1683-1920 / The Fourteen Points and What Became of Them - Foreign Propaganda in the Public Schools - Rewriting the History of the United States - The Espionage Act and How It Worked - "Illegal and Indefensible Blockade" of the Central Powers - 1,000,000 Victims of Starvation - Our Debt to France and to Germany - The War Vote in Congress - Truth About the Belgian Atrocities - Our Treaty with Germany and How Observed - The Alien Property Custodianship - Secret Will of Cecil Rhodes - Racial Strains in American Life - Germantown Settlement of 1683 and a Thousand Other Topics

Schurz, Carl.

Schurz, Carl.—The most distinguished German American, author, diplomat, Union general, United States Senator, Cabinet officer and founder of the Civil Service system. Born March2, 1829, at Liblar, near Cologne. Educated at Bonn. Participated in the Baden revolution, and after the romantic rescue of Prof. Gottfried Kinkel from Spandau, he and his old instructor escaped to London, and in1853 came to Philadelphia with his wife. Later moved to Watertown, Wisconsin, completed his law studies at the State University at Madison, and was admitted to practice.

His eloquent speeches in the campaign of1857 made him the leader of the German Americans. At twenty-eight he became a candidate for vice-governor and came within 107votes of election. In1858 he delivered his famous speech in English, “The Irrepressible Conflict,” and stumped Illinois to send Lincoln to the Senate against Douglas. In the Republican Convention of1860 at Chicago he led the Wisconsin delegation in nominating Lincoln for President and stumped the country for his election.

Schurz was sent to Madrid as American Minister, but resigned and entered the Union army, rising to rank of major general. After the war he was elected to the United States Senate (1869) from Missouri. After a temporary estrangement from the Republican Party he supported General Hayes for President in the campaign of1876, and was appointed Secretary of the Interior; in this office he introduced many reforms which have been adopted. Later he became editor of the New York “Evening Post,” and associate editor of “Harper’s Weekly,” then the leading periodical in America. His “Life of Henry Clay” is one of the standard books of American biographies. After the Spanish American War he was bitterly assailed for his uncompromising hostility to the policy of expansion, the acquisition of colonies, etc. He died May14, 1906, in New York City, rated one of the greatest political thinkers and statesmen.

A strong misconception has been created with regard to Schurz and the German revolutionists who came to the United States in1848 as to the cause of their grievance. It is generally represented that they were fighting to establish a German republic, whereas the truth is, they were primarily fighting for German unity. The facts are contained in “The Reminiscences of Carl Schurz,” Vol.I, Chap.XIV, p.405:

The German revolutionists of1848 ... fought for German unity and free government, and were defeated mainly by Prussian bayonets. Then came years of stupid political reaction and national humiliation, in which all that the men of1848 had stood for seemed utterly lost. Then a change. Frederick WilliamIV, who more than any man of his time had cherished a mystic belief in the special divine inspiration of kings—Frederick WilliamIV fell insane and had to drop the reins of government. The Prince of Prussia, whom the revolutionists of1848 had regarded as the bitterest and most uncompromising enemy of their cause, followed him, first as regent, then as king—destined to become the first Emperor of the new German empire. He called Bismarck to his side as prime minister—Bismarck who originally had been the sternest spokesman of absolutism and the most ardent foe of the revolution. And then German unity with a national parliament was won, not through a revolutionary uprising, but through monarchical action and foreign wars.

Thus, if not all, yet a great and important part of the objects struggled for by the German revolutionists of1848, was accomplished—much later, indeed, and less peaceably, and less completely than they had wished, and through the instrumentality of persons and forces originally hostile to them, but producing new conditions which promise to develop for the united Germany political forms and institutions of government much nearer the ideals of1848 than those now (1852) existing. And many thoughtful men now frequently ask the question—and a very pertinent question it is—whether all these things would have been possible had not the great national awakening of the year 1848 prepared the way for them. But in the summer of1852 the future lay before us in a gloomy cloud. Louis Napoleon seemed firmly seated on the neck of his submissive people. The British government under Lord Palmerston shook hands with him. All over the European continent the reaction from the liberal movements of the last four years celebrated triumphant orgies. How long it would prove irresistible nobody could tell. That some of its very champions would themselves become the leaders of the national spirit in Germany even the most sanguine would in1851 not have ventured to anticipate.

We think this extract speaks for itself and needs no comment. The chief aim of the revolutionists was to see Germany unified, and Schurz is not remiss in expressing his esteem for the “leaders of the national spirit in Germany” who had once been the champions of reaction.

Clyx.com