It is one of the laments of ethnology that the smaller tribes of the northern coast of New England faded from the scene of history before we were able to grasp the content of their languages and culture. At this late day practically all have dwindled below the power of retaining the memory of their own institutions—their link with the past. Nevertheless, some few groups along the coast have maintained existence in one form or another down to the present. In regions somewhat more remote, the tribes of the Wabanaki group, hovering within the shelter of the northeastern wilderness, successfully struggled through the trials of the transition period, preserved their oral inheritance, and even, to a considerable degree, the practices of their early culture. Here on native soil still dwell the Penobscot and Passamaquoddy. On the western and southern boundaries of Maine the Wabanaki bands escaped extinction only by fleeing to Canada, where their descendants now live at the village of St. Francis. Of the tribal names included in this group, however, one in particular, the Wawenock, has long been reckoned among the obsolete, though several times the suggestion had appeared in print that the Indians residing at Becancour, Province of Quebec, might be its survivors. In 1912 my interest in possibilities of the sort culminated in the intention to follow up this source myself. The results were extremely gratifying, for during the winter’s visit traces were uncovered of those eternal values of native language and tradition, which happily were still preserved in the memory of FranÇois Neptune (pl. 13), one of the Wawenock men. My object in the following pages is to present part of the literary material obtained from him, to which I have prefixed a sketch of the tribe’s history. The proper name of the tribe is, however, Wali·na´kiak, “People of the Bay country.”1 The term is current among the Wawenock survivors of to-day, as well as among their neighbors and former allies, the affiliated tribes originally from southern Maine, which now constitute the St. Francis Abenaki. 1 J. A. Maurault, Histoire des Abenakis, Quebec, 1866, p. VII, gives Wolinak as the native name of Becancour, offering his idea of its meaning as “river which makes many detours.” Notwithstanding the fact that we have nowhere any definite information on the exact boundaries of the Wawenock in their old home, it is evident from Penobscot sources that the Wawenock territory began where the Penobscot family claims2 ended, a short distance west of the waters of Penobscot Bay. This would give the Wawenock the environs of St. George’s Harbor and River, and all the intervening coast as far as the mouth of Kennebec River, since the latter is mentioned as their western boundary. A difficulty confronts us, however, when we try to determine how far northward into the interior the Wawenock claims extended. From geographical considerations, since the region which is typical of the coast extends inland about 30 or 40 miles, we might infer that the hunting grounds of the tribe extended at least as far. The additional fact that the Penobscot territory spread out westward as we go toward the interior, and that they knew the Norridgewock and Aroosaguntacook as their immediate western neighbors, would then leave the general tract from the headwaters of St. Georges, Medomac, Damariscotta and Sheepscot Rivers and Togus Stream, all east of the Kennebec River, and southward to the coast, to be regarded as Wawenock territory. The Wawenock have been already definitely assigned to the Sheepscot and Pemaquid,3 which would seem to have been at about the center of their habitat. That their territory was also known as Sagadahock (Sa?k?de´lak, Penobscot) is shown by a statement giving different local names to parts of the Kennebec River—names which corresponded more or less to the names of local bands—as follows: “Aransoak, Orantsoak,4 Kennebec River from the lake (Moosehead Lake) to Norridgewock. Below Skowhegan it was called Canebas or Kenebas5 to Merrymeeting Bay, thence to the sea, Sagadahock.”6 2 These were the Penobscot families of Mitchell (Lobster) and Susup (Crab), who held the immediate shores and surroundings of Penobscot Bay. 3 Maine Historical Society Collections, Vol. IV, p. 96, 1858. “The Abnaquies occupied country between Penobscot Bay and Piscataquis River and were divided into four principal tribes, viz, (1) the Sokokis on the Saco River, (2) the Anasagunticook on the Androscoggin, (3) the Carribas or Kenabes on the Kennebec, (4) the Wawenocks on the Sheepscot, Pemaquid, etc.” 4 Norridgewock, Nala´dj?wak, “Rapids up the river” (Penobscot); Nawadzwa´ki (St. Francis Abenaki); Nawi´·dj?wak (Malecite), Nashwaak River, N. B.; and also what may be evidently another form of the name Newichewanock in New Hampshire. The proper name for the band is Naladjwa´kiak (Penobscot), Nawadz?wakia´k (St. Francis). A. E. Kendall (Travels through the Northern Parts of the United States in 1807-8, Vol. III, N. Y., 1809) gives the term as “Nanrantawacs” (p. 52), which he says implies “still water between two places at which the current is rapid.” J. D. Prince (Some Passamaquoddy Documents, Annals New York Academy of Science, XI, no. 15, 1898, p. 376) translates nanrantsouack as “stretch of still water.” 