CHAPTER III. THE IMPRACTICABILITY OF THE OBJECT OF ABOLITIONISTS DEMONSTRATED--AND THE INEVITABLE AND INCALCULABLE EVILS WHICH THAT OBJECT, IF ACCOMPLISHED, WOULD PRODUCE, and C.

The professed object of the Abolition Society is to procure the immediate, instantaneous, and unconditional emancipation of all the slaves in America.—And the means adopted by this Society to accomplish this object are the publication and circulation of vast numbers of papers and pamphlets, by way of enlightening the slave, and the slaveholder—but which consist, for the most part, of exhortations, and encouragement, to the slave, to disobedience, insubordination, and rebellion. This advice is coupled with the most galling denunciations and threats towards the slaveholder. How very far, in the nature of things, these means are from accomplishing the object, every man of common reflection must perceive. Besides, it is an undeniable fact, which might have been anticipated by every man, not a hater of "caution, prudence, and judiciousness," that the condition of the slaves has, since the origin of the Anti-Slavery Society, become much more severe. Since that Society commenced its distribution of incendiary papers, and pamphlets, many of the slave-holders have prevented their slaves learning to read; so that if the slaves were before bound with fetters of hemp, the Abolitionists have converted the hemp into fetters of iron.—But who can blame the slave-holder for this? We, in the Northern and Eastern States, in which the white population far exceeds that of the coloured, cannot justly estimate, or form a correct opinion of the merits of the case, unless we transport ourselves down to the South.—Let us go there for a few moments and then consider the case.—Here we are then in South Carolina, where the slaves are in vast numbers: unaccustomed to guide, or take care of themselves, without either "caution, prudence, or judiciousness"! We have got our wives, our daughters, our sons, our property, all at their mercy—a quantity of papers and pamphlets are circulated among them, in which the slave-holder is portrayed as a monster of hell—a picture or plate of some act of cruelty generally heads the production—individual acts of cruelty and oppression are selected, and so related as if similar deeds were daily committed by every slave-holder in the South! What must the poor man of colour think upon reading, or seeing, this? Why he says within himself, although my master is very good to me, and I have every thing I want, yet as this paper says all masters treat their slaves in this cruel way, the sooner I run off the better! And this paper tells me there is something called liberty which gives money, and houses, and pleasure in abundance; the sooner I get these good things the better! Moreover this good paper also tells me that my master has no right to keep me—that my master's property is not his, but it belongs to his slaves, for they have earned it—and that if I run away the white man will immediately receive, protect, and give me plenty of money, plenty of fine clothes, plenty of pleasure, plenty of no work! I will tell all these good things to all my black brethren—if I have a right to go, so have THEY—if my master's property is mine, so is it theirs also.—The poor deluded slave is thus set on fire, and thus he inflames the minds of all he knows.—They talk and converse, and dream of these good things—but they cannot easily run off—they become discontented—surly—unruly—idle—disobedient—and he who feeds, clothes, and takes care of them, can get little from them! Who can blame the slave-holder under such circumstances adopting every means in his power to check this spirit of rebellion, to prevent the possibility of such doctrines being inculcated amongst his slaves, which every man, except a hater of "caution, prudence, and judiciousness," must be fully aware, would, if left unchecked, sooner or later break out into open rebellion, and place himself and his children at the mercy of ignorant men, inflamed by the hope of gain and the stimulus of lust! One or the other party would conquer.—If the coloured population became the victors (to grant the wish of the Abolitionists) awful would be the condition of both whites and blacks—the male whites would be exposed to all the consequences of revenge and malice, for the victory could not be achieved without some resistance, and that very resistance on the part of the whites would be deemed by the blacks, a sufficient cause for retaliation; the wives and daughters of the white population would then be subjected to consequences of unbridled, and unrestrained lust, to deeds too shocking to think of, and too brutal to relate.—Think, oh think, on this, ye virtuous females, who innocently aid, and incautiously lend your voices and influence to the promotion of a cause, which, if successful, would inevitably produce these consequences.—Turn, oh turn, from such a course, and lend your powerful aid to emancipate the mind of both slave and slave-holder.

