FOOTNOTES:

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1 From the Edinburgh Med. and Surg. Journal, No. 149.

2 Study of Medicine, vol. i. pref. p. xxiii.

3 See some learned notices regarding this strange species of mania (the wolf-madness or wehrwolf of the Germans) in Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy (edit. of 1804), vol. i. p. 13, and Heinrich Hase’s late work on the Public and Private Life of the Ancient Greeks, p. 17. Ploucquet, in his Literatura Medica, gives references to a number of articles and monographs on the subject under the word “Lycanthropia,” vol. i. p. 510.

4 See particularly the Canon De Leprosis of Pope Alexander III. in the Monasticon Anglicanum, tom. ii. p. 365; and Semler’s HistoriÆ EcclesiasticÆ Selecta Capita, tom. iii. p. 170.

5 The terms employed by Matthew Paris are quite precise. “Habent insuper Templarii in Christianitate novem millia Maneriorum; Hospitalarii vero novemdecim.” Anglor. Historia Major (ed. of 1644), p. 417. In referring to the subject under the word “Leprosaria,” Ducange states, “Dominus MatthÆus Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 63, affirmat suo tempore fuisse Leprosarias 1900 (19,000?) in toto orbe Christiano.” See his Glossarium, Med. et Inf. Latinitatis, tom. iv. p. 126. At p. 63 of the Appendix to Paris, the institution of one hospital at St.Alban’s is referred to; but neither here nor elsewhere in his work can I find any allusion whatever to the existing number of leper hospitals in England, or in Christendom in general.

6 Velley, Villaret et Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. ii. (ed. of 1770), p. 291.

7 Velley, etc., Histoire, ii. p. 292.

8 Mezeray, Histoire de France, tom. ii. 1645, p. 168. “Il n’y avoit n’y ville, n’y bourgade, qui ne fust obligÉe de bÂtir un hospital pour les (Lepres) retirer.”

9 Antiquitates ItalicÆ Medii Aevi, tom. iii. p. 53. “In Italia vix ulla erat civitas quÆ non aliquem locum, Leprosis destinatum, haberet.”

10 Acta Sanctorum a Patribus Soc. Jesu AntuerpiÆ Collecta. Holst in his Work on Radesyge (Morbus quem Radesyge vocant: Christianae, 1817), refers to the works of Smid and Petersen, as showing that Denmark formerly suffered much from leprous diseases (morbis Leprosis olim graviter vexatam fuisse), p. 90.

11 For reference to the prevalence of leprosy and leper hospitals in Ireland, see Ledwich’s Antiquities of Ireland (Dublin, 1804), p. 370.

12 Terms manifestly (according to Junius, Johnson, Richardson, etc.) mere corruptions of the word hospital.

13 Manuscript Chartulary of the Priory of Coldingham, p. 25. Advocates Library, Edinburgh. In the above Latin extract the original orthography is preserved.

14 Liber de SanctÆ MariÆ de Melros. Presented by the Duke of Buccleuch to the Bannatyne Club, Edin. 1839, tom. i. p. 70. See also Morton’s Monastic Annals of Teviotdale, 1832, p. 265.

15 Stat. Ac. of Scotland, No. xvi. p. 75.

16 Registrum Monasterii de Passelet, 1163-1529. Presented by the Earl of Glasgow to the Maitland Club, tom. i. p. 21. I am indebted to Mr. E. Thomson of Edinburgh, and formerly of Ayr, for pointing out to me the fact and inference in the text.

17 See Chalmers’ Caledonia, vol. iii. p. 496; and Records of the Burgh of Prestwick, from the fifteenth to the eighteenth century. Glasgow, 1834, p. 127.

18 The Lord of the Isles. Canto v. Note vii.

19 Session Papers, Advocates’ Library, vol. xxix. Petition of Colonel Fullarton to the Lords of Council and Session, Jan. 18, 1798, for the patronage, etc., of Kingcase.

20 GeographiÆ BleauvianÆ, vol. vi. p. 60.

21 Gibson’s History of Glasgow (1778), p. 52. Cleland’s Glasgow, 1816, vol. i. 68.

22 Burgh Records of Glasgow, from 1573 to 1581 (printed 1832), p. 1.

23 Ibid. p. 52.

24 Ibid. p. 127.

25 Memorabilia of Glasgow, selected from the Minute Books of the Burgh, 1588 to 1750 (printed 1835), p. 55.

26 Manuscript Records of the Town-Council of Edinburgh, vol. vii. p. 168. There would seem to have been a Leper-hospital belonging to Edinburgh antecedent to that built at Greenside. At least in the City Council Records for 30th September 1584, I find a missive for Michael Chisholm and others, to inquire into “the estait and ordour of the awld (old) fundatioun of the Lipperhous besyde Dyngwall.” The Castle of Dyngwall, the residence of the Provost of the adjoining Trinity College, formerly stood on the site of the Orphan Hospital, behind Shakespeare Square.

27 Manuscript Records of the Town-Council, vol. ix. pp. 9 and 12.

28 Ibid. vol. ix. p. 123.

29 Pennecuik’s Historical Account of the Blue Blanket or Craftsmen’s Banner. Edinburgh, 1722, p. 135.

30 Manuscript Records, vol. xvii. p. 298.

31 Ibid. vol. xix. p. 210.

32 Book of Bon Accord, 1839, p. 341.

33 Book of Bon Accord, 1839, p. 312.

34 Kennedy’s Annals of Aberdeen, vol. ii. p. 82, and vol. i. p. 168.

35 Registrum Episcopatus Moraviensis, Edinb. 1837, pp. 77-78. Sir John G. Dalyell’s Brief Analysis of the Records of the Bishopric of Moray, Edinb. 1826, p. 34.

36 Rhind’s Sketches of Moray (1840), p. 114.

37 A Brief Description of Orkney, Zetland, Pightland Frith, etc. Edinb. 1701, p. 72.

38 View of the Ancient and Present State of the Zetland Islands, vol. ii. p. 103. Edinb. 1809.

39 Vol. ii. pp. 7, 88.

40 See Transactions of the Society of the Antiquaries of Scotland, vol. i. p. 295.

41 Boece gives with great gravity the following extravagant account of the holy origin of the oily well of Liberton:—“Nocht two milis fra Edinburgh (says he) is ane fontane dedicat to Sanct Katrine, quhair sternis of oulie springis ithandlie (where drops of oil rise constantly) with sic abondance, that howbeit the samin be gaderit away, it springis incontinent with gret aboundance. This fontane rais throw ane drop of Sanct Katrinis oulie, quhilk was brocht out of Mount Sinai, fra hir sepulture, to Sanct Margaret, the blessit Queene of Scotland; and als sone (as soon) as Sanct Margaret saw the oil spring ithandlie, be divine miracle, in the said place, she gart big ane chappell (made be built a chapel) there in the honour of Sanct Katherine.”—Bellenden’s Translation of Boece’s Hystory and Chroniklis of Scotland, p. xxxviii.

42 Memorial of the Rare and Wonderful Things in Scotland, at the end of his Abridgement of the Scotch Chronicles. London, 1612.

43 Dyet of the Diseased, book iii. cap. 19.

44 Trans. of the Society of Antiquaries, vol. i. p. 324.

45 The Oily Well; or a Topographico-Spagyrical Description of the Oily Well at St.Catherine’s Chappel, in the Paroch of Liberton. Edinburgh, 1664.

46 Sir Thomas Murray’s edition of The Acts of Parliament made by James the First, etc. (Edinburgh 1681), p. 18; or T. Thomson’s edition of The Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland (1814), vol. ii. p. 16.

47 Surtees’ Antiquities of the County Palatine of Durham, vol. i. p. 127.

48 Nicolson and Burns’ History of Westmoreland and Cumberland, vol. ii. p. 250.

49 Dugdale’s Monasticon Anglicanum, tom. ii. p. 458. Tanner’s Notitia Monastica (fol. edit.), p. 395.

50 It may be proper to state that the references made to the Monasticon Anglicanum throughout the present paper, apply always to the first edition of that great work, unless when it is otherwise specified.

51 In the index to Tanner’s Notitia Monastica (Nasmith’s folio edition), 509 hospitals, leper-houses, and Maisons dieu are referred to as having existed in England previously to the Act for their suppression by Henry VIII. (See a table in Taylor’s Index Monasticus, p. xxv.) We have no collection of data on which to form any similar general calculation for Scotland. In Chalmers Caledonia (vol. ii. p. 347) nine hospitals are stated to have existed in the county of Berwick alone. In the Scottish Parliament of 1424, an Act was passed regarding the hospitals “uphaldane to pure folks and seik” (poor people and sick) throughout the kingdom, and empowering the chancellor and bishops to “reduce and reforme tham to the effec of thair first fundacione” (see Thomson’s edition of the Scotch Acts of Parliament, vol. ii. p. 7). Some of the hospitals in these early times were founded for the reception of the sick and infirm, others for lepers, many for the poor and aged, and a considerable number for the gratuitous entertainment of pilgrims and travellers. Among the whole long English list I have only found four endowed as lunatic asylums. A few were instituted for purposes which sound strangely in the ears of the present generation. Thus the hospital of Flixton, or Carman’s Spittle, in the parish of Folketon, Yorkshire, was founded in the time of King Athelstane, to preserve travellers from being devoured by the wolves and other voracious and forest beasts of the districts (“pro conservatione populi inde transeuntis, ne populus ille per lupos et alias bestias voraces et sylvestres, inibi existentes, devoretur”). See the renewed charter of Henry VI. in the Monasticon Anglicanum, tom. ii. p. 372.

52 Bloomefield’s History of Norfolk, continued by Parkin.

53 Taylor’s Index Monasticus to the Diocese of Norwich, p. 52, seq.

54 Pitcairn’s Criminal Trials in Scotland, vol. ii. p. 29.

55 De Secretis NaturÆ (Amsterdam ed. of 1790), p. 241.

56 British Monachism, or Manners, etc., of the Monks of England, p. xv.

57 Historiae Ecclesiasticae Selecta Capita, tom. iii. p. 170.

58 On the north-west side of the ruins of the Kingcase Hospital Chapel, Ayr, the burial-place of the leper bedesmen is still pointed out, but the numerous and marked “undulations of the green sward” are their only tombstone.

59 MS. Records of the Town-Council of Edinburgh, vol. ix. p. 123.

60 Ancient Records of the Burgh of Prestwick. Glasgow, 1834, p. 40.

61 Surtees’ Durham, vol. i. 128.

62 Index Monast. p. 55.

63 Monasticon Anglicanum, tom. ii. p. 390.

64 Paris, Historia Anglor. edit. of 1644, Additam. p. 169.

65 As in the hospital of St.Laurence, Canterbury, which contained lepers of both sexes. See Strype’s Life of Archbishop Parker, 1791, vol. i. p. 224.

66 Surtees’ Durham, vol. i. p. 286.

67 In a passage breathing the very spirit and prejudices of the middle ages, Mezeray states that during all the twelfth century, two very cruel evils (deux maux tres cruels) reigned in France, viz. leprosy and usury; one of which (he adds) infected the body, while the other ruined families.—Histoire de France, tom. ii. p. 169.

68 Historia Anglor. etc., Appendix, p. 164.

69 De l’Origine de Chevalrie, chap. ix. p. 126.

70 Le Histoire du Clerge Seculier, etc. See Table from it in Taylor’s Index Monasticus, p. xxvii.

71 Helyot’s Histoire des Ordres Religieux (edit. of 1792), vol. i. p. 257.

72 Rivius’ Historia Monast. Occident. (1737), p. 223.

73 History and Antiquities of Leicester, vol. ii. p. 72.

74 There was in England at least one alien cell of Lazarites, at Lokhay, Derbyshire, subject to a French house. Tanner’s Notitia Monastica, p. 83.

75 Monasticon Anglicanum, 2d ed. vi. p. 632. Notitia Monastica, p. 239.

76 MS. Chartulary of Newbottle Abbey, p. 205, Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh. Since writing the above I find that Maitland, in his History of Scotland, includes, but without any references or details, the institution of Lazarites at Linlithgow, among his meagre list of Scottish Hospitals, vol. i. p. 269.

77 Histoire des Ordres Religieux, tom. i. p. 264.

78 Historical Account of the Blue Blanket, etc., containing the fundamental principles of the Good Town (Edin. 1722), p. 6. Probably the Lazarites are here confounded with the Hospitallers or Knights of St.John.

79 Geddes’ Tracts. View of all the Orders of Monks and Fryars in the Roman Church. London (1794), p. 46.

80 Helyot, tom. i. p. 262, and Moehsen’s Commentatio Prima de Medicis Equestri dignitate Ornatis (1750), p. 56.

81 Bul. Rom. tom. ii. Const. 95, Pii iv. § 4.

82 AbrÉgÉ Hist. de l’Ordre de Notre-Dame, etc., or Helyot, tom. i. p. 397.

83 Testament of Cresseid (Bannatyne Club edition, 1824), p. 20.

84 Edinburgh Town-Council Records, vol. ix. p. 123.

85 See a copy of the charter in Kennedy’s Annals, vol. i. p. 167.

86 Taylor’s Index Monasticus, p. 12.

87 Ibid. See instances at pages 57 and 60.

88 Monast. Anglic. tom. ii. p. 365, and Hist. Angl. Scripta edit. Lond. 1652. Coll. 1450, l. 4.

89 Life and Acts of Matthew Parker, by J. Strype, 1791, vol. i. p. 224-26.

90 Taylor, ut supra, p. 127, Table of Revenues.

91 Dugdale’s Mon. Anglic. 2d ed. vol. vi. p. 652.

92 Ibid. p. 637.

93 Val. Ecclesiast. Temp. Henr. VIII., tom. v. 1825, p. 308.

94 Ibid. p. 645.

95 Itinerary through England, etc. (by order of Henry VIII.), Hearne’s edit vol. v. p. 105.

96 Monast. Anglic. vi. p. 632; or Thoresby’s History and Antiquities of Leicester, vol. iii. (1790), p. 175.

97 Paris’ Historia Anglor. etc. Additamenta, p. 163.

98 Sed bene cavendum quod nec putridum, nec corruptum, vel morticinum illis rogetur.

99 Surtees’ History of the County of Durham, vol. i. pp. 129 and 286.

100 Chronicon de Lanercost (Edinburgh 1841), p. 241. Chronica Th. Walsingham in Camden’s Anglica, etc. (1603), p. 113. Hume’s History of England (ed. of 1792), vol. ii. p. 370.

101 Histoire de France, Mezeray, tom. ii. p. 72. Velley, etc., tom. ii. p. 292.

102 Ordonnances des Roys de France de la Troisieme Race (1723), tom. i. p. 814.

103 Ib. loc. cit. This Ordonnance is dated Crecy, 16th August 1321.

104 Velley, Villaret, etc. Histoire de France, vol. vi. p. 239.

105 De Morbis Veneriis, ed. of 1740, p. 7.

106 Letter to Von Troil, in his work on Iceland, p. 323.

107 History of the Holy Warre (1647), p. 254.

108 General History of Scotland (1794), vol. ii. p. 266.

109 Ingram’s Edit. of the Saxon Chronicle, 1823, p. 302. See also Wharton’s Anglia Sacra, tom. i. p. 264—and Gervase, in Leland’s Collectanea de Rebus Britannicis (Hearne’s Edit.), tom. i. p. 263. Dr. Lingard, in his History of England, vol. ii. p. 44 of 2d edit., states on the authority of Ordericus Vitalis, etc., the date of Lanfranc’s death as 1079, which, if correct, and not a mere misprint, would only add to the force of the argument in the text.

110 Antiquities of Canterbury, vol. i. p. 42, and vol. ii. p. 169.

111 Eadmeri Historia Novorum sive Sui Seculi, p. 9.

112 History of Northampton, vol. i. p. 363.

113 Bishop Tanner’s Notitia Monastica, edit. of 1744, p. 211.

114 Ruel and Hartmann’s Collectio Conciliorum Illustratorum, 1675, tom. iv. p. 100. The Lombards had a similar law, see Lindenbrog’s Codex Legum Antiquarum, 1613, p. 609.