5 Kwun·i·beg? “Long water” (Penobscot). The form of the proper name would be Kwun·i·begwiak “people of the long water,” but we do not encounter this in the documents. Maurault (op. cit., p. IV and 89) has an interesting and very probable opinion on this term. He suggests as an origin Kanibesek, “qui conduit au lac,” chaque annÉe au temps de la grande chasse de l’hiver les Canibas se rendaient en grande nombre au “lac À l’original” (Moosehead Lake) en suivant la riviÈre KÉnÉbec. C’est pour cela qu’ils appelaient cette riviÈre “le chemin qui conduit au lac.” 6 Sa?k?de´lak, “where the river flows out” (Penobscot). See also Father Rasles (Jesuit Relations, 1716-27, vol. 67, p. 197), Sankderank. Kendall, who traveled this country in 1807 (E. A. Kendall, op. cit., pp. 143-144), gives the same names Schunkadarunk and Zaughe’darankiac and translates them correctly as “mouth of the river” and “people of the mouth of the river.” Maurault (op. cit., p. 77) differs from others in giving the form “‘sakkadaguk’ À l’endroit oÙ le terrain est plat et uni.” The proper name Sa?k?delawiak, “people of where the river flows out,” is known among the Penobscot to-day and has been frequently used by authors in referring to Indians at the mouth of the Kennebec and Androscoggin Rivers, or better, as Kendall states, to “the people of the common mouth of Kennebec and Amariscoggin, that is the Sagahoc of the early colonists.” (Kendall, op. cit., vol. III, p. 144.) Bearing upon this is the fact that part of the St. Francis band residing near Durham, Province of Quebec, until recently preserved the local name kw?n·a·´mwiak, “long point people.” This has been thought to be possibly connected with the term just given. Joseph Laurent7 assigns the same name (KwanahÔmoik) to Durham and gives the meaning “where the turn of the river makes a long point.” It is evidently, however, a later name acquired by these St. Francis families after they had settled at Durham. 7 New Familiar Abenakis and English Dialogues, Quebec, 1884, p. 210. In ancient times the tribes on the coast of Maine extended into the interior, but were more or less locally identified with the mouths of the rivers and the large bays. The Wawenock were then located southwest of the Penobscot, whose proper territory on the coast only surrounded Penobscot Bay. According to tradition among the Penobscot, their nearest relatives, the Wawenock, as we shall henceforth call them on preferred authority,8 are definitely remembered as Wa?li·´naki·ak, “People of the bay country,” because they were located on the shores and in the country back of what is now known as Sagadahoc. This country lies southwest of Penobscot Bay and includes a number of smaller bays from St. George’s Bay, in Knox County, westward to the mouth of the Kennebec River, embracing Lincoln and part of Sagadahoc Counties. The Penobscot also refer to the inhabitants of this region as Sa??k?dela´wiak, “People of the mouth of the river” (Sagadahoc), the term being evidently another name for the Wawenock. At the present time, not having held any contact with the Wawenock since their removal to Canada early in the eighteenth century, they know the tribe only by name. There is some evidence, however, in one of the family names, Neptune, which occurs among both the Penobscot and Wawenock, that during this period some of the latter may have joined the Penobscot or vice versa. 8 Various spellings for the tribal name have been given at different times by different authors, occasionally even in the same work. Among these occur such forms as Weweenock, Wewoonock, Wewenock, Wewonock; the differences being evidently due to illegible handwriting in the manuscripts and to the usual whims of orthography. From these sources we can derive a fairly definite idea of the Wawenock habitat and also two of the tribal synonyms.9 Sagadahoc seems to have been a commonly used designation for both the country and people. 