman and her sister’s husband; here of course it is used in the latter sense, proleptically; it is characteristic of this story-teller that he discloses the dÉnouement of his tale well in advance. Notice the idiom -le -ma, “it must be,” an indirect question = “is it not?” PÒngsi, Ass. ban?si, “a flute,” made of a piece of bamboo; Èt, to bore a hole. Che-Èt-o “he (cut and) bored holes in a number of flutes”; o seems to be a shortened form of Òng, many: hem kim-o, “they built a number of huts”; ne vo nÀm-o-lo, “I have bought a lot of fowls.” Ju-me-Òng, “it is very good to hear”: ju is shortened from arju: the prefix ar- is separable in this word and in arni, “day, sun,” arlÒng “stone,” and several other words, which appear in composition as ni and lÒng, etc.; it seems probable that it is connected with the Tibetan prefix r-, to which the Mikir relative particle, a-, has been prefixed. Notice nitum for netum, possibly by vowel-harmony with the following words mir and chilÒk. ChilÒk-pÒn ningke-ma: observe that this phrase stands both for the request and its answer—ningke, “willing”; ning, “mind”;—ma is thus not only the interrogative particle, but also indicates its corresponding affirmative reply. A-mÈk, a-no, “eyes and ears” = eyes only. Mini, menÀp (minÀp), alternative terms for pini, penÀp, “to-day, to-morrow.” Do-Àngse-lo = do-koi-lo, “have all got.” MÒn Recho, probably shortened for TomÒn-Recho; tomÒn, “wind.” Rai-dun, special verb for “to ask in marriage.” BÒng, “gourd for holding beer”; te, doublet. ThÀk, “to weave.” ThÀn chÈk, “to explain”; chÈk strengthens verbs for imparting information. Aning arÒng kedo: rÒng, “delight,” Ass. loan-word. Notice again amÈk ano for “eyes” only. TÒk, a verb with the general meaning “to thrust, poke”; used already above (p. 116) for thrusting with a spear; here for pounding the rice with a long pestle (lÈngpum) in the mortar (lÒng); another sense is “to write” (“to poke with a pen”). SÈt, “to give the half-cleaned rice a second pounding.” DÀng, “to serve up the cooked food.” Be “to heat the fermented rice”; sÒr, “to press out the beer” from the grains, mixed with warm water, which have been put in the conical strainer of woven bamboo, si, by pressing down upon them a gourd, bÒng. RÈp seems to be a variant of rÀp (explained above, p. 118), and indicates that all of them have been married together. ChÀn-jai, “to have several children.” Pangri-re-dÈt-lÀng-le-ma; here again two verbs each have the negative affix, pÀngri and lÀng, the latter an auxiliary signifying “to continue to be.” PÀngri in the sense “to marry,” is the causal of ingri, “to drink copiously of liquor”; the description of the marriage ceremony at p. 18 shows the important part which is taken in it by alcoholic drinks. Ingting-po, “it will be dark”: observe the impersonal use of the verb, without a substantive: we may say ajo kÀngting-par, “the night is very dark.” NÀng-lÀng-phrÒng-si-do-po; phrÒng is one of the particles used to indicate plurality: “they will all be looking out for (lÀng) us there (nÀng).” BÒm, one of the verbs indicating continuance may be rendered “from time to time.” A-ri su-ri-tha, a-kÈng su-ri-tha: this injunction not to touch the hand or foot of the fairy princess has different parallels in other lands; in the Celebes version referred to on p. 72 it is the hair that is not to be touched. Pe-re, causal of re, “to be knowing, clever.” Ur, a platform or screen for drying flesh in the sun; rÀp includes also a shelf in the house. KrÈng, to be dry, bears the same relation to rÈng, dry (ante, p. 122), as klÀng (p. 99), to perceive, does to lÀng, to look at; in both the prefix ke- has apparently been incorporated in the root. ChedÀm-ta-me “You can go if you like”: observe the force of me, “well, good.” Che-me-me-lÀng: the verb me here seems to be the Assamese mel, “agreement,” not the Mikir word for “good.” Observe the idiomatic expression ningkÀn isi-lo-le-ma thi, in answer to an objection: so one says, in reply to a request for payment, ne nÀng pi-tÀng-dÈt-lo-le-ma-thi “but I have paid you already!” Observe that in nÀng che-me-me-la