But setting aside all these consequences to the white, and admitting, for the sake of every possible latitude to the Abolitionist, that the white population richly deserve such results, what would be the condition of the coloured population after such a victory? Let us suppose that after a month's hard fighting, in which the soil of the south would be drenched with the blood of white and black, that the white population became annihilated, and not one left south of the Potomac. Behold the black placed in immediate, full, and unrestrained possession of the whole South—What think you would be the result ere one year could elapse? Does it require much penetration, or much acumen, to foresee that it would be far better for them, had they, to a man, fallen in the contest? Ignorant—unaccustomed to liberty—unacquainted with the principles of government, or the means of producing order, or of providing for futurity,—his blood still under the stimulus of success—his actions now unrestrained—all the brutal passions of man attheir highest pitch of excitement, indulging in all the luxuries of their late Master's house—what would be the inevitable consequences? First, black would fight with black, till the land would now become drenched with black blood—parties and associations of blacks would be formed, according to the dispositions, desires, views, temperaments, and morals of each party. Ignorant, dissipated, idle, and ambitious for superiority, party would fight with party, till scarcely a party would be left. During the scenes of blood, of carnage, of idleness, of devastation, and of debauchery, the soil becomes uncultivated, the seed not sown, if in spring,—the earth's produce not gathered, if in harvest! The stores of the former years become consumed—each man, thinks that each man, but himself, ought to work; and each man thinks that he himself ought now to enjoy liberty. The very attempt of any, to induce any to work, would be a sufficient provocation for mortal combat! Wants would now begin—still appetites must be gratified—"Caution, prudence, and judiciousness" they have either never learned, or have been taught by the great Champion of Abolitionism, to hate! Each day diminishes the stores, and increases the demands—and each day, fresh indications of abolition-liberty, manifest themselves in blood and outrage! At length, and that not many weeks after their victory, famine, with all her horrors, stares them in the face—children and infants, and mothers cry in vain for help—for nourishment.—Her ever constant companion, Pestilence, now attends, and thousands and thousands die of want and disease, calling down from heaven eternal curses on the heads of those who excited them to rebellion—the authors of all their sufferings—the Abolitionists!

On the other hand, suppose that, in such a rebellion throughout the South, the whites were to conquer—this could not be accomplished without the destruction of vast numbers of the people of colour—nor without the loss of the lives of many whites. What then would be the condition of the surviving blacks? Common justice, and prudence, would oblige the white population to deprive the slaves of many of those privileges which they now enjoy, and to rivet their fetters more securely—whom would they have to thank for all this? Abolitionists! Whom have they even now to thank for the loss of many indulgences? The Abolitionists! And whom have thousands now to thank for being still in slavery? Abolitionists!

Take a view of the subject in any possible way, let the black conquer, or let him be conquered, ruination to him is the inevitable result, totally independent of the awful calamities to which the white population would be subjected. Here is a two-horned dilemma: let the Abolitionist sit upon either horn so long as he can, consistently with his profession of charity—of philanthropy, of christianity!