9 It seems a bit strange in passing along over the literature of this region to note that Maurault, who seems to have known Wabanaki history and ethnology very well, did not mention anything of the term Wawenock in his chapter on the establishment of the Abenaki at Becancour. (Maurault, op. cit., chap. 7.) He does, however, say that the Indians at Becancour were Abenaki and Sokokis who came previously from Damisokantik, which term he correctly derives from NamesokÂntsik, “place where there are many fish,” later changed to Megantic, the present name of a large lake near the Canadian boundary. It may be remarked that tradition supports this assertion, for the Wawenock informant, FranÇois Neptune, says that his grandmother knew that some of her people came from there, and that the families at Becancour formerly had hunting grounds there. In the matter of the first European contact with the tribe it is probable that Captain Waymouth in 1609, when he encountered the Indians while riding at anchor off the coast of Maine, in what 10 A True Relation of the Voyage of Captain George Waymouth (1609), By James Rosier, p. 67 et seq. (Early English and French Voyages (1534-1608) in Original Narratives of Early American History.) Subsequent historical literature contains nothing, so far as I could find, until about a century later when the Wabanaki tribes of Maine had become hostile to the English colonists in Massachusetts. Father Rasles, the Jesuit missionary who took charge of a mission in 1690, founded at Norridgewock several years before, mentions the tribe as the Warinakiens.11 An estimate for this year states that the Sheepscot (a local name for the Wawenock) had 150 men and the Pemaquid 100.12 The Wawenock were one of the tribes to be represented in the mission at Norridgewock, which was some 50 miles from the heart of their country.13 During this period the Wawenock appear to have gradually drifted northward toward the interior, probably in order to associate more closely with the Christian proselytes of the Norridgewock and Aroosaguntacook.14 11 Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls., 2d ser., Vol. VIII, p. 263 (1819). 12 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1866, p. 9. 13 Rasles, in a letter to his brother written at Norridgewock in 1723 (Jesuit Relations, 1716-1727, vol. 67, pp. 183-195), speaks of a tribe of “Amalingans,” who evidently lived near the sea, whom he converted. Is it possible that he meant the “Warinakiens”? 14 That the Indians at the mouth of Kennebec River were not always on the best of terms with the bands up river appears from a reference in Jesuit Relations for 1652, quoted by Maurault (op. cit., p. 8), saying that the latter had been on the point of declaring war on them. Mention is made of a withdrawal of some of the Indians in 1713 to Becancour, Province of Quebec, which probably refers to the Wawenock.15 Another notice, dated 1717, gives under the name of Wawenock, a total of 15 men; the same source stating that in 1726 those at “Sheepcut” numbered 3 and at “Pemaquid” 10.16 15 Handbook of American Indians, Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., part 1, p. 881. 16 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1866, p. 9. As regards the mission at Norridgewock, Father Rasles was accused of attaching the tribes so warmly to the French cause that they soon became regarded as dangerous enemies of the English colonists. In 1724 an expedition was sent against the Norridgewock, which resulted in the destruction of their village, the dispersion of the tribe, and the death of Rasles.17 17 Handbook of American Indians, Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., part 2, p. 83. Much has been written, both by English and French historians, showing that Father Rasles was murdered and mutilated by the English in this unfortunate massacre,18 but another version of the 18 The original account of this event is by Father de la Chasse, Quebec, 1724, cf. Jesuit Relations, 1716-1727, vol. 67, pp. 231-238. Maurault (op. cit., pp. 403-404) also gives an account of the same based on Charlevoix, Histoire GÉnÉral de la Nouvelle France, vol. iv, pp. 120-121, and Bancroft, History of the United States, vol. ii, p. 122, and ChiÈtien Le Clercq, “First Establishment of the Faith in New France,” translated by J. G. Shea, New York, 1881. 19 The legend runs as follows: When the English came to Norridgewock the French priest sold the Indians to the English. The English gave him a bag of gold and they promised that he should not be killed when the attack was made. On that day he called the Indians into the church, but one of the old women (the Malecite call her Pukdji´nskwes·) warned them not to go, as she had had a presentiment of trouble. Her folks ridiculed her, saying that she was silly with old age. When they had gathered in the church the English attacked and the old woman was the only one to escape, taking with her her grandchild on a cradle board and swimming Kennebec River. The rest of the people were killed. During the massacre one of the Indians tomahawked or shot Rasles in revenge. The same story, strange to say, is well known among the Penobscot and the Malecite. Among the Penobscot there are supposed descendants of this grandchild, whose name was BÁmzi·, according to an historical legend. After this unfortunate event the Wawenock who still dwelt there moved from Norridgewock with their relatives, the Aroosaguntacook20 allies, who became known thereafter as the St. Francis Abenaki. The Wawenock never became so thoroughly incorporated with the St. Francis Indians as to lose their identity as did the other bands from southern Maine. They did, however, share in the general term Abenaki, and were designated in later accounts as the Abenaki of Becancour. 