the last syllable = lÀng without its nasal. Aso ArnÀm pi-lo, “God gave a child”: possibly this phrase is due to the narrator, who it will be remembered was a Christian. Ti, a particle = “not yet reconciled.” De, a particle of asseveration, “indeed,” probably the Assamese dei. HÈt, a particle used with verbs meaning to tie, bind, in the sense of “firmly, securely.” Dut, a particle used with verbs of scratching or cutting. TÒng, a particle indicating hurry or haste. Emoke, “in a little time”: mo, “space or interval of time,” e-, particle of unity, as in e-jÒn, e-bÈng. PulÈm, “to say in joke”: pu, “say,” lÈm, “seem, pretend.” PrÀn, Assamese. Pu-pa-na, “don’t have to say”: na, Assamese. NÀng-ta-me, ne-ta-me, idiomatic, “it will be well with you or it will be well with me,” i.e. “either you or I will come off the better.” Dohai, “an oath”; probably the Assamese dohai, “call for justice”: seme (the Khasi smai) is also used. BÒp, to shoot a bird or animal; Àp, to let off a bow or gun. DÒk-dÒk, particles used to indicate that an event has nearly happened (with ji, future affix). To, imperative particle borrowed from Khasi, and prefixed, as in that language. Pai-a-re “beside the hedge (pai)” = pai-a-kung. Cho-phi; the Mikirs scorch (phi) every bird or animal before preparing it for cooking. ChÒnghoi, reflexive form of inghoi, “to do,” = “to do by themselves.” A-ri-e-hÒng: hÒng is the generic class-word for a limb (see ante, p. 79). IngthÀn, “to cut up fish or flesh, whether raw or cooked.” ChingnÈk reflexive of ingnÈk, to laugh, “laughing together.” Chingni, reflexive of ingni, doublet of ingnÈk; the verb also means “to sit.” PuthÒt-adÀp-lo; puthÒt, “next”: cf. le-thÒt in adÀk-vÀm a-dun-lethÒt on p. 114 above; the time-affix -lo is joined directly to adÀp, “morning.” A-rÀt, a-dÈt, both Assamese loan-words; rÀt is raiyat, “ryots,” dÈt, deh, “country.” ChethÒr-pre, vÀng-pre, are both used for “continually coming and going, of many people”; the former expression indicates greater numbers and frequency than the latter. PÒng-ting, “a gold drum, worn on the breast, strung in the middle of a set of strings on which black, coral, and gold beads are arranged in alternate rows six deep” (Stack); in Assamese madoli. Ni, nÈng, te, pinu: see the table of terms of relationship on p. 20. Apar-ta-so-se-lÀng: this sentence appears to be made up thus: apar, “greatly, much,” ta, corroborative particle: so, diminutive particle, negatived by se, lÀng, auxiliary verb, “continue”; the force of it, then, would be—“the effect would not be only the poor result you see, fine though that is, but ever so much more!” KonÀt-tÒng = konÀt-ching, “wherever?” Kopi-athe = kopi-apÒt. Pai-pe-lo: this idiom is illustrated by the following phrases: klÈm-dÀm pai-pe-lo, “he is not working gratis, for nothing”; lÀ aklÈng pai-pe-lo, “he is not the elder for nothing”; i.e. he can do better than his younger brothers. Ingjar-Èt-dÀn-lo: the element dÀn gives the force of returning to her own place whence she came. Jo, verb, “to bend a bow,” rÀng, particle of continuance. Tha, “wait!” Assamese loan-word. Pho, verb, “to touch, arrive at,” as a boat comes to the shore with chi, “to touch one another, to meet” (see p. 112, lines 1 and 2). Akhi-lo-du; akhi, “something to eat,” lo, “leaf,” du, “wrap up,” = “so much food as can be wrapped up in a leaf,” a morsel. E-joi, “one draught”; joi is perhaps Ass. jol, “water.” O, verb, “to leave, set down.” MÒn Recho-atum; notice that here tum has its original sense of “company”; “MÒn Raja’s company, or following.” Pu-hur-lo: hur is one of the particles indicating plurality. Ne dun-ik-nÒn: ik, “elder brother,” used as a respectful form of address; observe its place in the compound imperative. Matha-thurÒng, lit. “you had another (thu) meaning” (viz. to make me lose my life). Notice how -si, the mark of the conjunctive participle, is affixed to the reported utterance of H. K. CherbÀk = che-arbÀk; arbÀk, the lap or bosom; also a verb: oso karbÀk, “she holds the child to her bosom.” KrÀp is said to be used only of a child climbing up into its mother’s lap. Ingring, used