Leaving this part of our subject for the present, I will ask any man of common sense, and of the least reflection, whether the means adopted by Abolitionists to enlighten the slave-holder, so as to make him emancipate his slaves, are the most judicious, or the most likely to accomplish that end? I will venture to aver, without fear of contradiction, that they are so far—very far, from being likely, in the very nature of things, to accomplish the professed object (the emancipation of the slaves,) that no surer method could possibly be used more calculated to increase their sufferings, and to rivet their chains! And so convinced am I of this, that I cannot conceive how any man of intellect, who has a single eye to this object, would for a moment sanction such means! Let us place ourselves in the situation of slave-holders, and then see the effect such conduct would have upon ourselves; recollecting that by nature all men are alike, for, "as in water face answereth to face, so doth the heart of man to man": so says the Bible at all events, no matter what you may think to the contrary! Here we are then, a pair of slave-holders (not slave-traders). Our parents left slaves to us, as "our inheritance" (Lev. xxv. 44, 46). We are surrounded by them. The subsistence of our wives, and of our little ones, depends on their labour and exertion. We treat them kindly, and they have abundance of food and raiment. We instruct them—and pay a physician to attend them when ill.[30:A] A party has got up in the North, whose professed object is to enlighten us slave-holders. Pamphlets and Papers in abundance are sent down to us. We read them—when lo! we find ourselves portrayed as Monsters! Our characters slandered. Our legal rights denied. Our heads branded with the epithet—"Men stealers"—"Tyrants"—"Devils incarnate"—"Objects peculiarly deserving the eternal wrath and vengeance of Heaven"—the world called upon to abhor and detest us, and we held up to public and everlasting infamy! But this is not all. The very persons whom the providence of God gave us—whom we feed, clothe, instruct, attend in sickness and in health, and who thus enjoy more comfort and happiness, than nine-tenths of the labouring class of white free persons in any part of Europe!—these very persons are, in said pamphlets, taught and encouraged to look upon us as their oppressors, as the only barriers to their wealth and happiness—as having no lawful right to possess them—and that all our substance—all our property—is in fact, not ours, but theirs! Moreover, that the Law of God authorises them to run off as quick as they can, and, if practicable, with as much of our property as they can convey away!

What think you would be our feelings—our conduct on perusing such productions? Would they be calculated to make us listen, and give a ready ear to their authors? Unquestionably not—but the very reverse! Such is the nature of man, that, however well disposed he may be to listen to instruction, and to take advice, the moment he is assailed with harsh words, with opprobrious epithets, with threats of vengeance, and particularly, with what he deems likely to affect his purse, he shuts his ears, hardens his heart, and shuns you. The proceedings of Abolitionists, may be compared to stopping a man's ears, and then punishing him for not hearing; or knocking out his eyes, and then calling upon him to read; or lastly, like attempting to separate a block of wood, by applying to the crevice, the base, instead of the apex, of the wedge; against which you may strike in vain, till either you break the wedge, or spend your strength, without ever even once entering the crevice!

If then such would be the effect upon us, placed in the circumstances of the Southerner, is it right or judicious, or prudent, to assail him with abuse, accuse him of conduct to which Abolitionists have driven him, or continue to encourage and pursue a system which, so far from accomplishing the desired object, tends only to augment the sufferings of the slave, and to produce consequences the most awful and calamitous to all concerned, both to whites and to blacks!

Again, the slave is taught, in those Abolition productions, to consider all slave-holders, cruel tyrants! This statement, no man, with any regard for truth, or possessing the least information or reflection, will venture to affirm. How galling, therefore, must it be, for those conscious of rectitude, to have the crimes of others attributed to them! How would the Abolitionists of this City, or of Boston, like to have it proclaimed to the world, that all the married men in these two cities are cruel and unnatural, husbands, masters, and parents; because there are some persons in those places, who richly deserve to be so designated? Moreover, I am convinced that there are in these, our cities, ten cruel and unnatural (white) parents, husbands, and masters, to one cruel and unnatural slave-holder in the South! What think you of that, Mr. Abolitionist? I would recommend you to "cast the beam out of thine own eye, and then shalt thou see clearly to cast the mote out of thy brother's eye;" and to recollect the admonition of the sacred writer, "Therefore, thou art inexcusable, O man, whosoever thou art that judgest: for wherein thou judgest another, thou condemnest thyself; for thou that judgest, doest the same things. And thinkest thou this, O man, that judgest them which do such things, and doest the same, that thou shalt escape the judgment of God!" (Rom. ii. 1-3.)