20 The original form of this term is alsiga´ntagwi·ak, for which the following three meanings, depending upon the translation of the first two syllables, have been assigned by different authorities. The Indians of St. Francis, the Aroosaguntacook themselves, suggest in explanation (1) “people of the river abounding in grass,” deriving the first part of the term from a´lsiÀl, “river grasses,” and -gan, “abundance of,” and (2) “people of the river abounding in shells,” from als, “mollusk shell.” The related Penobscot generally render the name (3) “people of the empty house river,” taking alsigan to mean “empty house.” There seems to be on etymological grounds about equal reason for all the suggestions, so far as can be shown. Different writers, according to their extent of knowledge or opinion on the matter, have favored one or the other of these interpretations. For instance, Maurault (op. cit., pp. 272-273 and p. VII) inclines to interpretation (1). Prof. J. D. Prince (American Anthropologist, n. s. Vol. IV, p. 17 (1902)) favors the third, and quotes Gill (Notes sur les Vieux Manuscrits Abenakis, Montreal, 1866, p. 13) as showing the same opinion. The second interpretation receives favor from Joseph Laurent (Lola), “New Familiar Abenakis and English Dialogues,” Quebec, 1884, p. 206. According to their own traditions of the removal,21 the Wawenock informant says, they reached the St. Lawrence River opposite the mouth of St. Maurice River, having probably come down the St. Francis River from the south. The place is known in Wawenock as Noda´wa?ga?k, “Place of the dance.”22 The exiles, who were of course obliged to recognize the territorial hunting rights of the Algonquin proprietors,23 are said to have asked if they could hunt with them. In response, it is claimed, the Algonquin gave the Abenaki a concession extending 2 leagues above Three Rivers, down to the St. Lawrence to the mouth of a river on the south side where there is an island called Matasu?´, a corruption of the name of the Seigneur Montesson who held the title to it.24 There the Wawenock separated from the Abenaki allies and located on what is now Becancour River. Maurault25 says that in the move of 1679 the Sokoki (Sako´ki·ak “Saco River people”) in part settled at Becancour.26 21 Maurault (op. cit., p. 284) states that the Indians first began their settlement at Becancour as early as 1680. 22 Our informant, FranÇois Neptune, says that the site is near the railroad bridge at Three Rivers. 23 Maurault (op. cit., pp. 109-112) speaks of friendly relations existing between the Algonquins and the Wabanaki tribes as early as 1613. 24 Maurault (op. cit., p. 290) mentions the same and has something to say about the identity of the owner of the name. 25 Op. cit., p. 174. 26 Kendall (op. cit., pp. 143-144) also states that Sakokiak settled at Becancour. They evidently played a considerable part in the Indian wars that devastated southern Maine at this time, and in 1726, when the first serious attempt was made by the Massachusetts government to secure peace, the Wawenock receive frequent mention in the records of the proceedings. At the treaty of Falmouth, Casco Bay, in 1726, before Gov. W. Dummer, of Massachusetts, “Wenemovet answered that they had full power to act for them (the Norridgewock) and for the Wewenocks and for the ‘Arresuguntenocks’ and (St.) FranÇois.”27 27 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 4th ser., Vol. V, 353 (1861). In speaking of Governor Dummer’s treaty, the “Norridgwocks, St. FranÇois, and Wowenock Indians” are again mentioned as being in Canada, whither the bulk of the allies must have moved by this year (1726).28 Also Loron,29 a Penobscot chief, explained to the Governor how he was entitled to make peace for the “Norrigwock, St. FranÇois, and Wowenocks,” who were not present at the treaty, by reason of having received a wampum belt from them empowering the Penobscot to speak in their behalf.30 Loron also said that the Norridgewock Indians were scattered among the “Arresaguntecook” Wewonock or St. FranÇois tribes.31 It is interesting to observe the names of some of the native treaty delegates in these accounts because some of them have survived in the tribe until the