115 Histoire de Bretagne, Paris, 1707, tom. i. p. 204.

116 Wharton’s Anglia Sacra, tom. ii. pref. p. 32.

117 Cambro-Briton and Celtic General Repository, vol. iii. p. 199.

118 Chalmers’ Caledonia, vol. ii. 789.

119 Liber Cartarum SanctÉ Crucis de Edwinesburg (Bannatyne Club edit. 1840), p. 6.

120 Transactions of the Society of Scottish Antiquaries, vol. i. p. 299.

121 Chronica de Mailros, a cod. unico in Bibl. Cott. servato. Bannatyne Club edition, Edinburgh, 1835, p. 88. Crawford’s Genealogical History of the Family of the Stewarts, 1710, p. 5. Lord Hailes’ Annals of Scotland, ed. of 1797, vol. i. p. 327. Fordun gives the year as 1178, probably from a difference in the style of reckoning; see his Scotichronicon, Goodall’s edit. 1759, tom. i. p. 475.

122 Registrum Episcopatus Moraviensis, p. 77.

123 Tanner’s Notitia Monastica Huntingdonshire, ii. 3. Monast. Anglicanum, tom. ii. p. 417.

124 Paxton’s Account of the Hospital and Parish of St.Giles in the Fields. Stowe in his Survey of London (Strype’s edit. 1720, vol. ii. book iv. p. 74), says it was founded about 1117 (the year preceding Matilda’s death).

125 Anglor. Historia Major, Append. p. 161.

126 Monasticon Anglicanum, 2d ed. vol. vi. p. 620.

127 Ibid. vol. vi. p. 630.

128 Book of Bon-Accord, p. 342.

129 Records of Prestwick, p. 91.

130 Was it used as a preventative or disinfecting agent? In some districts in Scotland at the present day all the attendants upon a funeral are regularly provided with tobacco and pipes at the expense of the relatives of the dead person.

131 Sinclair’s Statistical Account of Scotland, vol. xii. p. 346.

132 Ancient and Present State of the Zetland Isles, vol. ii. p. 102.

133 Bartholini De Morbis Biblicis Miscellanea Medica (1672), p. 41.

134 Faeroae et Faeroa Reserata, etc. (London, 1659), pp. 101 and 311, and Acta Medica, etc. Hafn. Tom. i. p. 98.

135 Memoires de Medecine for 1782-3, p. 200.

136 Voyage to Iceland (1770), p. 172.

137 Letters on Iceland (1780), p. 121.

138 Dissert. Inauguralis de Morbis Islandiae (Edinb. 1811), pp. 12-17.

139 Iceland, or the Journal of a Residence in that Island (Edinb. 1818), vol. i. p. 295.

140 Voyage en Islande et au GroËnland, etc., livr. 11, 12, 14, 15, etc.

141 Edinburgh Med. and Surg. Journal, vol. xviii. p. 102, or Amoenitates Academicae, tom. vii. p. 97.

142 Ibid. No. 132, p. 119. See also Dr. Charlton’s “Observations on the Norway Hospitals,” Ib. p. 105.

143 Die Radesyge oder das Scandinavische Syphiloid (Leipzig, 1828), p. 57.

144 AbrÉgÉ Pratique des Maladies de la Peau (1828), par MM. Cazenave et Schedel.

145 Practical Synopsis of Cutaneous Diseases (edit. of 1829), 411, 412.

146 Library of Medicine, edited by Dr. Tweedie, vol. i. (London, 1840), p. 418. Among his list of Synonyms, Dr. Schedel gives “The Tsarath of Moses; Lepra HebrÆorum; Lepra Egyptica; Lepra; Lardrerie,” etc.

147 “Morbus contagiosus, cutis crassa, rugosa, aspera, unctuosa, pilis destituta; extremis artubus anÆsthesia; facies tuberibus deformis; vox rauca et nasalis.” Synopsis NosologiÆ MethodicÆ (1772), p. 369.

148 Class III., Order IV., Genus VIII. Elephantiasis; (1) Skin thick, livid, rugose, tuberculate; (2) Insensible to feeling; (3) Eyes fierce and staring; (4) Perspiration highly offensive. Species I. (Tubercular or Arabian Leprosy of authors.) “(1) Tubercles chiefly on the face and joints; (2) Fall of the hair except from the scalp; (3) Voice hoarse and nasal; contagious and hereditary.” Good’s Physiological System of Medicine (1817), pp. 257, 258.

149 De Causis et Signis Morborum, p. 69. (Leipsic, edit. of 1735).

150 The disease is still designated in different parts of Asia and Africa by the same terms, more or less slightly changed. In his Travels in Africa, Egypt, and Syria (p. 332), Browne speaks of elephantiasis under the local designation of dzudham; Niebuhr says it is still named in Arabia and Persia dsjuddam and Madsjuddam. (Pinkerton’s Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. x. p. 170.) In Morocco it is called at the present day Jeddem and Murd Jeddem. (Jackson’s Account of the Empire of Morocco.)

151 The remark in the text applies to nearly all the numerous Latin versions made from the Arabic. It is proper, however, to add, that the translator of the works of Haly Abbas has so far avoided the error alluded to, by translating the Juzam of his author by elephanta. With this single exception, the error might otherwise, I believe, be called universal.

152 The Arabians (i.e. the Latin translators from the Arabians), and their expositors, as was long ago remarked by Eustachius Rudius, and as has been often repeated since, “per Lepram nil aliud intelligunt prÆter Elephantiasim.”—De Affectibus Externarum Corporis Humani Partium, Venet. 1606, p. 24.

153 See Bostock’s History of Medicine (New York edition of 1836), pp. 43 and 47, or chapters vi. and vii.

154 This appropriation of the single term “lepra” for the designation of Greek elephantiasis is still adhered to by some modern authors. Thus Plenck, in his celebrated Nosology of Cutaneous Diseases, denominates (after the example of the translators from the Arabic) the Barbadoes leg “Elephantiasis,” and applies to the Greek elephantiasis the simple term “Lepra.” Hence he defines lepra to be “that disease in which the skin, particularly of the face, becomes rugose and irregular (aspera), and is deformed with large reddish-livid and chinked tubercles (rimosis tuberibus), along with insensibility of the extremities, and the voice raucous and nasal.”—Doctrina de Morbis Cutaneis, qu hi morbi in suas Classes, Genera, et Species rediguntur (1783), p. 67. See also Schilling in his Commentatio de Lepra (1778), p. 2. etc.

155 As in the works on Cutaneous Diseases by Turner (Treatise of Diseases incident to the Skin, 1736), p. 2; and Lorry (Tractatus de Morbis Cutaneis), p. 376, etc. etc.

156 Memoires de la SocietÉ Royale de Medecine for 1782-3, p. 170. Alibert employs this term in his Monographie des Dermatoses (1835), tome ii. p. 270.

157Elephantiasis a vulgo Medicorum Lepra vocata et quibusdam Sancti Lazari morbus.” “Elephantiasis quam vulgus male Lepram appellitat.” See pp. 680 and 716 of the “Libri quinque Institutionum Chirurgicorum Joannis Tagaultii,” in Uffenbach’s Thesaurus Chirurgiae (Francof. 1610).

158 “Chirurgia secundum Medicationem Hugonis de Luco” (in Arte Chirurg. Scriptorum Collect.; Venice, 1546), p. 175.

159 “Chirurgia Magna et Parva.” In the same collection of Surgical works, p. 207, 208.

160 Breviarium practicae a Capite ad plantam Pedis. Brev. ii. cap. 46.

161 Philoneum Pharmaceuticum et Chirurgicum de medendis corporis affectibus; Frankfort, 1599, p. 659.

162 “Lilium MedicinÆ inscriptum de Morborum prope omnium curatione,” vide Opera Medica (Lugd. 1574), p. 49, sqq.

163 Chirurgiae Tractatus vii. (Lugd. 1572), p. 307, sqq.

164 Pro conservand Sanitate, etc., Liber utilissimus (Mogunt. 1531), c. 202.

165 Chirurgiae Libri Sex. (Venet. 1533), lib. v. 23.

166 Selectiorum operum, in quibus Consilia, etc. continentur (Lugd. 1525), Consil. 299.

167 Consilia secundum viam Avicennae ordinata (Lugd. 1535), Consil. 299.

168 Les Oeuvres d’Ambrose ParÉ (Lyons, 1652), p. 476, etc.; or Uffenbach’s Thesaurus ChirurgiÆ (Frankfort, 1610), p. 428, etc.

169 Joannis Fernelii Ambiani Universa Medicina (Geneva, 1680), pp. 579 and 517.

170 Julii Palmarii Constantini, Medici Parisienis, de Morbis Contagiosis Libri Septem (Frankfort, 1601), pp. 257-326.

171 Opera Observationum et Curationum quÆ extant Omnia (Frankfort, 1646), p. 973.

172 See in Gesner’s Collection De Chirurgi Scriptores, etc. (Tiguri 1555), a tract entitled “Examen Leprosorum.” Gregory Horst, Operum Medicorum, tom. ii. (Norimberg, 1660), p. 127. Franciscus de Porta, MedicÆ Decad. cap. xxx. lib. 4. Von Forrest’s Observationes MedicÆ et ChirurgicÆ, lib. iv. p. 103. Schenckius, Observationum Medicarum Rariorum Libri Septem (Frankfort, 1665), p. 803.

173 Several of the authors quoted above, divide the species Lepra into four modifications or varieties: the Lepra Leonina, Lepra Elephantia, Lepra Alopecia, and Lepra Tyria. This division, which some of them freely allow to be founded more in theory than in nature, seems to have been first proposed by Constantinus Africanus. (De Morborum Cognitione, chap. 17.) Like the fanciful fourfold subdivision of other diseases, it was made in correspondence with the Hippocratic and Galenic doctrine of the four humours. Theodoric, Arnald, Gilbert, and the other authors who, in accordance with the pathological creeds of the time, were led to adopt it, attribute each particular variety to the operation and predominance of a particular humour. John of Gaddesden has attempted, in his Rosa Anglica, to dress up different medical doctrines in rude Latin hexameters, and amongst others, he announces the doctrine in question in the five following lines:—

Sub specie tetr deturpat corpora Lepra;
Tiria prima datur, de flegmate quae generatur;
Turpe pilos pascens Alopicus, sanguine nascens;
Fitque Leonina, colera, fervente canina;
De Mel (Melancholia) fit tristis Elefantia, tristior istis.

174 The History of Physick,5th edit. 1758, vol. ii. p. 263.

175 Freind, p. 262.

176 Sprengel, vol. ii. p. 448.

177 Bernhardi Gordonii Opera Medica, Lugd. 1542, pp. 48 and 49.

178 Ib. p. 54.

179 See Freind, Sprengel, Eloy, etc.

180 In the Biographie Universelle, ancienne et moderne, Paris, 1813, tom. viii. p. 293, a third Pope, Innocent VI., is added to this list.

181 Chirurgiae Libri Septem, Lugd. 1572, p. 307, sqq.

182 Gilberti Anglici Compendium Medicinae, tam morborum universalium quam particularium, non solum medicis sed et chyrurgicis utilissimum. Vienna, 1510.

183 Eloy’s Dictionnaire Historique de Medecine, Ancienne et Moderne, 1778, tome ii. p. 349. Aitkin’s Biographical Memoirs of Medicine in Great Britain, 1780, p. ix.

184 Freind’s History of Medicine, 5th edition, vol. ii. p. 268.

185 Compendium MedicinÆ (ut supra), p. 340.

186 Nosologia Methodica, tome v. p. 229. Before citing Gilbert’s description, Sauvages observes, “Plures hujus morbi (Elephantiasis) varietates sunt quarum nomina et signa ex Gilberto Anglo mutuabimur, loco Leprae Elephantiasin nominando.”

187 Memoires de Medecine et de Physique Medicale tirÉs des Registres de la SocietÉ Royale de Medecine, AnnÉes 1782-83, p. 200. Speaking of the Greek elephantiasis, or elephantiasis legitima of Sauvages, they observe “on ne trouvoit nulle part, pas mÊme dans ArÉtÉe de Cappadoce, une exposition plus claire que celle qui a ÉtÉ donnÉe par Gilbert, Medecin Anglois du seizieme (?) siecle.”

188 Sprengel’s Histoire de la Medecine (Jourdain’s translation). Tome ii. p. 404.

189 Anthony Wood’s Athenae Oxonienses, p. 87.

190 Wood gives his name as entered in an old College Catalogue in 1320. He compiled his book between 1305 and 1317: Freind, vol. ii. p. 277; and Eloy, vol. ii. p. 287. See also Hutchison’s Biographia Medica, vol. i. p. 323; and Aitkin’s Biographical Memoirs, p. ix, etc.

191 Guy de Chauliac entitles Gaddesden’s book (probably with more truth) “una fatua Rosa Anglica.”

192 Rosa Anglica quatuor Libris distincta (Papiae, 1492), lib. ii. cap. vii. p. 55; or Joannis Anglici Praxis Medica, Rosa Anglica dicta (Schopf’s edit. 1595), p. 1076, sqq.

193 Rosa Anglica, p. 1079. The editor, Schopf, appends to this passage a rubric, stating the above sound counsel as “Decretum Joannis Angli de Leprosis.”

194 Pitt places him about 1360: Eloy, vol. ii. p. 354; Freind, vol. ii. p. 293.

195 From the old translation of Glanville’s work, De Proprietatibus Rerum, by John Trevisa, Vicar of Barkley. See Phil. Trans. vol. xxxi. p. 59.

196 Eccles. Dunelm. Hist. l. liii. f. 56, a; vide Monasticon Anglicanum, tom, ii. p. 437, a.

197 Bernhard Gordon of Montpellier, whose description of the disease I have already quoted, has been sometimes alleged to be a native of Scotland, see Sprengel’s Histoire, ii. p. 447; but without any other evidence whatever than that derivable from his Scottish surname.

198 The Testament of Cresseid, compylit be M. Robert Henrysone, Sculemaister in Dunfermeling. Imprentit at Edinburgh, 1593. Reprinted by the Bannatyne Club, Edinburgh, 1824. The poem has been published, without the name of the author, in Godfray’s and most other later editions of Chaucer’s Works.

199 This complication was not so common as to be regarded as a constant and pathognomonic sign of Greek elephantiasis, but it is noted as an important and frequent one, by various authors, both ancient and modern. Hally-Abbas tells us, in our diagnosis of a case of the disease, to be particular in examining “album oculorum ne forte turbatum est” (Lib. i. cap. xxiv.); Rhazes attributes great value as a diagnostic mark of his Juddam or elephantiasis to the “conturbatio albedinis oculorum” (Lib. v. cap. cxx.); Avicenna, among his incipient signs, states “et apparet in oculis obfuscatio ad rubedinem declivis” (Lib. iv. Fen. iii. Fr. 3, cap. ii.) Not to multiply examples, I may merely mention that Theodoric, in the thirteenth century, places early among his list of signs “oculorum in albedine lividitas” (Lib. iii. cap. lv.); see also Lanfranc (Doct. i. Tr. iii. c. 7, albedo oculorum obfuscator); Arnald of Villeneuve (Brev. ii. c. 46, multum rubeae); Gilbert (Lib. viii. oculi circulos habent rubros), etc. Dr. Heberden, in his account of the tubercular leprosy in Madeira, states, in regard to a case, “that the confirmed elephantiasis was attended with livid and scirrhous tubercles, which had overspread the face and limbs; the whole body was emaciated; the eyebrows inflated; the hair of the eyebrows fallen off entirely; the bones of the nose depressed; the alae nasi tumefied, as likewise the lobes of the ears; with a suffusion in both eyes, which had almost deprived the patient of sight,” etc.—Medical Transactions of the College of Physicians, vol. i. p. 35.