as homonym of therÀk, “to be ashamed,” also means “to be afraid, disturbed in mind.” Cherju-lo = che-arju-lo. Phar, “to order”; nÀng ne kephar aling-lo, “as you order me”; ne phar-dun peme-sÈn-lo, “I gave him careful instructions.” Bida = Ass. bidai, “leave to depart.” Che pe; notice that pe, “mother,” is used as an affectionate term of address to a daughter, exactly as po, “father,” is used above to a son or grandson. Lo-thui-hÀn-thui, “a bundle of vegetables, with a leaf wrapped round it.” ChÒk and thÈng mean literally “to beat,” but are here jocularly used for getting rid of a person. Palar causal of lar, “to be changed or exchanged,” also apparently used jocularly of giving in marriage. H. K.-atum: notice the plural affix used to indicate H. K. and his wife. Cho-lo, “he became”; this seems to be a different verb from cho, “to eat.” Notice a-recho “his kingship”; recho stands for raj as well as raja. Thir, Ass. thir, “steady, stable.” Additional Notes. Divisions of time. On p. 95, note, the divisions of the day are given. To these may be added those of the year, as recorded by Mr. Stack. A year is ning-kÀn (cf. Lushei kum, ShÖ kun, “year,” and Lushei ni-kum, Thado ningkum, ShÖ yan-kun, “last year”). A month is Chiklo, “moon”; but the Assamese months, which are solar divisions of the year, not lunations, appear to be followed. The days of the month are not generally counted, and there is said to be no week. (This is borne out by S. P. Kay’s English-Mikir vocabulary, which gives hopta, the Hindustani hafta, as the word for “week,” with ni-thrÒksi, “seven days,” as an alternative. In the Mikir Primer published by the American Baptist missionaries in 1903, however, rui is said (p. 21) to be the word for “week.”) Kechung-apÒr (chung, to be cold) is the cold season. Ning-krÈng (krÈng, to be dry) is the dry portion of winter. Chung-phÀng-Òk (chung, cold; phÀng-Òk, hot), is the spring, merging into summer. Barla is the rainy season, followed by Chung-jir-jir (“becoming cold by degrees”) autumn. The following are the names of the months, with the corresponding Assamese names, as set down by Mr. Stack:— Literary form. | As pronounced in Assam. | Mikir names. | Chaitra | Soit | ThÀngthÀng | Vaisakha | Boihag | There | Jyesh?ha | Je?h | JÀngmi | Asha?ha | Ahar | Aru | Sravana | Srabon | Vosik | Bhadra | Bhadur | JakhÒng | Aswini | Ahin | Paipai | Kartika | Karti | Chiti | Margasirsa | Marg | Phre | Paushya | Poh | Phaikuni | Magha | Magh | MatijÒng | Phalguni | Phagun | Arkoi |
According to the Mikir Primer, however, the Mikir names (which agree with those given by Mr. Stack) correspond with periods earlier by at least a month, ThÀngthÀng being the equivalent of February, instead of Chaitra (which begins at the vernal equinox), and the other months in ordinary sequence (There, March, JÀngmi, April, etc.). ThÀngthÀng is said by Mr. Stack to be called ChÀnglachÒng-rÒng-do, “the stay-at-home month.” There is the month in which the jungle is cut and strewn to dry (this would agree well with the equivalent of the Primer, rather than with Boihag, April-May, when the firing would take place). Vosik (“sprout”) should indicate the month of vigorous growth, when the rains have set in. Phaikuni seems to be borrowed from the Sanskrit Phalguni, but does not correspond with it. The other names are not explained. Musical instruments. A flute, pongsi, cut from a bamboo, is mentioned on p. 128: pongsi is the Assamese ban?si, the well-known instrument of the youthful Krishna (Ban?si-dhar). Other instruments known to the Mikirs are muri, a fife; chÈng, a drum; chÈng-brup, the small handdrum used by the risomar to accompany their dancing at funeral feasts; and kum, a one-stringed fiddle. The last is made by stretching a string made from a creeper, mÀngri, across a gourd, bÒng, which provides an air-chamber. It is played with a bow, kum-aliso (li, a bow, so, diminutive particle) made of bamboo, the string of which is a tough fibre of bamboo. (Compare the one-stringed fiddle, pena, of the Meitheis: Meithei Monograph, p. 56.)
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