present day, as we shall see later. They also have some ethnological value. It seems that, owing to the absence of some of the tribes from the occasion of the first treaty in 1726, it became necessary to hold another the following year to ratify it. Accordingly in the conference of that year (1727) held again at Falmouth, the following sachems subscribed to the ratification of the treaty made through the Penobscot in the year preceding. “Toxeus,32 Sagamore of Nerridgawock, Ausummowett,33 Sagamore of Arresaguntacook, Woosszurraboonet,34 Sagamore of Wowenock” are mentioned.35 Later again we learn of “Memmadgeen and Woosszaurraboonet, Captains and Councillors, two of the chiefs of the Wowenock Tribe and delegated by them, accompanied by Auwemmonett, the chief sachem’s son, Wenerramett, Paterramett,36 Saawerramet, Quinoise,37 chiefs and others of the said tribe of Wowenock.” The conference was attended by “40 Nerridgawocks 28 Ibid., p. 365. 29 This is from the French Laurent, its Indian form being Lola among the St. Francis and Penobscot, where it is still a family surname. 30 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 4th ser., Vol. V (1861), pp. 386, 387. 31 Ibid., p. 390. 32 Toxus (Taksu´s) was until lately represented among the family patronyms of the St. Francis people. 33 This name may be the same as WasÁmemet, WasawÁnemet, which still survives as a family name at St. Francis, where it is thought to mean, “He talks against some one.” 34 For a supposition as to the later identity of the name among the Wawenock themselves, see p. 176 of this paper. 35 Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. III (1853), p. 411. 37 Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. III (1853), p. 412. Possibly the French rendering of Kwun·a´was, “Long Hair,” a personal name in Penobscot mythology (F. G. Speck, Penobscot Transformer Tests, International Journal of American Linguistics, vol. 1, no. 3, 1918, p. 188). 38 Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. III (1853), p. 413. 39 Ibid., p. 440. Among these names, Acteon for Attean (Etienne), Omborowess for Amblowess (Ambroise), and Pier for Piel (Pierre) are recognizable as present day Wabanaki family names. The name Omborowess was a Wawenock patronym. (See p. 176.) But the peace did not last long and war again broke out between the English and Wabanaki tribes. Another treaty was consummated at Falmouth in 1749. In this compact, which finally brought an end to the Indian troubles in southern Maine, the “Arresuguntoocooks and Weweenocks” were represented by “Sawwaramet, Aussaado, Waannunga, Sauquish, Wareedeon, Wawawnunka.”40 From this time on the Abenaki relinquished their attempts to retain their claims in Maine and retired to Canada, where the Wawenock came into possession of land at Becancour on Becancour River, while the Norridgewock and Aroosaguntacook, together with survivors of the other smaller tribes, settled permanently about 30 miles away at St. Francis, on St. Francis River. Maurault in 186641 asserted that only 10 families remained at Becancour, though they were of purer blood than the Abenaki at St. Francis. He says that in 1708 the Indians at Becancour numbered 500, having come from Lake Megantic, with others from the Androscoggin and Chaudiere Rivers. The number probably included Sokoki who had joined them in 1679 (see p. 173). 40 Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. IV, p. 164 (1856). 41 Maurault, op. cit., pp. 288 and 294. Although the Indians forming the St. Francis village and the Wawenock had many interests in common they remained independent of each other, not only in dialect but in political respects, in having their own reservations, chiefs, and administration, both religious and civil. The same conditions hold to-day. At St. Francis the Wawenock from Becancour are regarded as friendly strangers. This brings us down to recent times. Politically the Wawenock have now about lost their name, being known in occasional reports as the Abenaki of Becancour. In 1910 they numbered 26,42 including absentees, upon their reservation of 135? acres. Most of them have scattered, some having gone to the French towns, while I 42 In 1914 when I visited them they numbered 23. 