200 I give the term “livid” as synonymous with the old Scotch term “haw,” under the idea that it expresses in all probability, as nearly as possible, the meaning of the author. The Scottish writer Gawin Douglas renders the Latin adjectives “caeruleus” and “glaucus,” by the adjective “haw,” in his celebrated translation of “The xiii. bukes of Eneados of the famose poet, Virgill, out of Latyne verses, into Scottish meter.” For the occasional livid colour of the lumps or tubercles in the face, see the extract in the preceding note from Dr. Heberden, and the modern descriptions quoted in a previous page from Bateman and Schedel.

201 Since writing the above, I have met with the following interesting notice in the still earlier voyage of Martin to St.Kilda, the most westerly island of the Hebrides. Describing his visit to St.Kilda, in 1697, he states, “Some thirteen years ago, the Leprosy broke amongst the inhabitants, and some of their numbers died of it. There are two families at present labouring under the disease. The symptoms of it are, their feet begin to fail; their appetite declining; their faces becoming too red, and breaking out in pimples; a hoarseness, and their hair falling off from their heads; the crown (?) of it exulcerates and blisters; and, lastly, their beards grow thinner than ordinary.”—Voyage to St.Kilda (first published in 1698), p. 40 of edition of 1749.

202 MS. Medical Annotations, vol. iii. p. 226.

203 “The Moderator proposed to the session, that, considering that a Gracious Providence had not only delivered the Island and country from the burden and necessity of maintaining and otherwise providing for the poor Lepers, formerly in this Island, but had also put a stop to the spreading of that unclean and infectious disease, so that there is no appearance of the symptoms thereof in any person now in this place, the Session should therefore ordain a day to be set apart for solemn thanksgiving for so great a deliverance throughout this ministry excepting Fowla, which we can have no access to probably to inform. The Session having heard the Moderator’s proposal, were cordially satisfied therewith, and did agree unanimously that a day be set apart for solemn thanksgiving on the above account throughout the bounds of the ministry, excepting Fowla, as above said.” (Extracts from the MS. Session Register of Walls, under date of 17th March 1742.) The 19th May 1742 was held as the day of thanksgiving, as appears from a subsequent entry.

204 FÆroÆ et FÆroa Reserata (London, 1659), pp. 310, 311.

205 Mackenzie’s Travels in Iceland during the summer of the year 1810; or Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal, vol. viii. pp. 202, 203.

206 Von Troil’s Letters on Iceland, p. 123; Barrow’s Visit to Iceland in the summer of 1834, pp. 289 and 294.

207 Pontoppidan’s Natural History of Norway, containing an account of its Climate, etc. etc. (London translation, 1755), pp. 261, 262.

208 See Wellhaven’s account, extracted from the Transactions of the Stockholm Society, vol. iii. pp. 188-200, into Hunefeld’s “Essay on Radesyge,” pp. 38-56.

209 See pp. 110-117 of the excerpta in Hensler’s learned work, Vom AbenlÄndischen Aufsatze im Mittelalter. (Hamburg, 1790.)

210 The disease seems to be noticed under the name of Skyrbjugr in some of the oldest Iceland records. (See Olassen’s Islansk Urtagaard Bok, p. 172; and Back, in Von Troil’s Letters on Iceland, p. 324.) Munch and Hunefeld suggest, with no great probability, that it might have been carried to the north by the expeditions which, during the ninth and tenth centuries, were made upon the Norman coast by Rolf and others. (See Hunefeld’s Radesyge oder das Scandinavische Syphiloid, p. 57.)

211 I have already referred to Bartholin in relation to its former prevalence in the Faroe Isles and Iceland. Writing in 1672, he states that in these parts leprosy “fuisse olim familiarem” (de morbis Biblicis in Mis. Med. p. 41). Jonas, Pastor of Hitterdale in Iceland, wrote in 1662 to the celebrated Sir Thomas Browne, “Nullus elephantiasi vel abominabilior vel pestilentior hic existimatur, et tamen postremo hoc seculo pavendus se diffundit.” (Wilkin’s edition of Sir Thomas Browne’s Works, including his Life and Correspondence, vol. iv. p. 261.)

212 The date of admission to the church of one of the priors of the hospital.

213 Synopsis of Cutaneous Diseases, p. 419.

214 Murray’s Edition of the Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 18. In Shetland the kirk-sessions seem to have latterly taken upon them the legal powers conferred by the above Act upon the bishops and other ecclesiastical authorities, as shown by the following extract from the Session Records of the parish of Walls. “Kirk of Walls, December 6th, 1772.—This day the Session being informed that Margaret Abernethy, relick spouse of James Henry, had been, to all appearance, for a considerable time past, deeply tinted with the inveterate scurvy, commonly called the Leprosy in this place, and was now removed to Brabaster in the midst of a number of children, whose parents were in the greatest fear of their being infected with that disease by the said Margaret Abernethy, and that they and others had again and again called upon the Session to convene the said woman before them, in order to be sighted, and also to be set apart, if she should be found unclean, conform to former use and wont, in this and other parishes of the country: Therefore the Session did, and hereby do, appoint the officer to require said Margaret Abernethy to compear before them at this place, next Wednesday, in order to be examined and inspected, as above said.”—Extracted from the MS. Session Records of Walls.

215 In describing the duties of the examiner, De Chauliac observes, “In primis invocando Dei auxilium debet eos comfortare, quÒd ista passio est salvatio animae et quod non dubitent dicere veritatem, quia si reperientur Leprosi, purgatorium animae esset; et si mundus habet eos odio, non tamen Deus, cum Lazarum Leprosum plus dilexit quam alios. Si autem non reperientur tales stabunt in pace.”—P. 310.

216 From the “Statuta Milonis Episcopi Aurelianensis, anno MCCCXIV. in Synodo autumnali edita,” contained in Martene and Durand’s Amplissima Collectio veterum Scriptorum et Monumentorum (Paris, 1733), tom. vii. p. 1286.

217 Foedera, Conventiones, Literae et cujuscunque generis Acta Publica inter Reges Angliae et aliosquosvis Imperatores, Reges, Pontifices vel Communitates. Vol. xi. (London, 1710), p. 635.

218 Ropemakers were long treated and shunned as lepers, because their trade was one which at an early part of the middle ages was principally followed by pilgrims and crusaders who had returned in a leprous condition from the East.—OgÉe’s Histoire de Bretagne. Hensler’s AbendlÄndischen Aufsatze, 1790, p. 212.

219 Records of the Burgh of Prestwick, p. 28.

220 In the list (p. 10) of fifty-eight “burges inhabitant ye burghe of Prestwik” in 1507, occur the two significant surnames of “Allane Leppar” and “Adame Leppar.”

221 Burgh Records of Glasgow, presented to the Maitland Club by Mr. Smith, pp. 1 and 127.

222 Memorabilia of Glasgow, p. 55.

223 Alexander Jenkins’ History and Description of the City of Exeter, and its Environs, Ancient and Modern, etc. (1806), p. 384.

224 Index Monasticus, p. 61. Monasticon Anglicanum (2d edit.), vol. vi. p. 769.

225 Notitia Monastica, p. 211.

226 Lord Lyttelton’s History of the Life of Henry II. and of the Age in which he lived. (Lond. 1767.) Appendix of Documents, vol. iv. p. 220.

227 See Monasticon Anglicanum, vol. vi. p. 643, 2d edit.

228 Leland’s Itinerary through England and Wales (Hearne’s edit.), vol. iv. p. 105.

229 Chron. MS. Henrici Knyghton, in Bibl. Bodl. lib. ii. cap. 2; Monasticon Anglicanum (2d edit.), vol. vi. p. 687.

230 Agnes Strickland’s Lives of the Queens of England, vol. ii. p. 78.

231 Ryland’s History of Waterford, p. 200. Mrs. Gore has founded one of her latest tales (“The Leper House of Janval”), on the idea of William, the third son of the Empress Matilda, becoming a leper. See her Tales of a Courtier, vol. ii. p. 55. I am not aware whether the tale is so far historically accurate, or merely assumed, as I do not recollect to have met with any notice of the individual history or death of the prince (the youngest of the three grandsons of Henry I.) who is the subject of the story.

232 Chronicle at large and meere Historie of the Affayres of England and Kings of the same (1569); see p. 506 of edit. of 1809.

233 Chronicles; or Union of the two Noble and Illustre Families of York and Lancastre (1548); see Hearne’s edit. of 1809, p. 45.

234 Hollinshed’s Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland, 1577. London, edit. of 1808, vol. v. p. 360.

235 History of England (1st edit.), vol. iii. p. 315.

236 Rapin’s History of England (ed. by Tindal), vol. ii. p. 185.

237 Sharon Turner’s History of England, vol. ii. p. 272.

238 Duchesne’s Histoire d’Angleterre, d’Ecosse et d’Irelande (Paris, 1614), p. 1010.

239 Strickland’s Lives of the Queens of England, vol. iii. p. 114.

240 The Chronicle of England unto the reigne of King Edward IV., by Iohn Hardynge (Ellis’ edit. 1813) p. 370.

241 Fuller’s Historie of the Holy Warre (3d edit. 1647), p. 94.

242 Fuller’s Historie of the Holy Warre (3d edit. 1647), p. 101.

243 Oeuvres de Rabelais (Paris, 1835), p. 666.

244 Bellenden’s Transl. of Boece’s Chroniklis of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 102 (edit. of 1821). Dempster’s Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Scotorum (1627), p. 278.

245 Spottiswood’s History of the Church of Scotland (edit. of 1665), p. 21. See also Fiacre’s story in Lesslie de Origine, Moribus, etc., Scotorum (1578), p. 156.

246 The Orygynale Cronykil of Scotland (Macpherson’s edit.), vol. ii. p. 136.

247 I have already shown in Part I. that the name here given to the leprosy by the old French historian exactly corresponds with the Anglo-Saxon designation of the disease “seo mycle adhl.” It perhaps deserves to be added that (as appears from a paper of Dr. Ainslie—Asiatic Researches, vol. i. p. 287) the term “Peri Vishadi,” applied to tubercular leprosy by the Brahmins of Hindustan, also literally signifies “the great disease.”

248 Sir John Froissart’s Chronycles of England, France, etc., translated at the command of Henry VIII. by Lord Berners (London, edit. of 1812), vol. i. p. 19. In p. 28, he again states, “it fortuned that King Robert was right sore aged and feble, for he was greatly changed with the great sicknes, so that there was no way with him but death.”

249 Froissart, Histoire et Cronique (edit. of 1559), vol. i. p. 13.

250 Collection des Memoires Nationelles, etc., tom. x. p. 61.

251 Johnes’ English edit. of Froissart’s Chronicles(1839), pp. 18 and 26.

252 Hemingfordii Chronicon (Hearne’s edit. 1731), tom. ii. p. 270.

253 Camden’s Anglica, Normannica, etc., a veteribus Scripta (Frankf. 1603), p. 129.

254 Ibid. p. 610.

255 Scotorum Historia (Paris edit. 1574), p. 308. Bellenden’s Translation vol. ii. p. 40: “He deceissit in lepre.”

256 Rerum Scoticarum Historia (1762), p. 224.

257 Collectanea de Rebus Britannicis, vol. i. p. 552.

258 Scalacronica; a Chronicle of England and Wales, from 1066 to 1362, by Sir Thomas Gray of Heton. Maitland Club edition (1836), p. 19.

259 Chronicon de Lanercost, 1201-1346, presented in 1839 to the Maitland Club by Mr. Macdowall.

260 Histoire de Bretagne; par Guy Alexis Lobineau (Paris, 1707), tom. i. p. 135.

261 Adams on Morbid Poisons, p. 287.

262 Cleland’s Former and Present State of Glasgow (1840), p. 20.

263 The five lepers in Papa, in Shetland, about 1736, were all females; see Part II., page 82, supra.

264 Monasticon Anglicanum, vol. vi. (2d edit.), p. 710; and also Madox’s Formulare Anglicanum (1702), pp. 22, 255, 314, etc.

265 Mackarell’s History and Antiquities of King’s Lynn (1738), p. 223.

266 Bridges’ History of Northamptonshire (1791), vol. i. p. 363.

267 History of Shrewsbury (1825), vol. ii. p. 173 (engraved seal of the House).

268 Monasticon Anglicanum, vol. vi. pp. 637 and 643.

269 Historie of the Holy Warre, p. 102.

270 Hailes’ Annals of Scotland (1797), vol. ii. p. 146.

271 Jameson’s edition of Barbour’s Bruce, Book vi. p. 167.

272 Kerr’s History of Robert the Bruce (1811), vol. i. pp. 332-3, and vol. ii. p. 474.

273 Froissart gives the same cause for the Bruce not leading the expedition in question (see Lord Berners’ Translation of his Chronicles, vol. i. p. 19).

274 Chamberlain’s Accounts (printed copies), vol. i. p. 37. Compotum Constabularii de Cardross.

275 See a beautiful lithograph copy of this interesting document in the second volume of the Bannatyne Club copy of the Liber Sanctae Mariae de Melros.

276 Froissart (Berners’ translation), vol. i. p. 29. Shortly afterwards Froissart states, “And thus, soone after thys noble Robert de Brouse, Kyng of Scotland, trespassed out of thys incertayne worlde, and his hart was taken owte of his body and embawmed, and honourably he was entred in the Abbey of Donfremlyne.” When the grave of the Bruce was opened at Dunfermline in 1818, the anatomical appearances of the skeleton showed that the king’s will had been so far obeyed, the bones of the chest being found divided in such a way as to have allowed the removal of the heart. This piece of dissection seems, at the time at which it was made, to have drawn down the dreaded vengeance of the Vatican upon Randolph, Earl of Moray, the king’s nephew, and apparently the operator in this case, in such a way as forms a strange and startling contrast with the medical usages observed towards the dead at the present day. I quote the account, as a curious point in the march of necroscopic anatomy, from the Appendix to the Chronicon de Lanercost (p. 428)—“It appears that, by a constitution of Pope Boniface, the mutilation of a dead body subjected those by whom it was mutilated to heavy ecclesiastical censures. To free himself from these censures, Randolph, two years after the death of King Robert, presented a petition to the Pope, setting forth that the deceased king had intended to undertake a crusade against the Saracens, but was prevented by death, and that in his last will he expressly ordered his heart to be taken out of his body and carried in such an expedition, which was done by James de Douglas, who conveyed it into Spain. The Bishop of Moray was employed to obtain from the Pope a remission for the crime, dated 8th before the Ides of August, in the fifteenth year of Pope John’s pontificate.” Raynald, in his Annal. Ecclest., gives the extract A.D. 1329. § 81.

277 Compendium Medicinae (Lugd. 1510), p. 336.

278 See the Maitland Club Burgh Records of Glasgow, p. 127.

279 See Memorabilia of Glasgow, p. 55.

280 Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal, xxvi. p. 15, seqq.

281 Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal, xxiv. p. 286.

282 Debes’ FÆroÆ et FÆroa Reserata, p. 311.

283 Dictionnaire des Sc. Medicales, tom. xi. p. 419; Rayer’s Treatise on the Diseases of the Skin (London, 1831), pp. 740 and 747.

284 Memoires de la Soc. Roy. de Medecine (1776), p. 167.

285 Ibid. (1782-83), p. 188.

286 Bellenden’s Translation of Boece’s History, p. lviii.

287 See, for example, among non-medical authors, various of these causes alleged for the disease in Heron’s History of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 266 (unwholesome diet, uncomfortable lodgings, dirty clothing). Hooker’s Iceland, vol. i. p. 189 (ascribes it to former use of woollen garments). Taylor’s Index Monasticus, p. xii. (owing to personal filth, close and bad lodging, etc.) White’s Natural History of Selborne, Letter 37 (formerly produced by poverty, want of fresh meats, and vegetables, etc.) etc. etc. Similar opinions are offered in various medical works.

288 The Canons of the Anglo-Saxon Church urged it as a duty upon the charitable to give to the poor, meat, mund, fire, fodder, bedding, bathing, and clothes. Wilkin’s Leges Anglo-Saxonicae Ecclesiasticae et Civiles, p. 94. Turner’s History of the Anglo-Saxons, vol. ii. p. 72.

