Ernest Mason Satow

OUTBREAK OF CIVIL WAR (1868)

On New Year's Day salutes were fired at TempÔzan, the fort at the mouth of the Ozaka river, and at HiÔgo, in honour of the opening of the city and the port to foreign trade. Many Japanese had been under the impression that it had been deferred, owing to the notification about the west coast port, i.e. Niigata, which they took to mean HiÔgo because of its situation west of KiÔto. I conceived a plan for taking the chief up to KiÔto to mediate between the contending parties, and to prevent the Japanese from cutting each other's throats, and I proposed to go ahead of him to Fushimi in order to make the necessary arrangements with SaigÔ and GotÔ. But this ambitious scheme was frustrated by the rapidity with which events developed at KiÔto.

Rumour was very busy during the next few days. First, we heard that the two princes of ChÔshiÛ had been reinstated in their titles. The Tosa in-kio (YÔdÔ) landed on the afternoon of January 1, and went up to KiÔto at once without stopping at Ozaka. It was said that the Tycoon's position was weak, for he had no support except from Aidzu and one or two of the smaller clans. ChÔshiÛ's people had taken military possession of Nishinomiya, and were patrolling the surrounding country, as if afraid of being attacked. My man Noguchi told us that the ChÔshiÛ troops had left Nishinomiya, and marched ten miles to Koya on the road to KiÔto. All the Aidzu men at Ozaka had gone up to KiÔto. The prince was dissatisfied with the Tycoon's leniency in the ChÔshiÛ business, and intended to resign his office of guardian of the Mikado's person (Shugo-shoku). On the 4th January there were symptoms of a great disturbance at KiÔto. The ministers of the other Treaty Powers came to visit the chief and impart their views of what had passed. For the most part these were of very slight value, for they were very much in the dark as to the internal condition of Japan. Von Brandt, the ChargÉ d'Affaires of the North German Confederation, was so little acquainted with the geography of the country as to confound GeishiÛ and KishiÛ. Endo, who had come back from Nishinomiya, told me that MÔri Takumi was already at KiÔto with part of the ChÔshiÛ force, and that another part had occupied Fushimi in conjunction with Satsuma troops. But more significant than anything else was the fact that Satsuma, GeishiÛ and Tosa were guarding the imperial palace in the place of Aidzu. There was some talk of the Tycoon intending to come down to Ozaka, and boats were said to have been embargoed at Yodo to convey his drilled soldiers down the river. That the object of the daimiÔs was not to fight the Tycoon, but only to extort concessions from him. They proposed to deprive him of a million koku of lands as a punishment for the transgressions of the Tokugawa family. It was certain, Endo said, that the ChÔshiÛ question was settled, and that the guards of the palace had been changed. Noguchi's story was that Aidzu, disgusted with the Tycoon, sent in his written resignation, but that it was intercepted by Kuwana. The Tycoon however had heard of Aidzu's intention, of which he informed Iga no Kami directly after the return of the latter from Ozaka, and sent him his dismissal. Then the three clans above-mentioned seized the environs of the palace. The daimiÔs thereupon proceeded to the palace to discuss the situation, but the Tycoon refused to attend. He would neither fight nor take any decided action; his sole aim was to arrange matters peaceably. Noguchi evidently was reflecting the war-like disposition of his clan. Ishikawa Kawachi no Kami gave a somewhat different account, but it was clear that up to that moment there had been no disturbance of the peace. The Kwambaku NijÔ, a nephew of the Tycoon IyÉnari, who died in 1841 aged 52, was said to have been dismissed, and either KonoyÉ or KujÔ appointed in his place. ChÔshiÛ's troops had entered KiÔto on January 2.

Ozaka was not perturbed by the events that had passed at the capital, and on the 5th I was able to give an entertainment to my Japanese escort at a restaurant in the city. We had two charming geishas to attend on the party, one looking as if she had just stepped out of a picture, the classical contour of the face, arched nose, small full underlip, narrow eyes, and a good-hearted expression of countenance. The other personally more attractive according to western notions of beauty, but with a little of the devil in her eyes. Lastly, there was an old geiko or musician of six or eight and twenty, a clever woman. The streets were still illuminated at night for the festival, and crowded with dancers.

On the 6th the mystery was cleared up by Ishikawa, who came to tell me that on the 3rd Satsuma had proposed to abolish not only the Tycoon, but also the Kwambaku, TensÔ and GisÔ, the three offices intermediary between the Mikado and the Tycoon. The new administration would consist of SÔsai, which sounded like secretaries of state; GijÔ, which he thought meant a cabinet; and thirdly Sanyo, resembling our under-secretaries of state. This looked rather like what we had suggested to GotÔ as the framework of the future executive. [5] He said that this proposal had met with great opposition from others besides the fudai daimiÔs, who were afraid that the extremists might go further and abolish the Mikado. I endeavoured to reassure him on this point. "It is not," he continued, "a proposal which can be discussed over the table, and fighting must decide." It seemed from his account that the Tycoon personally did not object, but his followers objected for him, while he seemed willing to make every possible sacrifice in order to secure peace.

