[1] The last edict of expulsion was issued in 1712.

[2] Isabella the Catholic made an order for the expulsion of the unconverted “Moors” in 1501, but a very large number of them, whether nominally Christian or not, remained until driven out by Philip III. After the massacres commanded by Philip II. in Granada, the Moriscos who were expelled from that kingdom did not apparently leave Spain, for two years later an edict was issued for their registration.

[3] What Lecky says about the seventh and following centuries might be applied to the religion of the upper classes in Spain to-day: “It is no exaggeration to say that to give money to the priests was for several centuries the first article of the moral code” (“History of European Morals,” ii. 216).

[4] I know several cases of lads of fourteen or fifteen who return after working from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. in the fields, to sit over their A B C and pot-hooks until they can keep their eyes open no longer, while the rest of the family look on and encourage the student.

[5] One of the various local terms for what the guide-books call olla podrida—a universal dish in Spain.

[6] Lecky, “History of European Morals,” ii. 213.

[7] Sweet cakes and patisserie, the foundation of which is generally finely grated stale bread.

[8] Two favourite sweetmeats.

[9] From the Basque ama, a mother; applied to the head servant in the house of a priest or other man living alone.

[10] Hume, “Modern Spain,” p. 550.

[11] It is said—although I repeat the statement with all reserve—that there are “parish” doctors employed by the Municipality of Madrid who refuse to prescribe for a dying child unless the mother can show her marriage certificate.

[12] “Modern Spain,” p. 563.

[13] It was stated as a fact that nineteen men in one regiment had been shot for refusing to go into action, and an Ultramontane of my acquaintance, who never reads anything but the newspapers of his own party and never travels ten miles from his own village, solemnly assured me that the tale was true!

[14] I was told at the time that many people in Madrid thought the bomb was thrown on behalf of the Pretender.

[15] The names of the monastery and of all the people concerned were given me, but I refrain for obvious reasons from publishing them.

[16] It is said that the Association of Social Defence promises its working men members a retaining fee of 3 pesetas a day should political exigencies compel them to leave their work at any time, the average labourer’s wages all over the country being from 1.50 to 2 pesetas. It has not been possible to obtain trustworthy information, either as to terms of membership or the actual numbers who have joined the league during the last twelve months, but there is evidence that it has no influence among the working classes generally.

[17] I have been told by an English friend that a Spanish acquaintance of his has, to his knowledge, lately made a substantial sum by selling arms to the Religious Orders.

[18] Most of them had been re-opened after Moret took office in October, 1909, as already mentioned.

[19] This story evidently relates to the early days of the Cuban war.

[20] This is not the only statement of the kind that I have heard.

[21] “Modern Spain,” p. 531.

[22] So clearly is this recognised on all sides, and so impossible does political honesty on the part of the rich appear to Spaniards, that the Heraldo, the leading moderate-Liberal paper, in the course of its comments on the rejection by the English House of Lords of the Budget of 1909, said that if the Lords permitted the people to vote as they pleased, this action on their part would have been justifiable, but that naturally they would take the usual means to secure the suffrages of those over whom they had control, and with the immense wealth at their command would easily influence the elections in the direction they desired.

[23] In Spain not only every city, but every town and nearly every village, has its Ayuntamiento, more or less equivalent to our town or village Council, and its Alcalde, who has a good deal more power than the Mayor of a Corporation.

[24] The peseta is the same as the franc.

[25] The sums set down in the schedules are less than those named. The tax has been increased at different times, and the additions amount in all to about 66 per cent.

[26] The Spanish dollar, value five pesetas, and counted by the poor as twenty reals.

[27] The cuarto was a little over two centimes.

[28] “History of European Morals,” Chap. IV.

[29] In a decaying town of some 15,000 inhabitants, once wealthy and prosperous, two large new buildings have been erected during the last half-century, while on all sides dwelling-houses, great and small, are falling into ruin. These are the Jesuit College and the bullring; and the people say that the one is the parent of the other.

[30] For a full account of the political parties in Spain see “The Backwardness of Spain,” by John Chamberlain. The author has an exhaustive knowledge of the country, and of many phases of society in Spain, but in my opinion he has not informed himself of the mind of the provincial and rural population. This class, if only from their numbers, cannot fail to exercise a strong influence over politics, when once they obtain the right to vote which the Constitution gives them.