289 Hollinshed mentions the “multitude of chimnies latelie erected” as one of the “three things marvellouslie altered in England” about the beginning of the sixteenth century. (Chronicles of England, etc. edit. of 1807, vol. i. p. 317; and Strutt’s Horda Angel-Cynnan, 1774, vol. i. p. 104.) When we consider this we shall scarcely wonder that the smoke of coals was formerly looked upon as a noted cause of disease, and was at one time actually prohibited in London and Southwark. (Stow’s Survey of London, p. 925. Evelyn’s Fumifugium, 1661. Macpherson’s Annals of Commerce, vol. i. p. 474.) In 1307 fires were ordered not to be lighted near the Tower because the Queen was going to reside there. (Macpherson, ut supra, see the edict in Rymer’s Foedera, vol. ii. p. 1057.)

290 The last Archbishop of Glasgow (says Arnott) put on a clean shirt once a week.—History of Edinburgh, p. 259.

291 Straw was first used for the king’s bed in 1242, in the reign of Henry III., whose court was considered the most polite in Europe. (Dr. Henry’s History of Great Britain, vol. iii. p. 507.) Some estates in England were held by the tenure of the proprietors finding clean straw for the king’s bed, and litter for his chamber. (Henry, ut supra; Camden’s Britannia, vol. i. p. 311; Index Monasticus, p. 12.) In the charter granted by Robert the Bruce to the Burgh of Ayr, the providing of this latter item for him and his successors, for three days and nights, whenever they visited the town, is specially entered in the reddenda—“Et inveniendo nobis et heredibus nostris per vices in adventibus nostris et heredum nostrorum apud Are per tres dies et noctes literium pro aul nostrÂ.” (Records of Prestwick, p. 128.) The office of rush-strewer was continued till a late period on the list of the royal household (Craik and Macfarlane’s History of England, vol. i. p. 644.)

292 Chronicles, vol. i. p. 317.

293 Many of the older medical authors lay down various and most contradictory lists of articles of food as capable of producing leprosy—some accusing too great quantities of animal diet—others blaming too much vegetable diet as the cause, while a third class, as Theodoric, impugn too free a use of either or both (nimium usum carnis vaccinae, buballinae, lentium et omnium leguminum. Theodoric, c. 55). Some authors state the most strange doctrines on this point. Thus Bernhard Gordon gravely states, that to partake of fish and milk in the same meal does induce leprosy (comedere lac et pisces in eadam mensa inducit Lepram. Lilium Medicinae, p. 48). The same idea is repeated from Avicenna down to our countryman Gilbert, and it is probably not unworthy of being remarked that the same prejudice in regard to the influence of a mixed fish and milk diet prevails, or prevailed till of late, in such opposite points as Madeira and Hindostan.—(Heberden’s paper on “Elephantiasis in Madeira,” p. 29; Walker, in Calcutta Medical and Physical Transactions, vol. i. p. 4 of his “Account of the Medical Opinions of the Hindus on Leprosy.” See also Sir William Jones’ Works, vol. i. p. 556.)

294 History and Chronicles, vol. i. p. lx.

295 Marsden’s History of Sumatra, containing an account of the Government, Laws, etc., pp. 151 and 201.

296 See references formerly given to the works of Mackenzie, Olafsen, Troil, Barrow, Henderson, Hooker, etc.

297 Some scattered records of the leper hospital at Hamel en Aarde by Messrs. Halbeck and Leitner, are to be found in the Periodical Accounts relating to the Missions of the Church, vol. ix. p. 345, 482, etc., as kindly pointed out to me by Dr. William Brown. In 1824 the hospital contained 110 lepers.

298 See Heberden, Adams, and Heineken’s papers, already referred to.

299 Hoest’s Reise nach Marokos, p. 248, calls the disease Sghidam (Juddam). Lempriere’s Tour from Gibraltar to Tangier, Morocco, etc., in 1789, in Pinkerton’s Collection, vol. xv. p. 689, describes the disease as true leprosy. Jackson’s Account of the Empire of Morocco (1801), gives an account of the leper hospital or village near Morocco.

300 Niebuhr states that three different varieties of leprosy are known in Arabia in modern times—viz. the Bohak, Barras, and Juddam. “There is (he states) a quarter in Bagdad surrounded with walls, and full of barracks, to which lepers are carried by force, if they retire not thither voluntarily. They come out every Friday to ask for alms.”—(Pinkerton’s Collection of Voyages, vol. xviii. p. 170.)

301 Dejean in Hensler’s AbendlÄndischen Aufsatze, p. 240.

302 Schilling, De Lepra, p. 20. Stedman’s Narrative of Five Years’ Expedition in Surinam (1796), vol. ii. p. 285.

303 Bajon’s Memoires pour servir À l’Histoire de Cayenne, etc., vol. i. p. 237. Bancroft’s Natural History of Guiana, p. 385.

304 Winterbottom’s Account of the Native Africans in Sierra Leone, vol. ii. p. 113.

305 F. Moore’s Travels into the Inland parts of Africa (1738), p. 130. Mungo Park found the disease among the Mandingoes.—(See Pinkerton’s Collection, vol. xvi. p. 877.)

306 Whitelaw Ainslie, in the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. (1824), p. 282. Robinson, in the London Medico-Chirurgical Transactions, vol. x. (1819), p. 27.

307 Pococke’s Description of the East, vol. ii. p. 122; or Pinkerton’s Collection, vol. x. p. 502.

308 Voyages de Pallas en differentes Provinces de Russie (Paris, edit. of 1769), vol. i. pp. 651 and 659.

309 Ulloa’s Voyage to South America (London, edit. of 1762), vol. i. p. 45, etc. Ulloa states that, at the time of his visit to Carthagena, all the lepers of the place were confined in the hospital of San Lazaro, and if any refused to go, they were forcibly carried thither. The hospital consisted of a number of cottages, and the ground on which it stood was “surrounded by a high wall, and had only one gate, and that always carefully guarded.”

310 My friend, Dr. Cheyne, lately of San Luis, informs me that the hospital of San Lazaro, in the city of Mexico, is set aside for the reception of cases of tubercular leprosy.

311 As in Ceylon (Marshall’s Medical Topography of Ceylon, p. 43); Mauritius (Kinnis in Edin. Med. and Surg. Journal, vol. xxii. p. 286); Madagascar (Narrative of Madagascar Mission, pp. 208 and 191). I am informed by Dr. Shortt that one of the group of the Sechelle Islands is used as a leper station. See further Crawford’s History of the Indian Archipelago (Edinburgh, 1820), vol. i. p. 34.

312 As in Java (Cloyer in Miscell. Naturae Curiosorum, Dec. i. Ann. 2 (1683), p. 7); Amboyna (Valentyne’s Beschreibung von Amboyna), vol. ii. p. 249. Clarke’s Observations on the Diseases of Long Voyages, vol. i. p. 128.

313 Casan, in the Memoires de la Soc. Medicale d’Emulation, vol. v. p. 102. Hillary on Diseases of Barbadoes, p. 322. Alibert’s Monographie des Dermatoses, tom. ii. p. 289; Case from Guadaloupe. Peyssonnel’s Report on the Lepers in Guadaloupe, in Philosoph. Trans. vol. i. p. 38, etc. etc.

314 As in Scio, according to information given me by Dr. Clarke. Howard, in his Account of the principal European Lazarettoes, mentions, p. 40, the leper hospital in Scio. Hennen, in his Medical Topography of the Mediterranean, states that elephantiasis is endemic in one small village in Cephalonia, p. 275. Savary seems to have met with several cases in the islands of the Archipelago (Letters on Greece, 1788, p. 110).

315 It is but proper to add that the tubercular leprosy is looked upon by some pathologists as a disease not originally endemic in any part of the New World, and that it was first imported into and spread through the West Indies, etc., by subjects brought from Africa. Hillary professes himself certain upon this point. See his Observations on the Diseases of Barbadoes (1766), p. 322; and also, for the same opinion, Schilling’s Commentationes de Lepra (1778), p. 20.

316 De Morbis Occultis, lib. i. c. 12.

317 Observationes ChirurgicÆ, lib. iv. obs. 7.

318 Du Chesne’s HistoriÆ Francorum Scriptores Coaetanei, tom. v. p. 402. Joinville’s Histoire de St.Louys (1668), p. 121. Sprengel’s Histoire de Medecine, tom. ii. p. 373.

319 Joinville, ut supra, p. 121. “A celui jour du Jeudi Saint, il lave les predz aux meseaux, et puis les baise.”

320 Du Chesne, ut supra, tom. iv. p. 76.

321 Historia AngliÆ Major, p. 42.

322 Ruel’s Collectio Conciliorum (1675), tom. i. p. 1108.

323 Dupin’s History of Ecclesiastical Writers (London, edit. 1695), vol. vii. p. 131.

324 Manipulus Curatorum (Bremen, 1577), p. iv. c. 9.

325 Concilia MagnÆ BritanniÆ, tom, i. p. 616. Canon lxxii.

326 Second Part of Henry VI., act iii. sc. 3.

327 Maundrell’s “Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, at Easter, A. D. 1697,” in Pinkerton’s Collection, vol. x. pp. 380-81.

328 De Causis et Signis Morborum (Leip. edit. 1735), p. 71.

329 Baron’s Description of the Kingdom of Tonquin, p. 104; or Churchill’s Voyages, vol. vi. p. 158.

330 Richard’s “History of Tonquin,” contained in Pinkerton’s Collection, vol. ix. p. 728.

331 See various enactments of the French provinces on this head, given at length in DelamarrÉ's TraitÉ de la Police (Paris, 1722), vol. i. p. 636.

332 See the document previously cited from Rymer’s Foedera, vol. xi. p. 635. I quote the following notice from Poulson’s Antiquities of Beverley (London, 1829), vol. ii. p. 773, as an instance of what in all probability not unfrequently took place in these times—viz. the voluntary entrance of lepers into the lazar-houses: “Item, in the year of our Lord 1394, one Margaret Taillor, a leper, came before the twelve governors of the town of Beverley in the Guildhall, and prayed license to have one bed (et petiit licenceam here [habere] unum lectum) in the leper-house without Keldgate bar, which said twelve governors, viz. Nicelas Ryse, William Pollesta, etc., by their common consent have granted.”—Lansdowne MS., No. 896, fol. 116.

333 Skene alleges that these laws were made by David I., who died in 1152-53. George Chalmers states, that, from allusion to them in a charter to Glasgow, bearing date 1176, they were at least by that time in existence. (Caledonia, vol. i. p. 726.) See further remarks in the Essays of Anderson, Lord Hailes, etc.

334 Skene’s Regiam Majestatem. The Auld Lawes and Constitutions of Scotland (edit. of 1774), p. 241.

335 The economical measures generally adopted for the sustenance of the poor lepers are only too significantly shown in the following public statute passed in the Scoon Parliament of 1386. “Gif ony man brings to the markit corrupt swine or salmond to be sauld, they sall be taken by the Bailies, and incontinent, without ony question, sall be sent to the lepperfolke, and gif there be na lepperfolke, they sall be destroyed alluterlie (entirely).”—Acts of Robert III. in the Regiam Majestatem, p. 414.

336 Transcribed from the “Chartulary of Aberdeen” in Wilkin’s Concilia MagnÆ BritanniÆ, tom. i. p. 616. Canon lxxii.

337 See the edicts to this effect of the state and city of Modena, in Muratori’s Antiquitates MÆdii Ævi, vol. iii. p. 54; the Synodal Statutes in 1247 of the Church of Le Mans, in Martene and Durand’s Collectio Veterum Scriptorum, vol. vii. p. 1397; ibid. p. 1363, etc.; and also the various laws enacted by the Magistrates of Paris, in DelamarrÉ's TraitÉ de la Police, vol. ii. pp. 636-7, etc. etc.

338 Regiam Majestatem, Burrow Lawes, chap. 64, p. 241.

339 Murray’s Acts of the Scottish Parliament, vol. ii. p. 18.

340 Regiam Majestatem, p. 273.

341 Records of Prestwick, p. 27.

342 Ibid. p. 28.

343 Ibid. p. 29.

344 “Liber Statutorum Burgi de Edynburgh”—in the Maitland Club Miscellany, vol. ii.

345 Strype’s edit. of John Stow’s Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster (1720), vol. ii. book ii. p. 74.

346 Stow’s Survey, vol. ii. p. 21.

347 Arnott’s History of Edinburgh, p. 258.

348 MS. Records of the Town-Council of Edinburgh, vol. ix. p. 123.

349 This and the other laws of St.Magdalene’s, Exeter, are to be found at p. 30, etc., of an interesting essay of Dr. Shapter’s of that city, entitled, “A few observations on the Leprosy of the Middle Ages.” The essay, which was printed for private circulation, was kindly forwarded to me by the author, after the publication of the First Part of the present papers.

350 Matthew Paris’ Historia AngliÆ. Additamenta, pp. 162 and 168.

351 Monasticon Anglicanum, tom. ii. p. 438.

352 In former times the churchyards seem to have been the general resort of beggars. Æneas Sylvius, who visited Scotland as the Pope’s Legate in the reign of James I., speaks of there seeing the almost naked paupers (pauperes, pÆne nudos; ad templa mendicantes) supplied with coals as alms.—Historia de Europa, c. 46. Sibbald’s Chronicle of Scottish Poetry, vol. i. p. 176.

353 We have seen, in a previous page (p. 137, supra), that the lepers met with by Maundrell, in Palestine, in 1697, carried a kind of “cop,” or, as he expresses it, they came “with small buckets in their hands to receive the alms of the charitable.” Evelyn, in his interesting Memoirs, alludes to a curious mode of sending alms to the leper that he saw practised one hundred years ago in Holland. In his Diary, under the date of 26th July 1641, he states, “I passed through Deft to the Hague, in which journey I observed divers leprous poor creatures dwelling in solitary huts on the brink of the water, and permitted to aske the charity of the passengers, which is conveyed to them in a floating box that they cast out.”—Bray’s edition of Evelyn’s Memoirs, etc., vol. i. p. 12.

354 Antiquitates ItalicÆ Medii Ævi, tom. iii. p. 54.

355 Sir Tristrem, a metrical Romance of the thirteenth century, edited by Sir Walter Scott (Edinb. 1804), Introduction, p. 12.

356 Tytler’s “Historical Inquiry into the ancient state of Scotland,” History (2d edit.), pp. 305 and 337.

357 In Robert de Brunne’s translation (made in the reign of Edward the Third) of Peter Langtoft’s Chronicles, the same term “mesel” is used as synonymous with leper, and applied to one designated in the rubrics “Baldeiano Leproso.”

Baldewyn the Meselle, his name so hight, ...
For foul meselrie he comond with no man.

John Trevisa has rendered the lepra of Glanville by “meselry,” in translating, in 1398, the treatise De Proprietatibus Rerum.—See the London edition of 1535, pp. 109-110.

358 Testament of Cresseid, as previously quoted.

359 Lord Coke’s First Institutes of the Laws of England (Thomas’ edit.) vol. ii. p. 193, and vol. i. p. 162.

360 Lindenborg’s Codex Legum Antiquarum (1613), p. 609.

361 Observations sur l’Histoire de S. Louys (in edit. of Joinville’s Life of St.Louis, 1668. Appendix, p. 34.)

362 DelamarrÉ's TraitÉ de la Police (Paris, 1722), vol. ii. p. 636.

363 Lobineau’s Histoire de Bretagne, vol. i. p. 204; Mezeray’s Histoire de France, tom. ii. pp. 168-69.

364 Dictionnaire Historique et Geographique de la Bretagne (1778), p. 176.

365 Essai Historique sur la ville de Bayeux (1829), p. 254, seqq.

366 The other variety of Lycium, described by Dioscorides as procured in Asia-Minor (Lycia, Cappadocia, etc.), is now generally supposed to be an extract from the Rhamnus infectorius, or other species of Rhamnus. (See Professor Royle, in LinnÆan Transactions, vol. xvii. p. 87; Dr. Adams, in his admirable edition of Paulus Ægineta, vol. iii. p. 234.)

