When Sagasta died three men were proposed as leaders of the Liberal party, Moret, Montero Rios, and Canalejas, Montero Rios gave way in favour of Moret, in order to secure the unity of the party, but Canalejas preferred to lead a group of his own.

Moret.—Was a Republican until Alfonso XII. was proclaimed. He then joined the Monarchical forces, the road being opened to him and many others by the broadly liberal policy of Sagasta. He is English on the mother’s side.

Montero Rios.—Also was a Republican until the Monarchy was re-established. Then he also adhered to Sagasta, bringing in with him his own group, thenceforth to be known as the Radical wing of the Liberal-Monarchists.

Rafael Gasset.—A staunch supporter of Moret’s policy. He is the author of the great irrigation scheme which is one of the most popular features in Moret’s programme. His enthusiasm for this improvement in the conditions of agriculture is so strong that his opponents have nicknamed him “The Duke of the Reservoirs.” He is one of the strongest of the younger Liberals, and his sincerity and devotion to the interest of the working-classes have won him their confidence and respect.

The policy of the Liberal-Monarchist party is supported by the Sociedad Editorial de EspaÑa, which publishes three daily papers, all sold at 5 cmes. per copy, or 1 peseta per month:

El Liberal.—This paper has by far the largest circulation of any in Spain. Its political news is edited in Madrid, and telegraphed thence twice daily, for the morning and evening editions, to branch offices at Bilbao, Murcia, Barcelona, and Seville, where the local notes and news are added. Although conducted on Liberal-Monarchical lines, it is tinged with democratic feeling. The Reactionists profess to consider it a dangerous enemy to religion, and label its readers atheists and anarchists. It is universally popular with the working classes.

El Heraldo de Madrid.—Edited and published in the capital on Radical-Monarchical lines. On sale all over the country, but with a comparatively small circulation among the working men outside of Madrid.

El Imparcial.—Edited on Liberal-Monarchical lines in the interest of the working classes, with full reports and articles on public works of every description, trades unions, schemes for social and industrial reform, &c. It is on sale everywhere, and probably has the largest circulation of any Madrid paper among the working classes in the provinces, but does not come near El Liberal in popularity.

The literary style of the writers employed by the Sociedad Editorial is cultivated and refined, the flying of political kites is discouraged, and personal abuse of opponents in politics finds no favour with the directors. The Society is abusively called a “Trust” by the Opposition, and reactionary journals daily publish headlines proclaiming that they do not belong to the “Trust.” As a matter of fact the Sociedad is an ordinary limited liability company, well managed, and paying a good dividend, and partaking in no respect of the evils of the Trust system.

Liberal Democratic Group

Canalejas.—Was a Republican, but maintained his independence, although adhering to Sagasta’s party, by proclaiming himself chief of a group of progressive Liberals with Republican sympathies. The main plank in his programme has always been a direct attack upon the Church and Religious Orders. His policy is supported by the Diario Universal, but it has a small sale and is hardly known by working men outside of Madrid.

The Republican Party

The three most distinguished men in this party—Melquiades Alvarez, Blasco IbaÑez and Rodrigo Soriano,—are all celebrated for their literary and oratorical gifts, and enjoy the respect and confidence of the veteran Liberal leaders, Moret and Montero Rios. Their policy may be described as Republican in idea, but democratically Monarchical in practice, and their demands for vigorous measures of reform have materially strengthened the hands of the Liberal-Monarchists.

The organ of this party is El Pais, which, although its sale is very much smaller, has the largest circulation among the working classes after El Liberal. The paper, as might be expected from the literary renown of the leaders who direct it, is extremely well written, the staff including some of the most highly educated Progressives in Spain. It is possible, however, that the standard of intellectuality maintained in its leading articles militates against its success with the people. The numerical strength of the Republicans is small. Thus, the circulation of El Pais being comparatively limited, the Reactionists are not nearly so much afraid of its influence on the country as of that of El Liberal, and indeed seem to treat it almost with indifference. It is sold at the same price as the papers of the Sociedad Editorial.

The Socialist Party

Lerroux, Pablo Iglesias, Nakens.—The Socialists in Spain have a very small following, and that confined to a few of the industrial cities, chiefly in the north. They formed a coalition with the Republicans to secure the rout of the Clericalists at the Municipal Elections of 1909, but the party is disunited, Iglesias and Lerroux seldom coming into line with each other, while neither of them goes so far as Nakens, editor of the Socialist organ El Motin and a violent revolutionary. El Motin has a very small circulation, and the programme of the Socialists has no serious influence in Spanish politics.