Let us now contrast the advice and commands of Christ and of his Apostles, with the advice and doctrines of Abolitionists—

	The Bible teaches—		Abolitionism teaches—
1.	"Having food and raiment be therewith content."	1.	Be not content with food and raiment unless you get free!
2.	"Let every man abide in the same calling wherein he was called."—1 Cor. vii. 20.	2.	Let no slave abide for one moment as such, if he can get off!
3.	"Art thou called being a slave,[33:A] care not for it."—1 Cor. vii. 21.	3.	If you are a slave never cease caring for it!
4.	"If thou mayest (can lawfully) be made free, use it rather."—1 Cor. vii. 21.	4.	Whether thou mayest or mayest not (lawfully or unlawfully) get free!
5.	"Slaves, be obedient to them that are your masters, according to the flesh."—Eph. vi. 5.	5.	Slaves, be not obedient to your masters; but leave them as quick as you can!
6.	"Slaves, obey in all things your masters."—Col. iii. 22.	6.	Obey your masters as little as possible, that they may be compelled to cast you off!
7.	"Let as many slaves, as are under the yoke, count their own masters worthy of all honour."—1 Tim. vi. 1.	7.	Masters are worthy of no honour or respect, but contempt and infamy!
8.	"Let those who have believing masters, not despise them."—1 Tim. vi. 2.	8.	There are no slave-holders believers:—despise them all!
9.	"Love them that hate you, and do good to them that despitefully use you."—Matt. v. 44.	9.	Hate your masters, for they oppress you: and do evil to them, for they despitefully use you!
10.	"Love your enemies."—Matt. v. 44.	10.	Your masters are your enemies, therefore despise them.

These few instances will show how different is the spirit which guided the sacred penmen, and that which now actuates the Abolitionists.—If there were no other evidences that Abolitionism is not the cause of God, the foregoing ought to be sufficient to convince every man who believes in the divine origin of the Sacred Scriptures, and who is willing to submit his judgment to the authority of HIM, "whose ways are not as our ways, and whose thoughts are not as our thoughts."

I think I have now fully proved my propositions, viz., "that the principles of Abolitionism are injurious to the slaves themselves, and are contrary to the express commands of God."

We shall now accomplish to the fullest extent the professed wish of Abolitionists, and see what would be the probable result! Suppose I possessed the power of granting, at the stroke of my pen, instantaneous emancipation to all the slaves in America, and were this moment to issue the following proclamation: "To all whom it may concern, greeting! I do hereby command and order, that all slaves throughout the Union be instantly set free, and they are now free accordingly!" Let us now ascend in a balloon and take a view of TWO MILLIONS AND A HALF, of poor, ignorant, pennyless, men, women, and children, cast abroad on the world, without a home—without a guide—without "caution, prudence, or judiciousness!" Is not this exactly what you want, Mr. Abolitionist? What awful consequences must ensue! Not so much to the whites, but more particularly to the poor ignorant people of colour! Can that be called friendship, or charity, or philanthropy, which would lead to such a result? Those ignorant, poor, unprotected, people have now liberty! Will liberty cover them—feed them—protect them—stop the crying of the hungry child—or the cravings of the famished mother? What have they given for this liberty; and what have they got by it? They have given up, peace, plenty, protection, and contentedness! And they have got liberty, with starvation, anxiety, and want! What a glorious exchange! What a profitable bargain! How thankful they ought to be, to their pseudo-friends, the Abolitionists!

But come out now, Abolitionists, like men, and answer this question, "Are the slaves in the South, now in a proper condition for immediate emancipation?" Are they, or are they not? Reflect upon the above picture, and then answer like men.—Do you reply, that you think they ought to have first some education—some provision made for them—some arrangements to guard against possible consequences?—If this be your answer, I congratulate you on the first symptoms of restoration to sound mental health: I now entertain hopes of your speedy recovery, and ere you have read the last page of this humble treatise, I doubt not, but you and I will perfectly agree, and I will give you a certificate of health!