367 The Manners and Customs of the Romans, p. 287.

368 Scriptores HistoriÆ RomanÆ, tom. ii. p. 402. (Heidelberg edition of 1743.)

369 Corpus Juris Civilis Digestorum, lib. iv. tit. vi. leg. 33, sec. 2, p. 142. (Leyden Edit. 1652.)

370 “Cum te Medicum Legionis secundÆ adjutricis esse dicas, munera civilia quandiu reipublicÆ causa abfueris, suspicere non cogeris. Cum autem abesse desieris, post finitam eo jure vacationem, si in eorum numero es, qui ad beneficia medicis concessa pertinent, ea immunitate uteris.”—(Ibid. lib. x. tit. 52, p. 855.)

371 The whole chapter of Vegetius “Quemadmodum sanitas gubernetur exercitus,” etc., is so interesting that I will take the liberty of here quoting it in full:—“Now (what is to be most specially attended to), I will give directions how the health of an army is to be preserved, in as far as regards places for encampment, waters, temperature, medicine, and exercise. With respect to places, the soldiers should not remain long near unhealthy marshes, nor in arid situations that are destitute of the shades of trees; nor on hills without tents in summer. They ought not to be late in the day in commencing their march, lest they contract disease from the heat of the sun and the fatigue of their journey; and, indeed, in summer, they had better arrive at their destination before the morning is advanced. In severe weather they should not pursue their journey through snow and ice at night; nor be allowed to suffer from scarcity of fuel, or a deficient supply of clothing. For the soldier who is obliged to endure cold is neither in a fit state for enjoying health, nor for marching. Nor should he make use of unwholesome nor of marsh waters. For a draught of bad water induces, like a poison, disease in those who drink it. And, moreover, in this case, the unremitting diligence of the generals, tribunes, and their assistants, as wielding the highest authority, will be required, so that their sick comrades may be restored by seasonable articles of food, and be cured by the skill of the physicians (arte medicorum). For it is difficult to manage with those who are at one and the same time oppressed with the evils of disease and of war. But those who are skilled in military affairs have held that daily exercise contributes more to the health of the soldiers than the physicians do. Wherefore, they have advised that the foot soldiers should be regularly exercised during seasons of rain and snow under cover, and at other seasons openly. In like manner, they have ordered that the horsemen should assiduously exercise themselves and their horses, not only on level ground, but also in steep places, and in parts rendered difficult by wide ditches, so that nothing new or strange may occur to them in this respect during the casualties of battle. From all this may be inferred how much the more diligently an army ought to be trained in the exercise of arms, seeing, as we do, that the habit of labour procures alike health in the camp and victory in the battle-field. If (Vegetius adds) a multitude of soldiers be permitted during the summer or autumn seasons to remain long in the same locality, from the corruption of the water, and the stench of their filth, the atmosphere is rendered insalubrious, their respiration becomes vitiated, and most dangerous disease is engendered; and this cannot be remedied by any other means than by a change of encampment.”—(De Re Militari, III. 2.)

372 Galeni Omnia Opera, Ed. KÜhn, vol. xiii. p. 604. Celsus speaks of the possibility of studying human internal anatomy by looking at the wounds of soldiers, etc. “Interdum enim gladiatorem in arena, vel militem in acie, vel viatorem a latronibus exceptum sic vulnerari, ut ejus interior aliqua pars aperiatur.”—De Medicina, lib. i. p. 8.

373 See Odyssey, lib. iv. v. 229, etc.

374 Euterpe, II. § 84; Thalia, III. §§ 1 and 132.

375 Historia Naturalis, lib. xxvi. c. 1. Pliny states that the Egyptians even prosecuted the study of morbid anatomy by dissection:—“In Ægypto, regibus corpora mortuorum ad scrutandos morbos insecantibus.”—(Lib. xix. c. 5.) Galen advised those who desired, in his day, to become acquainted with human osteology, to repair for that purpose to Alexandria, for this potent reason, that there were two actual human skeletons preserved in that city.—See KÜhn’s edit. of Galen, vol. ii. p. 220.

376 De Vitis, etc., Clarorum Philosophorum, lib. iii. v. 8.

377 “In expeditione bellica absque mercede curantur; medici enim annonam ex publico accipiunt.”—BibliothecÆ HistoricÆ (Amsterdam edition of 1746), vol. i. p. 92. Lib. i. § 82.

378 It has been suggested by some authorities, but without sufficient grounds, that in practice Machaon exercised only the art of surgery, while Podalirius followed the art of medicine. Hence, it is argued, Agamemnon, when Menelaus was wounded, did not send for Podalirius, but Machaon. Arctinus, one of the early cyclic poets, takes this view.—See Welcker’s Cyclus Epicus: “Ilii Excidium Arctini,” xiii. 2.

379 See Eustathius’ Commentarii in Homeri Iliadem, loc. cit.; and Dr. Adams' Paulus Ægineta, vol. ii. p. 426. Plato, in his Republic, discourses as to whether the potion of Pramnian wine, etc., given to Machaon (whom by mistake he names Eurypylus), was not too inflammatory in its character.—(Lib. iii. c. 14.)

380 The treatise in question, though usually printed amongst the Hippocratic works, is not admitted to be genuine by any of the translators or commentators upon Hippocrates, with the exception of Foes.—See Dr. Adams’ Works of Hippocrates, vol. i. p. 121.

381 Xenophon’s expression (?at???? ?at?st?sa? ??t?) has been supposed by some commentators to indicate that eight soldiers, perhaps previously experienced to some extent in tending the wounded, were selected and improvised into medical officers, rather than that eight were chosen out of a greater number of medical attendants present with the army. But, in all probability, there were present among the ten thousand Greeks more than eight men who professed the imperfect medical knowledge pertaining to the surgeons of that day. In a later part of the Anabasis (v. 8), Xenophon, in defending himself against accusations of alleged severity on his part, in the course of the retreat, to some of the soldiers under his command, argues for its necessity on the principle that “physicians also use incisions and caustics for the good of their patients.” He owns to having urged some, when themselves unwilling, to continue their march towards the shores of the Black Sea, through the cold and snows of Armenia, “because,” says he, “sitting down and rest made the blood to congeal, and the toes to rot off, which was the case of a great many,”—a result that lately happened only too frequently to the soldiers of our own armies on the opposite or Crimean shores of the Euxine.

382 De Rebus Gestis Alexandri Magni, lib. ix. cap. 18. In lib. iv. cap. 25, an account is given of the extraction of an arrow from the king’s shoulder, by the surgeon Philip of Acarnania, who had previously cured Alexander of the attack of fever which followed on his bathing, when overheated, in the cold waters of the Cydnus. Curtius speaks (iii. 13) of Philip as one “inter nobiles medicos,” who were present with the army. When describing the well-known incident of the fever draught given by this physician Philip to Alexander, Arrian speaks of him, not as a medical attendant upon the king, but as one “in whose extraordinary skill in physic Alexander had great confidence, because of his success in the camp,” or in attending upon other members of the army.—(Lib. ii. cap. 4.) Alexander himself affected some knowledge of medicine. At least, when Craterus was invalided, and Pausanias, the physician in attendance upon him, proposed to give him a dose of hellebore, Alexander (as we are informed by Plutarch) wrote a letter to Pausanias, expressing his great anxiety about the case, and desiring him to be cautious in the use of this medicine. In Alexander’s own chest-wound, as detailed in the text above, the head of the arrow possibly did not enter the cavity of the thorax, as its point was, according to Plutarch’s account, fixed in the bone (the scapula or a rib?). When Julius CÆsar fell under the daggers of his assassins, out of the twenty-three wounds which he received, there was none that was mortal, in the opinion of the surgeon Antistisius, except the second, a penetrating wound of the breast. (See Suetonius’ Julius, c. 82.) After Epaminondas was fatally wounded at the battle of Mantinea, he refused to allow the iron of the spear with which he was struck to be extracted till the victory was decided—aware that, from its site, death from bleeding would immediately follow—an event which the result confirmed.—(Cornel. Nepos, lib. xv. c. 9.)

383 At the famous battle at the Lake Regillus, fought 497 years before the commencement of the Christian era, Livy tells us that after Titus Herminius slew Mamilius, he was himself struck with a javelin while stripping the body of his enemy; and on being brought back to the camp victorious, he died on the first dressing of his wound (inter primam curationem expiraverit).—Livii Historiarum Libri, lib. ii. cap. xx. It is not, however, stated whether this cure of the wound was attempted by the hand of a military comrade, or by that of a surgeon. The same historian mentions that a few years later (B.C. 483), after the battle in which the Romans defeated the Hetrurians, the surviving consul, M. Fabius, distributed his wounded soldiers, for the purpose of cure, among the senators residing in Rome (saucios milites curandos dividit patribus).—See Livy, lib. ii. cap. xlvii. And Tacitus, when describing the catastrophe resulting from the fall of the amphitheatre at Fidena, in the reign of Tiberius, states that those injured and wounded by the accident were received into the houses of the citizens, and there carefully attended to, as (he adds) was the custom in former times after great battles (veterum institutis similis, qui magna post proelia saucios largitione et cura sustentabant).—Annal., lib. iv. c. 63.

384 See lib. vii. cap. v. “Telorum ejectio.”

385 Dr. Adams’ Translation, book vi. § lxxxviii. vol. ii. p. 418.

386 Xiphilin gives the following account from Dion Cassius of the various difficulties and disasters encountered by Severus, from the rivers, marshes, woods, stratagems, etc., of the Caledonians:—“Severus, wishing to reduce the whole island under his power, entered into Caledonia, and, in marching through it, encountered the greatest difficulties; for he had to cut down woods, make roads over mountains, mounds across the marshes, and bridges over the rivers. He fought no battle, nor did he ever meet with the forces of the enemy in array; but they advisedly placed sheep and oxen in the way of our troops, so that when our soldiers attempted to seize the booty, and were thus drawn far from the line of march, they were easily cut off. The waters and lakes, likewise, were destructive to our men, as by dividing them they fell into the ambuscades prepared for them; and when they could not be brought off, they were slain by their comrades, that they might not fall into the hands of the enemy. Owing to these causes there died not less than fifty thousand of our troops.”—Xiphilin’s Excerpta, p. 305. Severus himself seems to have suffered in his health during this Scottish campaign; for during the most of it, he required, says Dion, to be carried, on account of his weakness, in a closed litter (nam plurimum propter imbecilitatem operta lectica vehebatur—p. 305). Both Dion (p. 307) and Herodian (p. 153) mention that he was disabled by gout.

387 Herodian’s account of the labours and difficulties of Severus in this campaign sufficiently indicates the sources of malaria and disease to which his army was subjected, and, at the same time, affords a curious statement regarding the condition and habits of the ancient Caledonians:—“Severus’ first care (says Herodian) was to throw bridges across the morasses, that his soldiers might be able to pursue the enemy over the dangerous places, and have the opportunity of fighting on firm ground; for as the greater part of the island is frequently overflowed by the tides, these constant inundations make the country full of lakes and marshes. In these the barbarians swim, or wade through them up to their middle, regardless of mud or dirt, as they always go almost naked; for they are ignorant of the use of clothes, and only cover their necks and bellies with fine plates of iron, which they esteem as an ornament and sign of wealth, and are as proud of it as other barbarians are of gold. They likewise dye their skins with the pictures of various kinds of animals, which is one principal reason for their wearing no clothes, because they are loath to hide the fine paintings on their bodies. But they are a very warlike and fierce people, and arm only with a narrow shield and spear, and a sword hanging by their naked bodies; unacquainted with the use of habergeons and helmets, which they think would be an obstruction to their wading through the ponds and marshes of their country, which, perpetually sending up thick gross vapours, condense the air and make it always foggy.”—Hart’s Herodian, pp. 153, 154. Dion Cassius, who lived at the date of Severus’ expedition, gives, when describing the expedition, an account of our Caledonian ancestors that is in no degree more flattering. “The Caledonians,” says he, “both possess rugged and dry mountains, and desert plains full of marshes. They have neither castles nor towns; nor do they cultivate the ground; but live on their flocks and hunting, and the fruits of some trees; not eating fish, though extremely plenteous. They live in tents, naked, and without buskins. Wives they have in common, and breed up their children in common. The general form of government is democratic. They are addicted to robbery; fight in cars; have small and swift horses. Their infantry are remarkable for speed in running, and for firmness in standing. Their armour consists of a shield, and a short spear, in the lower end of which is a brazen apple, whose sound when struck may terrify the enemy. They have also daggers. Famine, cold, and all sorts of labour they can bear, for they will even stand in their marshes, for many days, up to the neck in water, and, in the woods, will live on the bark and roots of trees. They prepare a certain kind of food on all occasions, of which taking only a bit the size of a bean, they feel neither hunger nor thirst.”—Xiphilin’s Excerpta, p. 304; and Pinkerton’s Inquiry into the Early History of Scotland, vol. i. p. 438.

388 See Gordon’s Journey through Scotland, p. 75. Bruce, in his work on The Roman Wall, p. 214, speaks of the ancient city of Borcovicus as likely, when excavated, to prove “the Pompeii of Britain.” Stukeley, in a similar spirit, declared it the “Tadmor of Britain.”

389 It is possible the word may be a contraction for ordinatus (appointed), and not for ordinarius.

390 The Roman Wall: a Historical, etc., Account of the Barrier of the Lower Isthmus, extending from the Tyne to the Solway, p. 228.

391 Vita AgricolÆ, cap. 36 (Orelli’s edit. vol. ii. p. 441).

392 Stuart, in his Caledonia Romana, p. 340, gives a copy of a legionary tablet found at Castlecary, which states that the first Tungrian Cohort had erected 1000 paces (mille passus) of the wall.

393 Horsley’s Britannia Romana, p. 205. Stuart’s Caledonia Romana, p. 164.

394 According to Horsley, it was probably under the reign of Marcus Aurelius that the Tungrian Cohort became stationed at Castle-steeds, in Cumberland, where they erected an altar to Jupiter. Lastly (he adds), this Cohort settled at Housesteads, where we have six or seven of their inscriptions under four or five different commanders. Here they seem to have continued till the lowest time of the empire. The Notitia places this Cohort at Borcovicus (Housesteads).—Britannia Romana, p. 89.

395 United Service Journal for 1841, vol. iii. p. 124.

396 See Eckhel’s Doctrina Nummorum Veterum, vol. i. p. 8, and vol. vi. p. 495.

397 Inscriptiones RomanÆ, p. 68, Fig. 1 and Fig. 2; and p. 269, Fig. 3.

398 The name of Domitian (see the plate) is erased from the inscription—a practice which has been followed sometimes in relation to the names of other Roman tyrants besides him; but the name of the consul on the stone fixes the date and reign.

399 Syntagma Inscriptionum Antiquarum (1682), p. 611, 7. See also Spon’s Miscellanea EruditÆ Antiquitatis, 145, 16; and Dr. Middleton’s Dissertation “De Medicorum apud veteres Romanos conditione,” in his Works, vol. iv. p. 103.

400 Novus Thesaurus Vet. Inscriptionum, 1046, 5.

401 In the text I have given the reading of this puzzling inscription suggested by Hultmann, in his Miscellanea Epigraphi, p. 415, the letters referring to the corps to which Sporus was attached being very indistinct—namely, “Medico alar indianae etheriae astorum.” The inscription, if Hultmann’s suggestion be correct, indicates the third wing or cohort of the Asturian or Spanish auxiliaries. The first and second wings of the Astures (Astorum), and the first cohort of them, are mentioned in the celebrated “Notitia imperii” as located at the time at which that army-list was made out, at three different military stations along the line of Hadrian’s wall from the Tyne to the Solway; and various inscriptions raised by these troops have been dug up in Northumberland and Cumberland. See Dr. Bruce’s work, p. 47, 110 and 154. These English slabs all read Asturum, instead of the Astorum of the Notitia, and of the Italian inscription referred to in the text. Let me add that inscriptions referring to soldiers of the Ala Indiana or Indian wing of auxiliary horsemen, have also been found in England.—See an example in Mr. Akerman’s ArchÆological Index, p. 67, and Messrs Buckmann and Newmarch’s Corinium, p. 115.