The Separatist, Regionalist, and other groups of Catalans exist solely for the political purposes of that province, and play no part in the programme of either of the national parties.

The so-called Anarchist party, of which so much has been heard abroad, is practically non-existent. Their sporadic publications have no genuine circulation and seldom live for over a month.[30]

The Reactionary, Clericalist, or Ultramontane Party

The leader of this party, Maura—for many years a Liberal and the intimate friend of Moret—adopted Conservative principles under Silvela, and on his death was chosen to be leader of the Conservative party. His Liberal proclivities at first influenced him in the direction of reform, and gave him a strong and united following among the true Conservatives. But as time passed he developed so much religious fervour that he has now become recognised as the protagonist of the Religious Orders and the hope of the Church in the rapidly approaching final struggle with the State. Down to July, 1909, Maura was able to hold the Conservative party together, notwithstanding the marked development of reaction in his policy. But after the events at Barcelona the Conservatives proper withdrew their support on his programme of repression, and since his Cabinet fell in October of that year, he has been universally regarded more as the tool of the Ultramontanes than the leader of the Conservative party.

The organ of Maura is La Epoca. It is sold in Madrid at 10 cmes., but is never seen on the bookstalls at any distance from the capital, and can only be obtained in provincial towns by paying three months’ subscription to the Madrid office in advance. Its circulation is exclusively confined to the Clericalist aristocracy and plutocracy, by whom it is subsidised.

The Carlist, Jaimist, or Traditionalist Party

This party, which numbers many of the richest men in Spain among its adherents, besides all the Religious Orders, with their enormous wealth and influence, is directed from the Castle of Frohsdorf by Don Jaime, Duke of Madrid, through persons whom he appoints in every province of Spain. The name brought most frequently before the public in connection with the party, after the Pretender’s own, is that of Llorens, whose work in the Melilla campaign is referred to in Chapter VII. The Pretender has a complete organisation all over Spain, with Caciques in a large number of provincial towns and villages, and is supported by numerous religious associations, clubs, colleges, &c., of a confessedly militant character, but confined to the upper classes.

The leading organs of the Carlists are the Correo EspaÑol and the Correo Catalan, with offices in Madrid, Paris, and Barcelona; but practically all the reactionary Press supports the claims of the Pretender more or less openly. The Carlist papers have no sale among the working classes, and can only be obtained outside of Madrid (like La Epoca) by paying three months’ subscriptions in advance.

Among military politicians much in the public eye may be mentioned Generals Luque, Weyler, and Lopez Dominguez, all on the Liberal side, and all strong men, in whom the people feel confidence. Aguilera, twice Alcalde of Madrid under Moret, who has been referred to in Chapter XIII., is highly popular with the poor of Madrid, owing to his consistent kindness to the children, whom he takes under his special protection.

Count Romanones, who engineered the crisis of February, 1910, is credited by the working classes with having large interests in the mines of Beni-bu-Ifrur, and with having schemed to bring about the war in Morocco, in order to put money into his own pockets. This impression, whether well or ill founded, is sufficient to make him cordially hated by them. He is credited with aspiring to the leadership of the Liberal party, but it is hardly probable that his following would prove strong enough to give him that position.

La Cierva, Minister of the Interior in Maura’s Cabinet, obtained an unenviable reputation in 1909, through his share in administering Maura’s policy of repression. Since his leader went out of office La Cierva’s name has hardly been mentioned among the working classes.

The Conservative-Monarchist Party

Dato, Sanchez Toca, and Gonzalez Besada are the three leading dissentients from Maura’s policy of reaction, and now stand for the old Conservative-Monarchical programme of peace and conciliation without sensational reforms. Their organ is the Correspondencia de EspaÑa, an eight-paged paper, well printed and got up, containing the fullest military intelligence and the best foreign news to be found in the Spanish Press. It has a far larger circulation than any other Conservative or Clericalist paper, and is to be seen on most of the kiosks in large towns. If it were not believed by the people to be subsidised by the party opposed to electoral and social reforms, its influence in the country would doubtless be considerably stronger than it is. At present the working classes do not read it, although no other paper gives nearly as much matter for the price, which is 5 cmes.