There will nevertheless remain some stubborn Abolitionists, even all who "hate prudence, caution, and judiciousness," who will still exclaim "the slaves are now fit for instantaneous and unconditional emancipation!" A word or two with such characters before I close this chapter. Pray from what premises do you draw your conclusions? Is it from the present condition of those already made free, or from the emancipation of slaves in other countries. I shall examine both of these grounds. First then as to the condition of those already emancipated, which condition if it even favoured the views of Abolitionists, would not be a justifiable or parallel case, forasmuch as the free people of colour amongst us now were not suddenly, but gradually emancipated—and were not totally ignorant, for many of them knew how both to read and to write. Therefore with all these points strong in favour of every thing the Abolitionist could possibly desire, we shall fearlessly investigate the result.

In the facts I am about adducing, I wish it to be clearly understood, that I do not attribute them to any natural peculiarity, or natural inferiority of coloured persons, but distinctly to the want of education, and to the peculiar and trying circumstances in which these persons are placed. If even the free persons of colour, turned out good and worthy citizens to the utmost wish of every benevolent man, it would not, as I have just stated, prove any thing in favour of Abolition; but so far from this being the case—so far, notwithstanding all the advantages of gradual emancipation, and a preparatory course of instruction, from the result substantiating the opinion of Abolitionists, viz. "that the slaves may, with safety to themselves, and to others, be instantaneously emancipated;" it stands an incontrovertible evidence against them—a warning that it is difficult to conceive how any man in his senses, would not be admonished by; if he be one who regards the welfare and happiness of this country, and the real good of the black! The following paragraph is taken from "the Plea for Africa," p. 179.

"It has been asserted that, of free blacks collected in our cities and large towns, a great portion are found in abodes of wretchedness and vice, and become tenants of poor-houses and prisons. As a proof of the tendency of their condition, the following striking facts among others, ascertained a year or two since, have been mentioned: In Massachusetts, where the coloured population is small, being less than 7,000 souls, (only 1-74th part of the whole population,) hand pointing right about 1-6th part of the whole number of convicts in the state-prison are blacks. In Connecticut, 1-34th part of the population is coloured, and hand pointing right 1-3d part of the convicts. In New-York, 1-35th part are blacks; hand pointing right 1-4th part of the convicts in the city state-prison are blacks. In New-Jersey, the proportion is 1-13th coloured; and of the convicts 1-3d. In Pennsylvania, 1-34th part of a population of more than a million of souls, is coloured; and more than one-third part of the convicts are black.

"I need not pursue these illustrations of the degradation of the free blacks in the non-slave-holding States. It appears from these statements, which I find in the First Annual Report of the Prison Discipline Society, that about one quarter part of all the expense incurred by these States for the support of their institutions for criminals is for coloured convicts. The bill of expense in three of these States stands thus: that is, the expense for the support of coloured convicts for the specified number of years preceding the report from which this schedule is made, is in

Massachusetts,	10 years,	$17,734
Connecticut,	15 years,	37,166
New-York,	27 years,	109,166	in one prison.
————
$164,066

hand pointing right This sum was expended in an average of less than eighteen years, on convicts from among a population of only 54,000 coloured persons.

"Illustrations, borrowed from the criminal statistics of the South, would place this matter in a far more unfavourable light. References to the expenses for the maintenance of paupers, would give a similar result."

According to the above statement, it appears, that in Massachusetts, there are (in proportion to the whole population) TWELVE coloured persons to one white, in poor-houses and prisons!

• In Connecticut, ELEVEN Coloured, to one White, in Do.!
• In New-York, EIGHT Coloured, to one White, in Do.!
• In New-Jersey, FOUR Coloured, to one White, in Do.!
• In Pennsylvania, ELEVEN Coloured, to one White, in Do.!

If the trial of 300,000 Coloured free persons, (the number now in the States,) emancipated gradually, and under the most favourable circumstances possible, be not sufficient to open the eyes of the Abolitionists to the recklessness of their course, I know not what could. Can this result afford any encouragement or satisfaction? And if not, why persevere in attempting to bring about what cannot take place; and which if it could, would produce incalculable misfortunes throughout the States?