402 “In Legione sunt Cohortes decem.”—Cincius in Aulus Gellius, xvi. 4.

403 Museum Veronense, p. 120, 4. See also Gruter’s Inscriptiones RomanÆ, tom. i. p. 633, fig. 5. The exact age of the dead, not as to years only, but as to months, as in the above tablet, and sometimes even as to days, is a feature peculiar to Roman monumental inscriptions. And nothing appears to us more strange and interesting in relation to Roman monumental tablets, than their total or almost total silence as to a future state, and the possibility of meeting beyond the grave. Out of the almost innumerable Roman monumental inscriptions that have now been copied and published, not one, as far as I am aware, ventures to refer to the hope of a future life. They seem to have looked upon the idea of a future state of existence as poetical imagery only, and not reality; all doubting, like Tacitus, “si quis piorum manibus locus; si, ut sapientibus placet, non cum corpore extinguuntur magnÆ animÆ.”—Vita AgricolÆ, cap. 46.

404 There is, at the end of the third line, an evident ellipsis of the word Uxoris. It is scarcely necessary to add that, as is well known, these old Roman inscriptions abound in errors of orthography and grammar.

405 De Re Militari, lib. ii. cap. 10.

406 GrÆvius’ Thesaurus, vol. x. p. 1021.

407 Annal. lib. i. cap. 71.

408 Scriptores HistoriÆ RomanÆ, tom. ii. p. 355.

409 Annal. lib. i. cap. 65.

410 Ibid. cap. 69.

411 Livy, lib. iv. cap. 39.

412 De Bello Africano, cap. xxi. The exigencies of war sometimes converted the stronger soldiers into the only available transport corps for the sick and wounded. Xenophon speaks in the Anabasis (lib. iii. cap. iv.), of the number of Greeks capable of fighting being diminished, because some soldiers were employed in carrying the wounded, and others in carrying the arms of the latter. One anecdote subsequently told by Xenophon seems to show that, occasionally at least, if not as the common rule, one soldier was deemed capable of carrying a sick or wounded companion. For he informs us, that towards the end of the expedition, when publicly accused of being sometimes too severe to the soldiers during the long retreat of the Greeks, the only person who came forward to substantiate the charge, was a soldier whom he had compelled to carry a sick comrade, and who, it turned out, had subsequently dug a pit to bury the invalid before he was completely dead. The army held that Xenophon had not beaten the complainant so much as he actually deserved for this conduct.—Anabasis, lib. v. cap. 8.

413 Inscriptiones Regni Neapolitani LatinÆ, No. 2701.

414 Atti e Monumenti de fratelli Arvali, vol. ii. p. 826.

415 In the fragmentary list of the two old Roman fleets stationed at Misenum and Ravenna, collected from various inscriptions by Mommsen (p. 477), it is not uninteresting to find the ships—sixteen or eighteen centuries ago—bearing names exactly the same as those borne by our modern royal and commercial navies; as The Cupid, The Diana, Mars, Neptune, Ceres, The Fortune (Fortuna), The Victory (Victoria), The Hope (Spes), The Faith (Fides), The Triumph (Triumphus), Providence (Providentia), The Peace (Pax), The Tiber (Tiberis), The Nile (Nilus), etc.

416 Thus when Cato the younger, after the battle of Thapsus, committed suicide at Utica, by stabbing himself in the abdomen, his friends rushed into his room, on hearing him fall, and among them his attendant physician, Cleanthes, who replaced the uninjured bowels, and began to staunch and sew up the gash. But on recovering from his state of syncope, Cato thrust aside the surgeon, tore asunder the wound, pulled out the entrails, and speedily expired.—(See Plutarch’s Life of him, and Hirtius’ Commentar. De Bell. Africano, cap. 88.) Cicero and Seneca have written applaudingly of Cato’s suicide. Lucan invests him with all godlike virtues; and various modern writers have spoken in enthusiastic terms of his unbending moral dignity and magnanimity of character. But one anecdote, mentioned by Plutarch, seems calculated to detract not a little from our modern estimate of the mental character of this “the last and greatest of the Romans.” In stabbing himself, Cato could not, according to Plutarch, strike sufficiently hard to produce an immediately fatal wound, in consequence of inflammation in his hand, which had required to be dressed by Cleanthes; for a few hours before death, Cato,—that alleged “paragon of Roman virtue,”—had severely injured his fist by striking one of his slaves in the mouth with it.

417 The death of Pansa, the consul, at the battle of Mutina, in the year B.C. 48, is detailed by Suetonius and Tacitus in such a way as proves that Glycon attended the army as surgeon to Pansa, and took professional care of the consul when he was wounded. In fact, Glycon was thrown into prison, after Pansa’s death, upon a suspicion of having poisoned his wounds.—(See Tacitus' Annal. lib. i. cap. 10; Suetonius’ Octavius, cap. 11.) M. Brutus, in a letter to Cicero, begs the interference of Cicero in favour of Glycon, and pleads his innocence of the deed imputed to him.—(Cicer. ad Brut. 6.)

418 KÜhn’s Edit. of Galen, vol. xiv. pp. 649, 650.

419 Histoire de la MÉdicine, vol. ii. p. 54 (Jourdan’s Translation). “Scribonius Largus vivait sous le rÈgne de l’Empereur Claude, qu’il suivit dans ses campagnes d’Angleterre.”

420 Wilkins’ Edition of Browne’s Works, vol. iii. p. 467.

421Medicis ministrisque conaretur persuadere, senem ut e medio quam primum quoquo modo tollerent.”—Lib. iii. p. 412. The Emperor Marcus Aurelius died in Pannonia, when prosecuting a war against the German tribes. Dion Cassius alludes to the physicians who were in attendance upon Aurelius during this long campaign, when adverting to the report that the emperor’s death was caused by them, in order to promote his son and successor Commodus (“peremptus a Medicis qui Commodo gratificabantur.”—Excerpta, p. 252). But Capitolinus, the principal authority regarding the biography of Aurelius, does not even advert to the report. On the other hand, he describes Aurelius' fatal illness as one of seven days’ duration, and states that the emperor only dismissed Commodus from his presence on the last day, lest he should communicate the disease to him. (“Septimo die gravatus est; et solum filium admisit; quem statim dimisit, ne in eum morbus transiret.”—Scriptores HistoriÆ RomanÆ, vol. ii. p. 298.)

422 Lib. iii. p. 413. “Nam et Medicos supplicio affecit, quod sibi parum obtemperaverant, jubenti senis maturare necem.” This, as stated in the text, was one of the first, if not the first, act of cruelty which Caracalla committed after Severus’ death. Dion affirms that, after murdering his brother Geta, he ordered about 20,000 of Geta’s supposed friends to be put to death; and amongst others he condemned to death, according to Spartian, a class which is medically not uninteresting—namely, all those who wore amulets or charms about their necks for the cure of agues, a custom which would appear to have been much in use both among the Greeks and Romans.—See Hart’s Herodian, p. 177.

423 As a further not uninteresting record of the habits of these times, as contrasted with our own, let me add (though the topic is not altogether medical), that after Severus died at York, worn out, according to Herodian, more by grief than by disease (moerore magis quam morbo consumptus), his body was burned, and the ashes left by the corpse inclosed in an urn of alabaster with perfumes (odoribus).—Herodian, p. 413. His sons, with their own hands, lighted the funeral pile. Dion states that, shortly before his death, Severus sent for the urn that was destined to contain his ashes, and addressed it in terms too truly significant of the vanity and emptiness of the highest earthly ambition and the greatest earthly success: “Tu virum capies quem totus orbis terrarum non cepit.”—Dion, p. 307.

424 Antiquitates Neomagenses, sive Notitia rarissimarum rerum Antiquariarum, etc. (1678), pp. 97, 99. When describing these two medicine-stamps (which are interesting as having been the first rediscovered in modern times), Schmidt ingenuously states:—“De illis quid sentiam, non facile dixerim, sÆpe mecum cogito, quid sibi illa velint. Ego tamen nihil adhuc affirmare audeo.”—P. 98. Hugo Grotius, in his Respublica HollandiÆ (1630), speaks of Schmidt as “antiquitatum omnium cultor summus, cujus commentarium de Noviomagi oppidi (Nymegen) antiquitate avidissime expectamus.”—P. 123.

425 Miscellanea EruditÆ Antiquitatis (1685), pp. 236-238.

426 “Smetius vir eruditus nobis exhibet lapides duos virides quadratos, in margine scriptos, quarum usum se ignorare fatetur. Ego vero puto fuisse opercula pyxidum in quibus unguenta, olea, atque collyria reservabant Pharmacopolae.”—Spon, in his Miscellanea EruditÆ Antiquitatis, p. 236.

427 Haym’s Tesoro-Brittanico (1720), vol. ii. Letter in Preface.

428 Caylus’ Recueil Antiquites (1761), vol. i. p. 225. Count Caylus states (p. 226) that the AbbÉ Le Boeuf, in 1729, expressed the following opinion in relation to one of these Roman stones that was shown him:—“La regarda comme un moule qui servoit À marquer sur la cire les drogues d’un MÉdecin Romain, on comme une formule de recette pour la confection d’un mÉdicament.” See also vol. vii. (1767), p. 261.

429 Antiquitatis MedicÆ SelectÆ. Jena, 1772.

430 Christophori Saxii Epistola de Veteris Medici Ocularii Gemma Sphragide, prope Trajectum ad Mosam eruta. 1774.

431 ArchÆologia; or Miscellaneous Tracts relating to Antiquity, vol. ix. (1789), p. 227.

432 Dissertation sur l’Inscription Grecque ??????? ??????. Paris, 1826.

433 Cinq Cachets Inedits de MÉdecins-Oculistes Romains. Paris, 1845. To M. Sichel, one of the most learned of living physicians, I am indebted for various valuable suggestions in collecting the materials for the present essay.

434 Observations sur les Cachets des MÉdecins-Oculistes Anciens, À-propos de Cinq Pierres Sigillaires inedites. Paris, 1846.

435 MÉmoires de la SociÉtÉ des Antiquaires de Picardie, tom. viii. p. 575. (1846). Notice sur un Cachet d’Oculiste Romain trouvÉ À Amiens.

436 The three found in Italy have all been discovered in the more northern parts of that kingdom,—viz. the first at Genoa, the second at Sienna, and the third at Verona. See notices of them in Spon’s Miscellanea EruditÆ Antiquitatis, p. 237; Muratori’s Thesaurus Inscriptionum, D. viii. 4; and Maffei’s Museum Veronense, p. 135.

437 KÜhn’s Edit. of Galen, vol. xiv. pp. 766-777.

438 Some of the ancient collyria were gravely averred to possess properties that were optical, rather than medical. Thus Alexander Trallianus gives a receipt for a very complex collyrium, which, when anointed upon the eyes, enabled those who used it to gaze upon the sun even without harm (Possis etiam solem citra noxam intueri).—De Arte Medica, lib. ii. p. 174.

439 “Etiam Asclepiades plurimam et optimam tum aridorum tum liquidorum collyriorum conscripsit silvam.” See KÜhn’s edit. of Galen, vol. xii. p. 226. Asclepiades, who enjoyed during his life high professional popularity at Rome, seems to have flourished in the century preceding the commencement of the Christian era; and the expression of Galen (sylva collyriorum) consequently shows us the great number and extent of the collyria known and used even at that early period. For notices of the time and character of Asclepiades, see Pliny’s Historia Naturalis, lib. xxv. cap. 7; Grumpert’s Asclepiades Bithyni Fragmenta, Vinar. 1794; Burdach’s Scriptorum de Asclepiade Index, Leipzig, 1800.

440 In the following passage Galen tersely enumerates the very varied general ingredients, and general therapeutic effects, of the numerous collyria used by the Roman practitioners of his day:—“Nam et liquores, et succi, et semina, et fructus, et plantarum particulÆ, ocularibus compositionibus induntur, veluti etiam non pauca ex iis, quÆ metallica appellantur; aliqua quidem extreme austera, et acerba, atque aeria; aliqua vero his moderatiora et tamen fortia; quemadmodum item aliqua omnia mordacitatis expertia, ac lenissima per lotionem reddita.”—De Compositione Medicam. secundum Locos, cap. i.; KÜhn’s edition, vol. xii. p. 699.

441 Celsus, in the same way, enumerates and describes the collyria of Philon, of Dionysius, of Cleon, of Theodotius, of Euelpides (qui Ætate nostra maximus fuit ocularius medicus), of Nileus, of Hermon, etc. See his MedicinÆ Libri, lib. vi.

442 Appellantur talia a medicis collyria libiana et cygni, ob colorem quidem album.—Galen, de Compos. Med. secundum Locos, cap. i. KÜhn’s edition, vol. xii. p. 708.

443 See Stuart’s Caledonia Romana, p. 154; New Statistical Account of Edinburghshire, p. 254, etc., for descriptions of the Roman remains at Inveresk.

444 MedicÆ Artis Principes: De Medicamentis Liber, p. 273.

445 MedicÆ Artis Principes: De Compositione Medicamentorum Liber Comp. xxvi. p. 198.

446 KÜhn’s Edit. of Galen, vol. xii. pp. 753 and 774.

447 Cornarius’ Latin Translation in MedicÆ Artis Principes, p. 432.

448 KÜhn’s Edit. of Galen, vol. xii. p. 699.

449 P. Dioscoridis Opera quÆ extant Omnia. (Edit. Saraceni, 1698) p. 21, lib. i. cap. xxv.

450 Naturalis Historia. Leyden edit. of 1635, vol. ii. p. 474.

451 KÜhn’s Edit. of Galen, vol. xii. p. 770.

452 Ibid. pp. 785 and 773.

453 KÜhn’s edit. of Galen, vol. xii. p. 715.

454 See Milligan’s Celsus, p. 296.

455 MedicÆ Artis Principes, lib. ii. p. 170.

456 Ibid. lib. iii. p. 432. Our own Pharmacopoeias long retained similar terms. The London Pharmacopoeia, for example, for 1662, contains an electuary termed Diacrocuma, an Emplastrum Oxycrocum, etc.

457 Cornarius’ Latin edition of Aetius, 1549, p. 371; and Venice Greek edit. p. 126.

458 Dr. Adams’ Sydenham Society edition, vol. i. p. 419; and the Basle Greek edition of 1538, p. 76.

459 See Dr. Adams’ edition, vol. iii. p. 551, as compared with the Basle edition, p. 78.

460 The central figure shows the size of the stone, and the intagliate inscription on one side. The other figures show its three inscriptions as they read from left to right when stamped on wax.

461 See Scribonius Largus in MedicÆ Artis Principes, p. 209; Marcellus Empiricus, in ibid. p. 326.

462 KÜhn’s edit. of Galen, vol. xii. p. 751.

463 Ibid. p. 772.

464 Ibid. p. 760.

465 Ibid. vol. xi. p. 715.

466 MedicÆ Artis Principes: De Medicamentis Lib., p. 280.

467 Spon also (see his Miscellanea EruditÆ Antiquitatis, p. 236) supposed the Nymegen and Genoa medicine-stamps (the only specimens known to exist at the time at which he wrote) to have belonged to some of those practitioners (MyropolÆ or Unguentarii) who professed to cure diseases principally by the external application of oils, ointment, and friction,—a form of charlatanry not altogether unknown in this, the nineteenth century. According to Pliny, Prodicus, a disciple of Hippocrates, founded the mode of cure termed “Iatraleptice.” By this means (adds Pliny) he opened a road to riches to the slaves and rubbers themselves employed by the physicians (reunctoribus quoque medicorum ac mediastinis vectigal invenit). See his Historia Naturalis, lib. xxiv. cap. i. in Leyden edition of 1695, vol. iii. p. 187.

