1St. Cyr (p. 50) reproaches the English for this, and says, ‘Nous n’avions jamais espÉrÉ prendre À la vue, et sous le canon de l’escadre, une garnison forte encore d’environ 3000 hommes. Il aurait ÉtÉ possible aux Anglais, en plein jour, et sur-tout facile durant la nuit, d’embarquer la garnison, et de la transporter, en quelques heures, sur la rive droite de la Fluvia, en laissant seulement un faible detachement pour remettre la forteresse; comme cela s’Était pratiquÉ, en FÉvrier, 1795, quand une escadre Espagnole occupait la baie.’ But in that siege the enemy were not masters of the town, and they had now established a battery in it to cut off the communication between the citadel and the ships, which was done so effectually, that five days before the surrender Captain Bennett found it impossible to land a single messenger there. M. St. Cyr adds, that when the prisoners defiled along the shore the English ships opened a brisk fire upon them, and that the Spaniards would never be persuaded that this was done in mistake. The Marshal was not upon the spot himself; if he had, this statement would not have appeared in his Journal.

2The officers were so aware of their danger, that CabaÑes heard one of the staff say they should certainly have believed it was their General’s intention to betray them to the enemy, ... if they had not had the most entire confidence in him. It seems indeed probable that Buonaparte, not foreseeing what the consequences of a defeat in Catalonia would be, would have thought the disgrace or destruction of a general whom he disliked a compensation for the loss of this army.

General Duhesme perished in the flight from Waterloo: the stain of his blood was pointed out to me on the threshold of the inn at Genap, where he was cut down by a Brunswicker.

3M. Gouvion St. Cyr, who renders justice in other respects to General Reding, represents him as full of confidence at this time, and dreaming of a second affair of Baylen. It is upon the most indisputable authority, confirmed too by his own dispatches, that I have delineated his state of mind so differently.

4Baron Rogniat also in his relation of the siege says, le MarÉchal exigea que la ville se rendÎt À discretion (p. 44), and omits to say that terms of capitulation were required and granted. Baron Rogniat declares that one of his motives for publishing this relation, which he was not permitted to do during the reign of Buonaparte, was to celebrate the glory of his comrades. For a man of honour and humanity to have been in the course of military service involuntarily engaged in effecting such a conquest, would be the greatest of all misfortunes; but to look back upon it with complacency, and record it as glorious, is a crime.

5The veracious historian of Marshal Soult asserts that Romana had compelled the Bishop to withdraw, knowing how much the example of his submission would influence the Galicians; as if he thought that to make a man sacrifice any thing to a sense of patriotism and of duty compulsion was necessary! and as if he were utterly ignorant of the part which that excellent Prelate sustained throughout these troubles. See vol. i. p. 409, for the character of the man who is thus traduced.

6Marshal Soult’s historian represents this affair as of great importance, because it removed the impression which their failure in crossing the Minho had made upon the army. What is more curious, he finds in it a justification for their invasion of Portugal! Les Portugais avaient fait trois lieues sur les terres d’Espagne pour venir attaquer l’armÉe FranÇaise engagÉe avec les Espagnols, mouvement hostile concertÉ avec la Romana pour faciliter sa retraite, et qui justifiait l’entrÉe que nous allions faire en Portugal.—P. 106. If any thing can be more detestable than the avowed and exultant profligacy of these men during their season of triumph, it is the manner in which they have afterwards attempted to gloze over actions which public opinion (and still more the event) has made them feel are too nefarious to be openly defended.

7Marshal Soult’s historian expresses himself upon this subject in a manner altogether worthy of such a writer: “Le FranÇais, si passionnÉ pour la beautÉ, sacrifia ses plaisirs À l’honneur de protÉger les femmes qui rÉclamÈrent son appui.”

I believe that no other portion of history was ever so entirely and audaciously falsified as that of the peninsular war has been by the French. This writer asserts that few days have been so brilliant for the French arms as that on which Porto was taken; that they were astonished at their own success when they saw how many obstacles they had overcome; for that des officiers du genie Portugais et Anglais s’Étaient occupÉs À reunir À l’avantage de la position, tout ce que l’art a inventÉ pour la defense d’un camp; and that these formidable works were manned by 70,000 men determined to defend them to the last extremity. Pp. 159–60–77.