We shall now investigate the other appeal, viz., that no evils arose from the immediate emancipation of the slaves in Mexico—the British slaves in the West Indies, those in Chili, Buenos Ayres, Colombia, and New York. In the first place, then, give me leave to remark that as to Mexico, the slaves there were only comparatively a handful, about 20,000. Secondly, they were incorporated into the Army, as the condition of emancipation; so that they actually only changed from civil to martial law! And thirdly, so far from the slaves in Mexico having been set free in one day, it took them TWELVE YEARS to buy their freedom! The law, granting them this privilege, was, it is true, made in one day; but the accomplishment of it, took TWELVE YEARS! See Dr. Reese's Letters to the Hon. William Jay, p. 104. As to the English slaves in the West Indies, every one knows their emancipation was not immediate, for in fact they are not as yet literally emancipated! Besides, the British found it necessary not only to pay handsomely for them; but they find it indispensably necessary still to maintain there a considerable standing Army! And the venerable Mr. Clarkson, writing on the subject, said, "I never stated that our West Indian slaves were to be emancipated suddenly, but by degrees. I always, on the other hand, took it for granted, that they were to have a preparatory school, also." Lastly, as to the four other places, it is notorious, that the slaves were not in one single instance, immediately and unconditionally emancipated. Here are the cases so frequently referred to by Abolitionists, as a ground of justification for their project, and yet we perceive there is not one of them a case, parallel, to the condition of the Southern States; moreover, where any of them, have any resemblance to the circumstances of our country, the result shows the madness of the Abolition Scheme! There is one more fatal objection to the Abolition system, viz., that its whole aim is the removal of the effect, and not the cause! Now the first principle in philosophy, indeed in common sense, is, "to remove the cause:" and every system built upon any other principle is absurd, and must turn out useless. Abolitionism is therefore unphilosophical, absurd, fallacious, and inefficacious! That slavery is the cause of much evil, I do not pretend to deny; but then slavery itself is only an effect. For example, a person gets a splinter of wood into his finger—the finger inflames—the arm inflames—the whole body (as it were) inflames—delirium or lockjaw supervenes, and death closes the scene! Now the inflamed finger is the cause of the inflamed arm; and that the cause of the general fever; and that the cause of the delirium; and that the cause of death![39:A] What kind of empirical practice would every attempt be to remove the inflammation of the finger, of the arm, or of the body, while the cause (the splinter) still remained in the finger? The very first thing any man of science would, under such circumstances, do, would be to extract the splinter—the original cause of all—when once the cause had been removed, then, but not till then, would he attempt to remove the effects.

The attention of Abolitionists is directed solely to the removal of the effect—for slavery is only the effect of the African Slave-trade. Now if there never had been slave-trade, there would be now no slavery: and this cause—the slave-trade, still exists. One hundred thousand Africans are annually torn away by the hand of violence from their native land; and of this number, ere they reach their destination, SIXTY THOUSAND die of hard and cruel treatment. Yet to all this Abolitionists pay no attention,—they weep and wail over, and preach and brawl about, the people of colour in these States, nine-tenths of whom are slaves only in name, and who are far better off, far happier, far more contented—far better provided for, than nine-tenths of the white labouring population of civilized Europe.

The ingenuity of Abolitionists, I am aware, will readily find for them a plausible answer to this charge: they will reply, oh if we stop slavery here—if we break up the system in our States, if there be no market to which the slave-trader can bring his slaves, the African traffic will soon cease. Admitted, if the little "IF," which always professes to accomplish great things, could work miracles. But pray, would breaking up the slave-trade in these States, break up the market elsewhere? Certainly not! For those 100,000 slaves now annually exported from Africa, are not brought here; but to the Brazils, Havanna, &c. &c.

A short quotation from "the Plea for Africa" will furnish the reader with still more extensive views of the horrors of the SLAVE-TRADE, to which Abolitionists, with all their philanthropy, pay no attention.