[5] But it was not quite correct. The SÔsai were to be a sort of partners in the office of Minister-President, as we should call it, and GijÔ were to be the heads of administrative departments.

From a letter of January 4 to my mother, I find that on the 1st Locock, Mitford and Willis, the legation doctor, and I were to have gone over to HiÔgo to dine with the Admiral, whose steam-launch was to come to Ozaka to fetch us. So we went down to the foreign settlement, and, having no other resource, got into a large Japanese boat managed by a single little boy with a paddle. At first we proceeded very slowly, but a sailing boat gave us a tow, after which we shoved off and had to depend again on the small boy. It was bitterly cold, with a north-east wind. I sat in the bows, holding up a railway rug with my teeth. Two of the others protected themselves with umbrellas, and Mitford's Chinese servant, the faithful Lin-fu, hoisted a mat on a pole. So we sailed down the river to the port at its mouth. No signs were to be seen of the launch, so we tried to hire a Japanese boat to carry us across the bay, the distance being only eleven miles and the wind fair, but one and all refused, on account of the gale they would have to encounter in coming back. So we were compelled to put our luggage into a boat and return. The distance from the fort to the Legation was about seven miles and a half, but it took us several hours, as we had to call in at the newly established vice-consulate in the foreign settlement. We dined all together at the Legation, the chief being confined to his room with a sharp attack of lumbago, which had not, however, prevented his making a formal entry into Ozaka on horseback, accompanied by the mounted escort and the guard of fifty infantry detached from one of the regiments stationed at Yokohama.

By January 7 all was over with the Tycoon. That morning Moriyama, the ancient Dutch linguist who used to interpret between the foreign ministers and the RÔjiÛ, came to communicate the news of Keiki's withdrawal from KiÔto. At first I feigned to suppose that he was coming down to see the French Minister. "Not at all, he is coming here, deprived of the office of ShÔgun." He had already made up his mind to do this four or five days before, but was persuaded to countermand the orders given for his departure, whereat the commissioners for foreign affairs stationed at Ozaka had rejoiced greatly. But now the orders had been repeated, and would be carried out. We sauntered out to look at the preparations made for his arrival. Small bodies of drilled troops were marching about headed by drummers, and field-pieces were placed so as to sweep the narrow streets. We saw men in all sorts of military costumes with their heads muffled up to protect them from the cold, not presenting a very martial appearance. We went on to the restaurant on the river bank, where in the spring we had been often entertained À la Japonaise, and found it full of Aidzu men, whose arms were piled outside. There was a karÔ inside, on whom I paid a call. He ascribed the Tycoon's withdrawal to his unwillingness to fight under the walls of the palace, and described the leading daimiÔs as being at loggerheads, Satsuma desiring to carry out their plans by main force, and Tosa preferring to rely on reason; but their objects were identical. It was not Kaga, but Tosa, that was endeavouring to negotiate an arrangement between Satsuma and the Tycoon. He talked a good deal about forms of government, and thought that GotÔ's plans would be delightful, if feasible, but the nation was not yet ripe for fundamental changes. I agreed with him that representative government would be a curious substitute for the despotic form of authority that had existed hitherto. Mitford and I went out again about two o'clock to have another look at the preparations, and wandered over the KiÔ-bashi bridge on to the KiÔto road. Here it was evident that the Tycoon was expected to arrive at any moment. There were wonderful groups of men in armour, wearing surcoats of various gay colours, armed with spears and helmets. Here we found Kubota SentarÔ, the commander of the Tycoon's drilled troops, with a couple of colleagues, one of whom told Mitford in bad Japanese that they were very brave and intended to die. I whispered to Kubota that a brave man did not retreat in this fashion. He repeated the explanation of the Tycoon's objection to fighting at the steps of the throne, and perhaps endangering the person of the Mikado. I replied that he should not have given up the guard of the palace. Kubota alleged the Mikado's orders. I suggested that if the Mikado ordered that there should be no fighting, that order must be obeyed. The significant rejoinder was: "Yes, by the Tycoon, but not by his retainers."