468 KÜhn’s Galen, vol. xii. p. 787, 786, and 769. Actuarius gives a formula for a collyrium melinum, but it is a copy of the last of Galen. See MedicÆ Artis Principes, p. 309.

469 Antiquitates MedicÆ SelectÆ, p. 55.

470 Historia Naturalis, lib. xiii. tom. ii. p. 37. Dr. Adams’ edition of Paulus Ægineta, vol. iii. p. 592.

471 Historia Naturalis, vol. iii. lib. xxxv. p. 423. Scribonius Largus gives (cap. 90, p. 231) a formula, with the alumen melinum as one of its ingredients. See the same Oleum Melinum described by Dioscorides, lib. i. cap. 55, p. 31.

472 Quemadmodum viridium emplastrorum plurima propter Æruginem prÆpollentem talia fiunt, prÆsertim quÆ sunt ex ipsis coloratiora; ita quoque Melina. Sed viridia Æruginem incoctam habent, Melina vero coctam quidem sed mediocriter; nam si amplius coquas, bicolora emplastra quibusdam appellata, quibusdam gilva, efficies. Solent Medici viridia, simpliciter, Melina, et rufa, nominare, etc.—Galen de Compositione Medicamentorum per Genera, cap. vi.—KÜhn’s edit. vol. xiii. p. 503.

473 See ArchÆologia, vol. ix. p. 228.

474 Aetius’ Tetrabiblos, Cornarius’ edit. p. 359.

475 De Medicam. Liber.: Med. Artis Principes, p. 281.

476 De Compos. Med.: Ibid. p. 660.

477 Paulus Ægineta’s Works. Dr. Adams’ Translation, vol. iii. p. 551.

478 Cornarius’ Translation, p. 435.

479 Opobalsam, the “succus a plaga” of the Syrian balsam tree. See Pliny. lib. xii. c. 25.—Dioscorides, in describing its origin, effects, etc., specially recommends it as a detergent application in dimness of sight (quÆ pupillis tenebras offundunt, exterget).—Lib. i. cap. xviii. p. 18.

480 The inscription on the Daspich stone is “Q. Valleri Sexti Stactum ad Caligines Opobalsamatum.” Paulus Ægineta gives a special collyrium under the designation of “Collyrium from opobalsam”—Collyrium ex opobalsamo. See Dr. Adams’ Translation in the Sydenham Society Edition, vol. iii. p. 554. The opobalsam is a frequent ingredient in the various collyria described by Galen, Aetius, etc.

481 Catalogue of Antiquities, Coins, etc., in the possession of the Society of Antiquaries of London, by Albert Way, Esq. 1847, p. 12.

482 ArchÆologia, vol. ix. p. 227.

483 For the purpose of explanation, I have changed the order of the sides, bringing forward as the second what Mr. Gough gives as the fourth side.

484 KÜhn’s Galen, vol. xii. p. 781.

485 Sectio xxiv. De Collyriis, p. 662.

486 Tetrabiblos, Sermo iii. cap. 110, p. 434.

487 De Arte Medica, lib. ii. cap. v. p. 175.

488 Dr. Adams’ Translation, vol. iii. p. 554; and vol. i. p. 421.

489 Thus, for example, the ingredients in the collyrium Thalasseros, as given by Paulus Ægineta, are “calamine, 8 ounces; verdigris, 2 ounces; Indian ink, 8 ounces; white pepper, 4 ounces; median juice, 1 ounce; opobalsam, 2 ounces; and gum, 6 ounces.”—Ibid. vol. iii. p. 554.

490 KÜhn’s edit. of Galen, vol. xii. pp. 786 and 787.

491 Commentar. in App. vi. 31. De Simplic. Med. ix. 39. Dr. Adams' Paulus Ægineta, vol. iii. p. 420. Plautus, in his Mostellaria (Act i. scene iii. v. 106), enumerates in the same line the Cerussa and Melinum as among the number of the cosmetic paints used at the toilets of the Roman ladies:—

Non isthanc aetatem oportet pigmentum ullum attingere
Neque cerussam, neque melinum, neque ullam aliam offuciam.

492 See Duchelais’ Observations, p. 75; Tochon’s Dissertation, pp. 26 and 64; Maffer’s Museum Veronense, p. 135; Johanneau in Melanges d’Archeologie, p. 177; for accounts of stamps inscribed with the legend Diamysus ad Veteres Cicatrices.

493 Medicinalium Collectorum, lib. xiii. p. 499.

494 Tetrabiblos, Sermo iii. cap. 37, p. 382.

495 Galen defines Cicatrices and Albugo of the eye as follows:—“Cicatrix appellatur ubi nigro oculi ex alto ulcere membranae crassities supervenit, ut color albior apparet. Albugo nihil a cicatrice differt, nisi quod ex ulcere major cicatrix simul et crassior in iride nascitur.”—KÜhn’s Edit. vol. xiii. p. 775.

496 See Tetrabiblos, Sermo iii. cap. 40, 37.

497 MedicÆ Artis Principes. De Collyriis, cap. 72 and 73, p. 665.

498 Dr. Adams’ Translation, vol. i. p. 418.

499 De Arta Medica, lib. ii. cap. vi. p. 175. Perhaps the medical idea of staining the cicatrices of the eyes was suggested by the circumstance, that the Romans, like the ancient Egyptians, occasionally had recourse to dyeing or staining their eyebrows in the decorations of the toilet. On the substances (calliblephara) used for this purpose, see Pliny, lib. xxiii. cap. 4, and lib. xxxv. cap. 16. Juvenal alludes to the practice in his Second Satire, v. 93:—

Ille supercilium madida fuligine tactum
Obliqua producit acu, pingitque trementes
Attollens oculos.

500 See MedicÆ Artis Principes. De Medicam. p. 280.

501 In the Minutes of the Society of Antiquaries for 17th November 1757, the word is copied as DELICATA.

502 Thus Nicolaus Myrepsus describes the “Collyrium nominatum Sol;” the “Collyrium Aster, hoc est stella;” the “Collyrium dictum Lumen.” See his Opus de Compositione Medicamentorum, sect. xxiv. cap. 2, 22, 3, etc. Trallianus describes the collyrium Phos, etc., p. 174. Aetius gives, p. 352, a formula for the collyrium Uranium. See also Oribasius, p. 50. Perhaps I ought to have stated earlier, that in quoting the works of Oribasius, Aetius, Myrepsus, Trallianus, Scribonius Largus, and Marcellus, I always refer, except when it is otherwise specified, to the writings of these authors as contained in Stephen’s collated edition of the “MedicÆ Artis Principes post Hippocratem et Galenum” (Paris, 1567).

503 De Simplic. Medicam. KÜhn’s Edit. vol. xii. p. 152.

504 See Gentleman’s Magazine for 1778, p. 472.

505 This form of Greek designation, consisting of the name of the principal ingredients in a formula, preceded by the initial DIA, was long retained in pharmaceutical nomenclature. The London Pharmacopoeia of 1677, for instance, has upwards of twenty medicines or formulÆ commencing with DIA, as the Pulvis DiasennÆ, the Electuarium Diacinnamomum, the syrup named Diacodium, etc. Almost the only remnant of this type of nomenclature that is retained in modern medical language, is to be found in the well-known term Diachylon plaster. The inventor of the Diachylon plaster—Menecrates—lived about the time of Tiberius, and, according to the inscription still preserved at Rome upon his marble tombstone (See Gruter’s Inscriptiones, p. 581), he was the author of not less than 155 medical works, few or no fragments of which remain. His plaster has greatly outlived the productions of his pen. The medical poet, Damocrates, who wrote several pharmaceutical works, put Menecrates' directions for preparing the Diachylon into Greek Iambic verse.—See Galen de Compos. Medicam. sec. Genera, vol. xiii. p. 996.

506 Opera, lib. i. cap. 77, p. 43. See, also, on its properties, Galen’s Works, by KÜhn, vol. xii. p. 127; Adams’ Paulus Ægineta, vol. iii. p. 349.

507 Tetrabiblos, Sermo iii. cap. cix. p. 429.

508 De Methodo Medendi, lib. vi. cap. v. p. 310.

509 Dr. Adams’ Paulus Ægineta, vol. i. p. 417.

510 KÜhn’s Edition, vol. xii. p. 774.

511 Ibid. p. 746.

512 Ibid. p. 257.

513 Ibid. vol. vi. p. 876.

514 Mackenzie. Treatise on Diseases of the Eye (1830), pp. 140 and 141.

515 Frankincense, saffron, and myrrh, form, as we have seen, prominent ingredients in the ancient collyria. Actuarius lays down the differences among the therapeutical effects of these three eye-medicines, with the following rare subtlety:—“Crocus et Myrrha hoc inter se dissident, quod ille moderate adstringat, hÆc vero citra adstrictionem non instrenue discutiat, humiditatesque exsiccet: suntque generosiora facultatibus quam Thus, quapropter etiam discutiunt magis, verum quod detergendi vi careant: in ulcerum curatione thuri ceu inferiora cedunt.”—De Methodo Medendi, lib. vi. cap. v. p. 305.

516 KÜhn’s Edit. vol. xii. p. 60.

517 Dr. Adams’ Edit. vol. iii. p. 217.

518 Medicinalium Collect. lib. xi. p. 425.

519 De Arte Medica, lib. ii. p. 173.

520 Milligan’s Edit. of Celsus, p. 290, lib. vi. 13.

521 See the Aldine Greek edition of his works, p. 118.

522 De Medicamentis Liber, cap. viii. p. 280.

523 De Methodo Medendi, lib. vi. p. 93. Tochon, p. 32.

524 Recueil de Monuments Antiques, tom. i. p. 281.

525 Cinq Cachets Inedits des Oculistes, p. 13.

526 Bottin: Melanges d’ArchÆologie, p. 114.

527 Observations sur les Cachets, p. 41.

528 On the properties and uses of Mulsum in ocular medicine, see a full account in the Second Book of Alexander Trallianus, p. 176.

529 “Mollissimum genus earum Penicilli, oculorum tumores levant ex mulso impositi: iidem abstergendÆ lippitudini utilissimi: eosque tenuissimos et mollissimos esse oportet.”—Naturalis HistoriÆ, liber xxxii. cap. xi. p. 289. In regard to the locality from which these sponges were procured, Pliny afterwards adds,—“Trogus autor est, circa Lyciam Penicillos mollissimos nasci in alto, unde ablatÆ sint spongiÆ.”—Ibid. p. 290.

530Penicillo fovere oculos oportet, ex aqua calida expresso, in qua ante vel myrti vel rosÆ folia decocta sint.”—Milligan’s Celsus, liber vi. cap. vi. sec. 9, p. 288. When describing venesection at the bend of the arm, Celsus uses the word Penicillum to imply the pledget or compress applied after the operation with the view of arresting the bleeding—“Deligandum brachium super-imposito expresso ex aqua frigida Penicillo.”—Lib. vi. cap. xi. p. 65.

531 Milligan’s Celsus, lib. vi. cap. vi. p. 284.

532 “Quo gravior vero quÆque inflammatio est, eo magis leniri medicamentum, debet, adjecto vel albo ovi, vel muliebri lacte. At si neque medicus, neque medicamentum prÆsto est, sÆpius utrumlibet horum in oculis Penicillo ad id ipsum facto infusum, id malum lenit.”—Ibid. lib. vi. cap. vi. sec. 8, p. 286.

533 Deinde in balneo aqua calida quamplurima caput atque oculos fovere; tum utrumque Penicillo detergere et ungere caput iridis unguento.—Lib. vi. cap. vi. p. 287. Scribonius Largus uses the analogous expression—“Penicillo abstergeretur,” p. 232.

534 Igitur aversum specillum, inserendum, deducendÆque eo palpebrae sunt: deinde exigua Penicilla interponenda, donec exulceratio ejus loci leniatur.—Ibid. lib. vii. cap. vi. p. 342. After removing nasal polypi, he recommends a styptic tent, or, “aliquid ex Penicillo,” to be introduced into the nostrils (lib. vii. cap. x. p. 355). See also lib. vii. cap. iv. p. 324; and lib. viii. cap. ix. p. 425.

535 ArchÆologia, vol. ix. p. 240.

536 In his chapter on diseases of the eyes, after giving the formula for the Basilicon collyrium of Euelpides—which was composed of poppy tears, cerussa, Asian stone, gum, white pepper, saffron, and psoricum—Celsus adds:—“Now there is no simple which by itself is called Psoricum; but a certain quantity of chalcitis, and a little more than half its quantity of cadmia, are rubbed together with vinegar, and this being put into an earthen vessel, covered over with fig leaves, is deposited under ground for twenty days, and being taken up again it is powdered, and is thus called Psoricum.”—See Greive’s Celsus, p. 343.

537 “Psoricum is formed by mixing two parts of chalcitis with one of litharge, triturating them in vinegar, and, having put them into a new pot, by burying them in dung for forty days.”—See Adams’ Paulus Ægineta, vol. iii. p. 421.

538 KÜhn’s Edit. vol. xiv. p. 767.

539 Galen in KÜhn’s Edit. vol. xii. p. 717.

540 Princ. Art. MedicÆ, De Methodo Medendi, lib. vi. p. 305.

541 Tetrabiblos, pp. 434, 435.

542 De Compositione Medicamentorum, p. 199.

543 De Medicamentis Liber, pp. 274 and 275.

544 The inscription on the Jena stamp is as follows (see Tochon’s Dissertation, p. 66): PHRONIMI DIAPSORICUM OPOBAL. AD CLAR.

545 The inscription alluded to runs thus:—PHRONIMI DIASMYRN. POST IMPE. LIP. EX OV. Or, when extended,—“Phronimi Diasmyrnes post impetum lippitudinis ex ovo.”—Tochon, p. 66. Phronimus is the name, of course, of the occulist or proprietor.

546 Cornarius’ Edit.; or Dr. Adams’ Edit. vol. iii. p. 550.

547 Med. Art. Princ. De Methodo Mendendi, lib. vi. p. 310.

548 For example, in the stamp found at Maestricht, and described by Saxe, there occurs the inscription C. Lucci Alexandri Crocodes AT aspritudines, instead of AD aspritudines. See Tochon’s Dissertation, p. 68.

549 These figures of the Wroxeter stamp are copies of those originally published of it by Mr. Parkes in the Gentleman’s Magazine for 1810, vol. lxxx. p. 617.

550 Beauties of England and Wales (1813), vol. xiii. p. 191.

551 Salopia Antiqua, p. 126.

552 See a copy of it in Gruter’s Inscriptiones AntiquÆ Orbis RomanÆ, tom. ii. p. 896, No. iii.

553 See Le Clerc’s Histoire de la MÉdecine, pp. 421 and 568.

554 See, for example, Adams’ Paulus Ægineta, vol. iii. pp. 551 and 555, where the collyria Diasmyrnum and Isotheon are directed “to be used with an egg”—(“Usus cum ovo est,” according to the Latin translation of Cornarius, p. 671, etc.) Celsus directs the Collyrium Philetis to be used “vel ex ovo, vel ex lacte.” Galen repeatedly employs the same expression in giving his directions about collyria, as in vol. xii. pp. 746, 747, 749, 754, etc.

555 Med. Art. Princ. Synopsis, liber iii. p. 51.

556 KÜhn’s Edit. of Galen, vol. xiii. pp. 877 and 879.

557 Ibid. vol. xii. p. 761.

558 The same title or designation of ???????S (the unconquered) was assumed by some of the Indo-Greek kings of Bactria. Philosenus (who reigned in the east of Bactria), and Antialcides, Lysias, and Archebias (who reigned in the west), according to Grotefend’s classification, all appropriated this title to themselves. See Werlhof’s Handbuch der Griechischen Numismatik, pp. 72 and 73.

559 The Unguentum Nardinum was one of the favourite ointments used by the Romans for anointing the hair previous to crowning it with the garland at their festive symposiums.—See Horace’s Carmina, lib. ii. carm. xi. “Assyriaque Nardo Potamus uncti.”

560 Thus Plautus, in his Miles Gloriosus, act iii. sec. ii. v. 11, speaks of wine mixed and flavoured with the perfume of Nard—

Demisit Nardini unam amphoram cellarius.