"Mr. Clarkson divides the slaves into seven classes. The most considerable class consists of kidnapped, or stolen Africans. In obtaining these, every species of injustice, treachery and cruelty are resorted to. This class, Mr. C. supposes, embraces one half of the whole number transported from Africa. The second class consists of those whose villages are set on fire and depopulated in the darkness of night, for the purpose of obtaining a portion of their inhabitants. The third class consists of those who have been convicted of crimes. The fourth, of prisoners in wars that originate from common causes, or in wars made solely for the purpose of procuring captives for slaves. The fifth, such as are slaves by birth. The sixth and seventh, such as have surrendered their liberty by reason of debt, or by other imprudences, which last, however, are comparatively few in number.

"They are sometimes brought a distance of a thousand miles; marched over land in droves, or caufles as they are called, secured from running away, by pieces of wood which yoke them together by the neck, two and two, or by other pieces fastened with staples to their arms.

"Some are carried to what are called slave-factories; others immediately to the shore, and conveyed in boats to the different ships whose captains have captured or purchased them. The men are confined on board the ship, two and two together, either by the neck, leg, or arm, with fetters of iron; and are put into apartments, the men occupying the forepart, the women the afterpart, and the children the middle. The tops of these apartments are grated for the admission of light and for ventilation when the weather is suitable for the grates to be uncovered, and are about three feet three inches in height, just sufficient space being allotted to each individual to sit in one posture, the whole stowed away like so much lumber.

"It is said that many of them whilst the ships are waiting for their full lading, and whilst they are near their native shore which they are no more to set foot upon for ever, have been so depressed, and overwhelmed with such unsupportable distress, that they have been induced to die by their own hands. Others have become deranged and perfect maniacs, or have pined away and died with despairing, broken hearts.

"In the day-time, in fair weather, they are sometimes brought on deck. They are then placed in long rows on each side of the ship, two and two together. As they are brought up from their apartments, a long chain is passed through the shackles of each couple, successively, and thus the whole row is fastened down to the deck. In this situation, they receive their food. After their coarse and meagre meal, a drum is beaten by one of the sailors, and at its sound the Negroes are all required to exercise, for their health, jumping in their chains as high as their fetters will let them; and if any refuse to exercise in this way, they are whipped until they comply. This jumping, the slave-merchants call "dancing."

"The middle passage is the whole from the time the ship weighs anchor until she arrives at her destined port. On the passage, the situation of the slaves is, indeed, doubly deplorable, especially if the ship have a long passage, and is very full. A full-grown person is allowed, in the most commodious slave-ships, but sixteen inches in width, three feet three inches in height, and five feet eight inches in length. They lie in one crowded mass on the bare planks, and by the constant motion of the ship, are often chafed until their bones are almost bare, and their limbs covered with bruises and sores. The heat is often so great, and the air they breathe so poisoned with pestilence by the feverish exhalations of the suffering multitude, that nature can no longer sustain itself. It is no uncommon occurrence, to find, on each successive morning, some who have died during the night, in consequence of their suffering and confined situation. A large proportion of those who are shipped, die before they have crossed the ocean. Many also die soon after completing the voyage, from what is called "the seasoning;" that is, in becoming acclimated in the country to which they are carried.

"It is said that when the slave-holders first visited the western coast of Africa, the country was most delightful. The coast was covered with villages, or thickly settled towns, which swarmed with inhabitants. Simple in their manners, amiable in their dispositions, in quiet enjoyment of the profuse bounties of nature, they are represented as exceeding happy.

"They were a comparatively innocent, unoffending, contented, happy race. It was not until slave-dealers introduced among them every thing that could please the fancy and awaken the cupidity of uncivilized men, that they were at all prone to interfere with each other's happiness. By the more than brutal cruelty of white men, quarrels were fomented, tribe was set against tribe, and each supplied with the means of mutual destruction."

Besides all this, recollect that there are about FIFTY MILLIONS of Africans left exposed to the debasing influence of this hellish practice. And if the Colonization Society did nothing more than stop or check this torrent of infernal iniquity, it ought to render its friends and advocates immortal, and make those blush (if blush they could) who vilify and slander them.

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