We had just got to the end of the street that ran by the castle moat when the bugles sounded to arms, and we saw a long train of drilled troops advancing. We stood on one side opposite to a man wearing a gorgeous red surcoat, till the troops should pass. On they went, followed by a herd of men in fantastic costumes (yÛ-gÉki-tai, "brave fighting men"), some wearing helmets with long wigs of black or white hair reaching half-way down their backs, others in ordinary helmets, basin-shaped war-hats (jin-gasa), flat hats, armed, some with long spears, short spears, Spencer rifles, Swiss rifles, muskets, or the plain two swords. Then a silence came over the scene. Every Japanese knelt down as a group of horsemen approached. It was Keiki and his train. We took off our hats to fallen greatness. He was muffled in a black hood, and wore an ordinary war-hat. What could be seen of his countenance looked worn and sad. He did not seem to notice us. Iga no Kami and Buzen no Kami, members of his council, who came next, on the contrary nodded gaily to our salute. Aidzu and Kuwana were also there. Then followed other yÛ-gÉki-tai, and the procession closed with more drilled troops. We turned round with the last of these, and hurried on to see the entrance into the castle. On the way we met the chief, who had come out to have a look at the Tycoon, to whose downfall he had contributed as far as lay in his power. The defiling across the bridge over the moat was an effective scheme of colour, and the procession entered by the great gate (ÔtÉ). Every one dismounted except the Tycoon. Rain fell, in much accordance with the occasion.

The chief insisted, much against my own feeling, in sending to ask for an interview on the morrow. In the letter I sent, I spoke of Keiki as Tycoon Denka (His Highness the Tycoon). The reply which came back styled him simply UyÉsama, the title borne by the head of the Tokugawa family before his formal recognition as ShÔgun by the Mikado's Court.

Endo came back with the following information. Arisugawa and Yamashina, both princes of the blood, Ogimachi and Iwakura, court nobles, were appointed SÔsai; the princes of Owari, Echizen, GeishiÛ, Satsuma and Tosa were appointed gijÔ. Ohara (a court noble) and various others were to be Sanyo, besides three from each of the great clans. Satsuma in this way was represented by Iwashita, Okubo and SaigÔ. Those of the other clans were not known to him. The titles of the Prince of ChÔshiÛ and his son had been restored to them. The palace was guarded by Satsuma and GeishiÛ, ChÔshiÛ's troops held the city of KiÔto. A Satsuma steamer had left for Chikuzen to bring back the five court nobles who had fled in 1864, SanjÔ (afterwards prime minister for a series of years), SanjÔ-Nishi, Mibu, ShijÔ and Higashi-kuzÉ (subsequently minister for Foreign Affairs).

It was difficult to accuse Keiki of cowardice. No one had ever yet expressed such an opinion of him, and the probability was that he could not put confidence in the courage of his troops. How a new government which did not include the Tokugawa chief could hope to succeed one did not see. He must either join the daimiÔs or be destroyed. Perhaps the latter alternative was what his adversaries designed. Keiki had declined to see the chief on the following day, and it looked as if the audience would have to be deferred. The policy advocated in the Sakuron, translated from my articles in the "Japan Times," seemed to govern the situation. The opening of Yedo to foreign trade must evidently be postponed, as Locock had declined the responsibility of superintending the execution of the arrangements.