There is another statement of this writer’s which deserves notice. He says that the former campaign in Portugal had been distinguished by cruelties on the part of the inhabitants (p. 56); and that in the present “pour animer le peuple contre les FranÇais, on avait rÉpandu les bruits les plus absurdes. La haine les peignait aux yeux de la superstition et de la crÉdulitÉ, comme des hÉrÉtiques qui foulaient aux pieds tous les principes religieux, commes des barbares qui au mÉpris des lois divines et humaines, dÉvoraient les enfans, livraient le sexe À tous les outrages, et envoyaient les hommes dans le nord pour renforcer leurs armÉes.”—(P. 119.) The charges against which this contemptuous indignation is affected are true to the very letter, with the exception of that of eating the children, which, be it remembered, was never made. They did not eat children; ... they only butchered them sometimes, and sometimes (as will be shown hereafter) let them die of hunger before their eyes.

8The matter is of more importance than may be immediately perceived by a protestant. For more than three of these nails are shown as relics in different churches; and, therefore, if only three, according to the prevailing opinion, were used, the fourth must be spurious, and thus, as all cannot be genuine, a doubt would be cast upon the authenticity of each.

9This is the substance of a declaration upon oath by one of the eye-witnesses.

10It is said that there were some articles of very great value in the baggage, particularly some jewels of which General Lahoussaye had possessed himself at the Escurial, and which Chalot was supposed to have secreted.—Campaign of 1809, p. 20.

11Que la perdida de la batalla nada importaba. The French used to say that the best General in Spain was the General no importa.

12When Clarkson wanted evidence respecting the manner in which slaves were obtained up the rivers Calabar and Bonny, he heard, by accident, that there was one person who could give it, but he neither could obtain his name, nor learn the place of his abode: ... all that was known was, that he belonged to some ship of war in ordinary. That indefatigable and admirable man immediately set out in search of him: he went on board every ship in ordinary at Deptford, Woolwich, Chatham, and Sheerness, ... above an hundred and sixty vessels, ... but in vain. He boarded above an hundred more at Portsmouth, equally in vain, and fifty-six at Plymouth, with as little success. In the fifty-seventh he found his man, after a labour of three weeks; obtained the knowledge which he wanted; and established by that evidence a point of main importance to the abolition of the slave trade.

13While the Americans carried over ready-built houses for sale; and the French sent a frigate, by which the Grand Monarque expressed his condolence for what had happened, and requested to know if he could be of any use.

14M. de Naylies says (p. 120), J’ai vu compromettre le salut d’une troupe, pour sauver le fruit des concussions et du pillage.

15It is curious to observe in how many points this secret society resembled the system of the monastic orders. The person who was admitted to the higher grades changed his name, and was bound to keep a journal of all his actions, that the Censeur might at any time see what his moral conduct had been in all its details. L’homme qui y Était admis cessait d’Être autre chose, au moins quant À ceux de ses devoirs particuliers qui auraient contrariÉ les devoirs de l’institution. Il sortait de la sociÉtÉ gÉnÉrale pour devenir l’instrument aveugle de la sociÉtÉ spÉciale À laquelle il s’Était dÉvouÉ, et cet engagement Étendait son obligation bien au-delÀ de l’obligation de la vie. On ne crut pas pouvoir isoler le Philadelphe de ce grade par trop de moyens divers; et le seul de ces moyens que je puisse Écrire fut l’abnÉgation de nom. Il fallait un nouveau baptÊme pour un dÉvouement de sang. L’influence de ces noms Était si puissante, qu’elle s’Étendait visiblement sur la vie privÉe. Caton, Themistocles, et Cassius sont morts par le suicide comme leurs patrons.—Hist. des SociÉtÉs SecrÈtes de l’ArmÉe, pp. 36–8.