Horace, in one of his odes addressed to Virgil (Carmina, lib. iv. c. 12), invites his brother poet to a drinking-party, provided Virgil will earn his wine by bringing some spikenard; and he declares that a small box of the perfume shall draw a whole cask of wine from the storehouses of Sulpicius.

Nardo vina merebere.
Nardi parvus onyx eliciet cadum
Que nunc Sulpiciis accubat horreis.

The onyx, or alabaster box, mentioned in these lines of Horace, was made of a kind of gypsum, and was used for containing the more precious ointments, under the belief, as we are told by Pliny (lib. xxxv. cap. 12), that this material prevented the fragrance of the ointments from being dissipated (quoniam optime servare incorrupta dicitur). In explanation of the great use of ointments among the Romans, it is to be remembered that they then formed their only vehicle for the enjoyment of perfumes, the art of distillation being altogether unknown to them.

561 Tetrabiblos, Sermo III. cap. cxiii. pp. 436-8.

562 Hujus auxilii actiones ac efficaciam dicere non est facile. Audientes enim vix crediderint. Nam desperatas affectiones ad naturalem statum revocat.—Ibid. p. 438.

563 Journal of the British ArchÆological Association, vol. iv. p. 280.

564 Sichel’s Cachets Inedits, p. 15; and Duchalais’ Observations sur les Cachets, p. 35. See also MÉmoire de la Commission des Antiquaires de Department de la CÔte-d’Or, vol. x. p. 338; or Rapport sur deux Cachets Inedits d’Oculistes Romains; Dijon, 1841.

565 See MedicÆ Artis Principes,—Oribasius, p. 50; Paulus Ægineta, p. 672.

566 See, for example, KÜhn’s Galen, vol. xiv. p. 409.

567 Illustrations of the Remains of Roman Art in Cirencester, the site of the Antient Corinium, p. 117.

568 See, for example, Gruter’s Inscriptiones RomanÆ, vol. ii. p. DCCLXXXIII. 2; CML. 3; MXXVII. 4.

569 Notice of a stamp used by a Roman oculist or empiric, discovered in Ireland. ArchÆological Journal, p. 354.

570 Much stranger relics than Roman coins or medicine-stamps have been found in Ireland. Above fifty Chinese porcelain seals, with legends, etc., inscribed upon them in ancient Chinese characters, have now been discovered in different parts of Ireland, and generally in localities indicating that they had lain entombed for many long ages. See Smith in London and Edinburgh Philosophical Journal for March 1840; and Getty’s Notices of Chinese Seals found in Ireland, Belfast, 1850.

571 See Ledwich’s Antiquities of Ireland, p. 45—Roman coins found at New Grange. A celebrated passage in Tacitus proves that, even as early as the first century of the Christian era, the Irish seaports were better known to the merchants of these times than those of Britain were—(“Melius aditus, portusque per commercia, et negotiatores cogniti”). See AgricolÆ Vita.

572 Hildebrand states, that in the northern or Scandinavian districts of Europe there have been found “Roman silver coins from about the middle of the first to the commencement of the third century (Vespasianus to Severus Alexander); but especially those of Hadrianus, Antoninus Pius, Aurelius, and Commodus. Along with them,” he continues, “are sometimes found various bronze articles, as statuettes, vases, and ornaments of various kinds of Roman workmanship, and apparently of the same age. These coins, etc., are usually found about the islands of Gothland and Oland, and in ScanÏa. The coins are worn and clipped, so that often the legends and reverses are defaced, and the portrait alone tells by whom they were struck. The reason of this is (he suggests), that the coins came to the north after long voyages. As the Roman eagles were never planted on Swedish soil, these coins, etc., must either have been brought by the northern pirates from Roman possessions, or by merchants trading with Roman subjects. Only one gold coin (of Titus), and one ? (of Faustina the elder), are as yet known to have been found in the North.” See Hildebrand’s Monnaies Anglo-Saxonnes du Cabinet Royal de Stockholm. Introduction, pp. vi. vii. note.

573 See the Pharmacopoeia Londonensis for 1662, p. 48.

574 See Ainslie’s Materia Indica, vol. i. p. 513; and Royle’s Antiquities of Hindoo Medicine, p. 102.

575 I shall quote Galen’s own graphic account of his personal visit and observations:—“At the mine in Cyprus, in the mountains of the Soli, there was a great cave dug in the mountain, at the right side of which, that is to say, on our left hand as we entered, there was a passage into the mine, in which I saw certain specimens of the three substances stretched upon one another like zones, the lowest being that of sori, upon it chalcitis, and then that of misy. In process of time the chalcitis changes into misy by degrees, and the sori can change into chalcitis, but requires a much longer space of time. So that it is no wonder that these three substances should be possessed of homogeneous (similar) powers, as differing from one another in tenuity and density of their parts—the grossest being the sori, and the finest the misy, whereas chalcitis possesses an intermediate power. When burnt, they become more attenuant, but less styptic.”—Adams’ Paulus Ægineta, vol. iii. note, p. 400. (KÜhn’s Galen, vol. xii. p. 226.)

576 See his Edition of Paulus Ægineta, vol. iii. notes in pp. 253, 400, and 402.

577 Opera, lib. v. cap. 117, p. 370.

578 KÜhn’s Edit. of Galen, vol. xii. p. 228.

579 Opera, lib. xv. p. 515, and lib. xiv. p. 483.

580 Dr. Adams’ Sydenham Society Edition, vol. iii. p. 253.

581 KÜhn’s Edit. vol. xii. p. 701.

582 Hist. Nat. lib. xxxiv. c. xii. v. iii. p. 399.

583 See Milligan’s Edit. p. 194, Misy sanguinem suppremit; p. 197, rodit; p. 199, crustas inducit, etc.

584 See De Methodo Medendi, lib. vi. pp. 305-308.

585 Viper wine (Vinum Viperinum) and viper broth (Jus Viperinum) had long a place in the London Pharmacopoeia; and still longer the vipers were retained in it as an ingredient in the celebrated but multifarious Theriaca Andromache, which, with its discordant farrago of seventy and odd ingredients, was only expelled about a hundred years ago from the British Pharmacopoeias. (See Alston’s Materia Medica, vol. ii. p. 517; Hill’s Materia Medica, p. 829; Quincy’s Dispensatory, p. 400; Mead’s Essay on the Viper, 1745, etc.)

586 Perhaps this incantation was but a remnant of that ophite worship which appears to have in former times prevailed so generally throughout the world. On the ancient extent of serpent-worship in the old world, see Stukeley’s Abury, p. 32; Colonel Tod’s History of Rajasthan; the Rev. J. B. Deane’s learned Treatise on the Worship of the Serpent, and his observations on various ancient Dracontia, or ophite temples in England, France, etc., in the ArchÆologia, vol. xxv. p. 180, etc. Latterly, the observations of Mr. Squier would seem to show that the same type of worship was, in long past times, diffused as extensively over the new world. (See his late work, entitled Serpent Symbol, and the Worship of the Reciprocal Principles of Nature in America.) The supposed connection of the serpent and serpent-worship with the healing art has been handed down to us emblematically in the serpent symbol with which the caduceus of Æsculapius is always represented as surrounded. The Romans regarded the serpent as a symbol of health, and we find it figured as such on some of the coins of Augustus and Claudian.

587 Aphrodisiacus, sive, Collectio Auctorum de Lue Venerea. Venet. 1566-67; and Lugd. Batav. 1728.

588 De Morbis Venereis. Paris, 1740.

589 Abhandlung Über die Venerischen Krankheiten. GÖttingen, 1788.

590 See also a collection by GrÜner of the opinions of many authors, who wrote in the end of the fifteenth or beginning of the sixteenth century, as to the disease being new and unknown,—in his Morborum Antiquitates, p. 69, seq.

591 Aphrodisiacus, sive de Lue Venerea. Jena, 1789.

592 Vide GrÜner’s Aphrodisiacus, p. 38.

593 De Morbis Venereis, 1740.

594 Ueber die Venerischen Krankheiten, 1788.

595 The History, etc., of the Venereal Disease. London, 1841.

596 Sur l’Origine de la Maladie Venerienne. Paris, 1752.

597 Geschichte der Lustseuche. Altona, 1783.

598 GrÜner’s Aphrodisiacus, p. 115.

599 GrÜner’s Aphrodisiacus, p. 86.

600 See Extracts from the Council Register of the Burgh of Aberdeen, edited by my friend Mr. John Stuart, and published by the Spalding Club.

601 By an evident clerical error this word is mis-spelled “vakis” in the copy of the edict contained in the Town-Council records.

602 History of Scotland, by John Lesley, Bishop of Ross, p. 76.

603 The Chronicles of Scotland, by Robert Lindsay of Pitscottie, vol. i. p. 249.

604 Two of these entries were published by Mr. Pitcairn, in the Criminal Trials of Scotland, vol. i. p. 117. My friend Mr. Joseph Robertson, Superintendent of Searches in the Literary and Antiquarian Department of the General Register House, most kindly collated for me the other entries, while looking over the Treasurer’s accounts for another purpose.

605 Pitcairn’s Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 110.

606 Pitcairn’s Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 232.

607 See Mr. Laing’s admirable edition of Dunbar’s Poems, vol. i. p. 115.

608 Lyndsay’s Warkis (1592), p. 262.

609 See Dunbar’s Poems, vol. ii. p. 24.

610 Astruc, p. 634.

611 Historical, etc., Account of the Principal Families of the name of Kennedy, p. 17.

612 Cleland, in 1st Part of the Transactions of the Glasgow and Clydesdale Statistical Society, p. 13.

613 See Grunbeck, in Tractatus de Pestilentia Scorra, c. 8; and Brant, in his poetical Eulogium De Scorra Pestilentiali

“Nec satis extremo tutantur in orbe Britanni.”

614 A Brieffe and Necessary Treatise touching the Cure of the Disease now usually called Lues Venerea.

615 See Mr. Beckett’s papers in the Philosophical Transactions for 1718.

616 ArchÆologia, vol. xxx. pp. 358 and 359.

617 Holdtfeldt’s Chronik, p. 6. Astruc (p. 116) points to the same fact in regard to Paris, where two leper hospitals existed when syphilis began; but the syphilitic patients were not sent to them, but to other houses specially hired for the purpose.

618 See Dr. Cleland’s “Extracts,” in Transactions of Glasgow Statistical Society, Part i. p. 13, etc.

619 Parliamentary History, vol. iii. p. 44; Henry’s History of Great Britain, vol. xii. p. 219; the Life and Reign of King Henry VIII., by the Right Hon. Edward Lord Herbert of Cherbury, 1572, p. 295.

620 See his Consilium pro reverendissimo Episcopo et HungariÆ Vicerege; in Luisinus’ Collection, vol. ii. p. 6.

621 Astruc, p. 113 (English Edition).

622 Tytler’s History of Scotland, vol. iv. p. 319.

623 De Morbo foedo et occulto, his temporibus affligente.

624 The simple and newly elected Pontiff, Adrian VI., when writing to his Legate at the Diet of Nuremberg, a.d. 1522, in the same spirit observes, “We are well aware that for many years past the holy city has been a scene of many corruptions and abominations. The infection has spread from the head through the members, and has descended from the popes to the rest of the clergy.”—Pallav. Op., vol. i. p. 160; Sarpi, p. 25.

625 See Claud. EspencÆi Opera Omnia, p. 479. The morals of those assembled at the “sacred” Councils of the Church showed, perhaps, in these days, little or no amendment upon the morals of Rome itself. At the great Council of Constance, for example, held in the fifteenth century, there were, according to the long list of those present, as given by Lenfant, “seven hundred common women” whose habitations were known to Ducher; whilst the Vienna list of the same Council sets down the list of “meretrices vagabundÆ” as fifteen hundred in number (Lenfant’s History of the Council of Constance, vol. iv. pp. 414, 416). This Council was summoned together by that misnamed “Vicegerent of God on earth,” Pope John XXIII., a man who, according to his own secretary, Thierry de Niem, was guilty of “all the mortal sins, and of a multitude of abominable acts not fit to be named” (Niem de Vita Joh. XXIII., ap. Von’der Hardt, tom. ii. p. 391.) Among other matters, the Procurators of the Council publicly accused him before it of “cum uxore fratris sui, et cum sanctis monialibus incestum, cum virginibus stuprum, et cum conjugatis adulterium, et alia incontinentiae crimina” (Concil. Constan. Sess. xi., Binius, tom. iii. p. 874). Yet this same “infallible” Council of Constance, as it termed itself, called together, as it was, professedly for the cure of the evils and doctrines of the Church and Papacy, principally distinguished itself in history by burning John Huss and Jerome of Prague for preaching from the Scriptures the pure and simple gospel of Jesus Christ.

626 Nicol. de Clemangiis, Opera (edit. Lydii), p. 22.

627 Opera, tom. vi. col. 296 (ed. of 1617). The history of these and other dark times shows us, however, occasional bright and isolated glimpses of the existence of true Christianity in general society and in the cloisters. In the personal history of Luther, for example, few circumstances are more interesting than the fact of Staupitz, the Vicar-General of the Order of Augustine Monks of Germany, earnestly and tenderly assisting the young and distressed monk of Erfurth to arrive at a knowledge of salvation by faith alone (as laid down in the Scriptures—a copy of which he presented to him), and not by works.

628 See Sir John Dalyell’s Fragments of Scottish History, p. 11.

629 Polydor. Vergilii Angl. Histor. (Bull 1570), p. 633.

630 See his History of Great Britain, vol. vi. p. 434.

631 See the whole details given more fully and broadly in the Letters relating to the Suppression of Monasteries, published by the Camden Society, p. 58, etc.

632 See his Supplication of Beggars, presented to Henry VIII. in 1530.

633 “Insuper hoc tempore (A.D. 1282) apud Invirchethin in hebdomada paschÆ, sacerdos parochialis Johannes, Priapi prophana parans, congregatis ex villa puellulis, cogebat eas, choreis factis, Libero patri circuire; ut ille feminas in exercitu habuit, sic iste, procacitatis causa membra humana virtuti seminariÆ servantia super asserem artificiata ante talem choream prÆferebat, et ipse tripudians cum cantantibus motu mimico omnes inspectantes et verbo impudico ad luxuriam incitabat,” etc. See the Chronicon de Lanercost, p. 109.

634 George Bannatyne’s Ancient Scottish Poems (1770), p. 42.

635 King James’s Works, p. 301.

636 Cardani, Philosophi ac Medici, Opera, tome ix. p. 135.

637 Yet we find the Archbishop, who left some bastard offspring, when writing as an author, violently and virtuously declaiming against “all kind of lichorie.” See fol. li., etc., of “The Catechisme set furthe by the Most Reverend Father in God, John Hamilton, Archbishop of St.Andrews,” printed at St.Andrews, 1552. Perhaps the Archbishop held some of the other commandments in little more respect than the seventh, if we may judge by one of his sayings regarding Queen Mary, when a girl of nine or ten years of age, as reported by Sir James Melville in his Memoirs, p. 73. There is no wonder that Sir James found it difficult or impossible to translate the coarse saying of the Scotch Primate for the polite ears of Montmorency the Constable of France. See Memoirs of his own Life, p. 21.

638 See the edicts in Wilkins’s Concilia MagnÆ BritanniÆ, tom. iv. pp. 47-8.

639 See the forthcoming Statuta EcclesiÆ ScoticanÆ, p. 155, edited for the Bannatyne Club by Mr. Joseph Robertson; also Wilkins’s Concilia, iv. 20.

640 See his note to Bannatyne’s Scottish Poems, p. 210.

641 Book of Bon Accord, p. 377; Keith’s Historical Preface, p. xv.; Aberdeen Magazine, 1796, p. 270.

642 See Prescott’s Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. ii. p. 354. In Spain, indeed, it was recognised and sanctioned by law, till the scandal was uprooted by strong hand of Ximenes.

643 History of Edinburgh, p. 497.

THE END.


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