43 In traveling among the Montagnais of the Province of Quebec I have encountered some of the dispersed Wawenock families and descendants from whom the following information was secured. In about 1870 Charles Neptune and his sister of Becancour, in company with some Abenaki from St. Francis (Aimable Gille, Obomsawin family), and relatives, came to Lake St. John by way of Chicoutimi. They migrated to Metabetchouan by canoe from Chicoutimi, and settled near the Hudson Bay Co.’s post, long since abandoned. Here they appropriated hunting territories with the permission of the Montagnais. Charles Neptune died in 1907. He spoke the Wawenock language. Six sons and three daughters survived him, his wife having been a Canadian. Their descendants are now living among the Montagnais at Lake St. John, under the family names of Neptune, du ChÊne, and Phillippe. Another Wawenock from Becancour, Louis Philip, lives at Lake St. John. His father came from Lake Megantic on the border between Maine and the Province of Quebec. He was probably the last Wawenock to have been born in Maine. Philip has descendants at Lake St. John. He knows a few words and expressions which indicate the dialect of his father to have been really Wawenock. Of the 23 Wawenock descendants at Lake St. John, as enumerated by Noah Neptune in 1915, none know anything distinctive of their ancestral language or customs. Again on the lower St. Lawrence there are Wawenock descendants. At Tadousac and Chicoutimi, the Nicola families have become admitted to land rights with the Montagnais of these places. At Escoumains is another named Jacques. Four children of old Joseph Nicola who migrated many years ago from Trois RiviÈres, and settled also at Chicoutimi, also have numerous offspring by either Montagnais or Canadian wives. Possibly these emigrants came to the Saguenay with the ancestors of the Gille, Neptune, and Phillippe families at Lake St. John. At Tadousac, Joseph Nicolar remembered the text of a Wawenock song which his father used to sing. This is given with the other texts in this paper (see p. 197). I should add, that with few exceptions among the older people, these Wawenock descendants have become so merged either with the Canadian or the Montagnais that they know almost nothing of their own people. In the family names, however, we can see the survival of influences which began in Maine when the ancestors of the Wawenock were close to the Penobscot with whom they have some family names in common. The following are the family names of the tribe. Some are still in existence (marked *); others have recently become extinct.
So far as can be said at present the material culture of the Wawenock was practically identical with that of the Penobscot and St. Francis Abenaki. Not much of this is preserved by the survivors at the present day. The tribe, however, still keeps its organization under a chief. In the traditions of the Wabanaki Confederacy, as far as we know them, the Wawenock are not mentioned, though they had been represented in the alliance at an earlier time. As for social organization no knowledge is preserved of the family hunting territories, for it seems that at Becancour hunting has not In the field of folk lore, medicinal lore and shamanism much still remains to be done with the informant. The culture hero and transformer Gluska?be´, “the Deceiver,” is the same as that of the Penobscot, and shares generally the same characteristics. A comparative study of the transformer (Gluskap) cycle in Wabanaki mythology is being prepared by the writer, so it does not seem essential to refer just now to cognate elements in the mythology of the other tribes of the group. Within the last generation the Wawenock dialect has gone completely out of use. Most of the survivors are half-breeds and speak French. The only person I found who knows the dialect is FranÇois Neptune, supposedly a full blood, in his sixties (1914), the oldest man at Becancour, whose acquaintance I had the good fortune to make in 1914 during a trip of reconnaissance among the Abenaki in company with Mr. Henry Masta of this tribe.44 Neptune’s interest in his dialect, which he knew to be on the verge of extinction, made work with him quite easy, although the state of his health prevented our doing more at the time. The following few myths in text will, I think, enable us to form some idea of its intermediate position between Penobscot and St. Francis Abenaki when more of the texts already collected in both of these dialects are published.45 It seems hardly necessary to remark that, in the scanty material on this region so far available in print, there exists absolutely nothing in the Wawenock dialect. 44 It might be added that Mr. Masta has given considerable time to the study of his people, and he is quite satisfied as to the identity of the Abenaki of Becancour with the Wawenock of early Maine history. 45 Comparative linguistic and mythological material in Penobscot, which the Wawenock most closely resembles may be found in the writer’s “Penobscot Transformer Texts,” International Journal of American Linguistics, vol. I, no. 3, 1918, while Doctor Michelson has given the position of Penobscot among the eastern Algonkian dialects in his Preliminary Report on the Linguistic Classification of Algonquian Tribes, Twenty-eighth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1913, pp. 280-288. |