The author of this singular history (who is no common writer) has a very proper note upon this part of the statement. Il y a quelque chose d’effrayante dans cette idÉe, qui jette un homme hors de toute la sociÉtÉ, et qui le depouille, jusqu’À un certain point, non-seulement de son existence civile, mais encore de son propre caractÈre, et de son identitÉ morale, pour le modeler sur la vie d’un autre. Il ne me serait pas difficile de donner des exemples trÈs-remarquables de la singuliÈre influence que cette mÉtamorphose exerÇait sur l’esprit ardent de quelques adeptes, dans lesquels on voyait s’opÉrer une vÉritable mÉtempsycose historique. Mais il est naturel de conclure aussi, de ces simples aperÇus, qu’une institution pareille entraÎnerait quelques inconvÉnients dans l’État ordinaire et naturel de la sociÉtÉ. Tout ce que tend À isoler les citoyens de l’ordre des choses dans lequel le hasard de leur naissance les a placÉs, pour les transporter dans un ordre factice et idÉal, ne saurait Être ÉvitÉ avec trop de soin.—Hist. des Soc. Sec. &c., p. 180.

The founder and chief of the Philadelphes was Colonel Jacques Joseph Oudet, a native of the Jura, ... homme de vingt-cinq ans, ivre de jeunesse, fou de plaisir, inconsequent dans ses maniÈres, frivole dans ses goÛts, crÉature lÉgÈre, inconstante, mobile, qui paraissait ne devoir exciter d’autres soupÇons que ceux d’un pÈre sage ou d’un mari defiant, et qui tenait d’une main le fil des intrigues les plus vaines, et de l’autre celui des conjurations les plus serieuses.—(P. 33.) The description of this person is so characteristic, that no language except its own could do justice to it. La nature, en le formant, le destinait À tout ce qu’il y a de bon et de beau. Il aurait ÉtÉ À son choix poÈte, orateur, tacticien, magistrat: l’armÉe entiÈre l’a proclamÉ brave; personne ne l’a ÉgalÉ en Éloquence; il faudrait l’Âme d’une ange pour se faire une idÉe de sa bontÉ, si on ne l’avait pas connu. Jamais on n’a rassemblÉ des qualitÉs si contrastÉes et cependant si naturelles; il avait la naÏvetÉ d’un enfant, et l’aisance d’un homme du monde; de l’abandon comme une jeune fille sensible, de la fermetÉ comme un vieux Romain: de la candeur et de l’hÉroÏsme. C’Était le plus actif, et le plus insouciant des hommes; paresseux avec dÉlices, infatigable dans ses entreprises, immuable dans ses resolutions; doux et sÉvÈre, folÂtre et sÉrieux, tendre et terrible, Alcibiade et Marcus.—(P. 13.) Oudet aimait les femmes avec fureur, les aimait toutes, les trompait toutes, et n’en abandonnait aucune de pensÉe, de souvenir, d’affection. Son coeur Était devenu un abime de tendresse, oÙ se fondaient les sentimens les plus contradictoires. Il n’y avait pas un moment de sa vie oÙ l’on ne pÛt lui tirer des larmes pour la premiÈre femme qu’il avait trahie; pas un oÙ il ne mÉditÂt, peut-Être malgrÉ lui, d’en sÉduire une autre. Il Était nÉ Werther, et le monde l’avait fait Lovelace.—(P. 17.)

The writer more than insinuates that Oudet, who was killed on the night after the battle of Wagram, fell, not by the Austrians, but by a premeditated act of Buonaparte. The fact is likely, and the fate not an unfitting one, ... where life was the stake, and the game Catch who can. Ses funerailles resemblerent À celles d’Othon, for some of his fellow-soldiers killed themselves.

But the most extraordinary part of the book is its brave assertion that the army never was the passive instrument of Buonaparte (which indeed in one sense is true, for it was always an active one); that it always detested his tyranny, and was the only body which restrained it; that the love of liberty and of legitimate rights always was cherished in it; and that the restoration of the Bourbons was owing to it: Je ne sortirai pas de cette question sans rappeler que c’est encore À l’armÉe que le bienfait de la restauration est dÛ, puisqu’elle l’a appelÉe par ses voeux, secondÉe par ses efforts, par le concours des supÉrieurs, par le bon esprit des soldats, et quelle l’aurait opÉrÉe d’elle-mÊme quelques jours plus tard. Il n’y À pas un officier FranÇais qui en doute.—(P. 43.)

16He was sent to England, and there with commendable humanity provided for by the Government; but soon venturing over to France for the purpose of bringing back his wife and children, he was apprehended, and shot. Nothing could be drawn from him to criminate any of his confederates, but he affirmed that Marshal Soult was engaged in the design; and this he had determined to do in case he should be discovered. It cannot be doubted that the intentions of this unfortunate officer were good; and that he was a man of good and generous feelings was proved both by his conduct at Porto, and by the motive which induced him to venture into his own country, under the certainty of being put to death if he should be recognized there. And yet he made a false accusation, and persisted in it at his death. The best and purest intentions will not preserve a man from guilt, if he engages in one of those secret societies where he is required to deliver his conscience out of his own keeping.

17The historian of Marshal Soult’s campaigns in 1809 describes Romana’s land journey from the Asturias (p. 276) with a precision worthy of notice ... because it shows what credit is due to such a writer. My statement is taken from Romana’s own letters.

18The writer of Marshal Soult’s campaigns loses no opportunity of displaying this temper. According to him (p. 290) Marshal Ney concealed the fact of his defeat at S. Payo, and assured Soult that he found the position of the enemy too strong to think of attempting it. He has so represented this as to conceal the fact himself, his book not giving the slightest intimation of an action that effected the deliverance of Galicia.

19What he saw erected was a wooden model of what was afterwards to be executed in marble, with this inscription:

A la Gloria
DEL
Ex^{mo}. S^{r}. D. Juan Moore, Gen^{l}. del Ex^{to}. Ingles,
Y a la de sus valientes compatriotas
LA
Espana agradecida.

On the other side:

Batalla de CoruÑa a 18 de Enero,
Ano 1809.

Marshal Soult also ordered the following inscription to be engraved upon a rock near the spot where Sir John Moore fell:

Hic cecidit Johannes Moore, Dux Exercitus,
In pugna Januarii xvi. 1809,
Contra Gallos a Duce DalmatiÆ ductos.

20M. St. Cyr (p. 118) represents Reding as seeking this action by General Doyle’s advice; but it is certain that his intention was not to risk one. The French Commander renders justice to this brave and unfortunate General in all respects, except that he always imputes to him a presumptuous confidence, which Reding never felt. The constitution of his mind disposed him to the very opposite error. This is not asserted speculatively, but upon his own statements and other equally incontestable documents. M. St. Cyr says that Reding escaped in the ensuing action from the hands of a young officer only because that officer had the generosity not to kill him, as he might easily have done, when a pistol shot put an end to his own life. The condition in which Reding escaped does not seem to show that there was much desire of sparing him.

21It is said by M. St. Cyr that they acted by Reding’s advice, and that by so advising them he saved the city from inevitable destruction. But this does not accord with Reding’s own language, for in a part of his dispatch to the Central Junta which was not published, he mentions this conduct of the Cabildo with indignation.

22Marshal St. Cyr speaks of this as un petit ÉvÉnement heureux. (165.) Comparatively small as the numbers were on either side, and uninfluential as it was upon the issue of the war, it was a well-fought battle, in which the French, under one of their ablest generals, were fairly defeated.

23Various explanations have been offered of this name. One account says, that upon finding his family murdered by the French, he smeared his face with pitch, and made a vow of vengeance. Another, that he was so called because of his swarthy complexion. But in the account of his life it is said that all the inhabitants of Castrillo de Duero, where he was born, have this nickname indiscriminately given them by their neighbours, in consequence of a black mud, called pecina, deposited by a little stream which runs through the place; and the appellation became peculiar to him from his celebrity.

24Renovales evidently did not know the terms of that capitulation.

25There could be no intention of deceiving Renovales, nor was a victory in S. Domingo likely to have any effect in determining his conduct. But this mention of one may show how little the French officers knew of public events; nothing in fact but what their own government chose to let them know, ... and that government gave them always as much falsehood as truth.

26This account of Xavier Mina differs materially from that which has been published under the title of The Two Minas and the Spanish Guerillas, as extracted from the work of a German officer, Captain H. Von Brandt. The German officer, who collected his information in the country, acknowledges that the accounts given upon the spot differ essentially from each other. My statement was derived from Mina himself during his short abode in England. Certainly I have never seen any person whom, from his countenance and manners, I should deem less likely to be given to such company and such courses as in that publication are imputed to him.

27They were to be a pound and a half of bread, ten ounces of meat, and a bottle of wine per day for every man.