On the morning of January 8 the chief became very impatient, and about noon ordered me to prepare a note to the effect that Locock and I should go to the castle and arrange for an audience. Its despatch was delayed by a private note from Koba Dennai asking me to name an hour for an interview with him. At three o'clock our note was to have gone in, when in came Tsukahara and Ishikawa to inform us that the French Minister was to see the Tycoon, as we still called him, at once, and that Keiki could receive Sir Harry to-morrow at any hour he chose to name. On hearing that he had been outstripped by his colleague, his wrath was unbounded; he claimed priority on the ground of superior diplomatic rank, and ordered out the escort. We proceeded to the castle in pouring rain. I was a little behind the others, and entered the audience chamber just as Roches and Sir Harry were exchanging words about what the former stigmatized as a breach of les convÉnances in interrupting his interview. But he got as good as he gave, and the audience then proceeded, after Aidzu and Kuwana had been presented and ordered to retire. Aidzu was a dark-complexioned man with a hooked nose, about thirty-two years old, of middle stature and thin; Kuwana an ugly young person, apparently twenty-four years of age, pock-marked and of dwarfish proportions. The old fox Hirayama sat behind the UyÉsama and took notes. Shiwoda SamurÔ, who spoke French well, interpreted for Roches and I for Sir Harry simultaneously the words which fell from Keiki's lips. He gave but a lame account of the events of the last few days, professing at one moment to have withdrawn his troops from the palace in accordance with an imperial order, while refusing to recognize another such order, which he felt was equally dictated by Satsuma. Perhaps this was natural on his part, for it abolished his office and forbade him access to the palace. He had had it hinted to him that he should also resign his rank of Naidaijin, and offer to surrender two million koku of lands; but he had resolved not to heed the suggestion, on the ground that this property belonged to him apart from his office, just as much as the lands of ChÔshiÛ, Satsuma and the other daimiÔs belonged to them. He appeared to feel that the daimiÔs had stolen a march on him by preparing their plans beforehand, instead of proceeding with the general congress of princes at which each should be free to speak his own mind; in other words, he was vexed at having been taken in by a stratagem. That the proposal of a congress was merely intended to throw dust in his eyes was pretty evident. He explained the order for the withdrawal of the Aidzu palace guard by saying that other daimiÔs, amongst them Satsuma and GeishiÛ, held some of the gates under Aidzu, and that they introduced certain proscribed court nobles into the precincts after the Kwambaku and other dignitaries had retired for the day on the morning of January 3rd., and that at noon the same day these persons issued the proclamation setting up the new government. This he said was a preconcocted matter; they had it all ready on paper, and took these measures without consulting anyone. At one time he seemed to say that the five great daimiÔs were divided among themselves, at another he spoke of the decrees as having been agreed to by them all beforehand. After finishing his account, he asked the opinion of the two ministers. Both expressed admiration of his patriotism in surrendering power, and the justice of his desire to settle all questions by a general congress, Roches in very flattering terms, Sir Harry more moderately, asking also some pertinent questions, which were answered without much frankness. Keiki gave as his reason for coming down to Ozaka his fear lest a tumult should arise in the vicinity of the palace, and his desire to appease the indignation of his followers. It was his intention to remain at Ozaka, but could not say whether the opposite party would attack him there. To another question as to the form of government that had been set up at KiÔto, he replied that the Mikado ruled nominally, but that KiÔto was occupied by a set of men who did nothing but quarrel among themselves, anything but govern. Yet he did not appear to claim that he himself possessed any authority, and he did not know whether the other daimiÔs would rally to his support. Some of those who were at KiÔto had been disgusted at the congress not having come into existence, and had returned to their homes; others who were confounded by the audacity of the five still remained there. Our inference, of course, was that they were not of his party.

The UyÉsama finally said he was tired, and so put an end to the conversation. One could not but pity him, so changed as he was from the proud, handsome man of last May. Now he looked thin and worn, and his voice had a sad tone. He said he would see the ministers again in order to consult with them. The commissioners for Foreign Affairs gave us a paper announcing Keiki's resignation of the office of ShÔgun, and the change of his title back to UyÉsama.

It turned out that what Koba wanted was to ask whether I could tell him what the UyÉsama's plans were; was he returning to Yedo in order to gather his forces together, or remaining at Ozaka with the intention of undertaking a "ruffianly" expedition to the capital. I sent back a reply by ItÔ that I knew nothing of Keiki's intended movements. To suppose that I would supply information on such points showed great simplicity.

The diplomatic body being intent on the observation of neutrality between the contending parties, held a meeting on the morning of January 9 at the Prussian Legation to frame a declaration, and a request to be informed where the government was being carried on. The French Minister did his best to make the former a declaration of non-partizanship with the daimiÔs. Shiwoda his interpreter and I had to translate it into Japanese, which we did separately. His version was very literal, and he rendered "divers partis" by a term which could only be applied to conspirators. I also wished the translation to be in free Japanese, not adhering slavishly to the wording of the original, and we had a quarrel over this point. After Shiwoda left me, Ishikawa came in, to whom I showed my version, in order that whatever were the result, no doubt should be possible as to the attitude of the British Legation. Up to a late hour at night nothing was settled, except that the interview with the UyÉsama, which was to have been immediate, was put off. On the following morning, after the two translations had been compared, the chief suggested an alteration in the French original which removed the cause of dispute. Then Locock and I went round to the other ministers and got them to accept my translation. While we were at the French Legation Hirayama and Kawakatsu came in, and they took the paper away with them to prepare the UyÉsama's reply. A difference had arisen between Roches and Sir Harry as to relative precedence. The former was only minister plenipotentiary, while our chief was envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary. According to all rules he was senior, but the other ministers held that Roches, having arrived first in Japan, had precedence. This decision did away with Sir Harry's claim to be doyen, and his reason for asserting a right to have audience before any of his colleagues. The latter pretension was, of course, one that could in no circumstances be upheld.

At three o'clock the whole diplomatic body assembled at the castle in the o-shiro-jÔ-in, all the other apartments being occupied by Aidzu, Kuwana and KishiÛ. The same ceremony was observed as at an European court. Behind the UyÉsama stood his pages; at his left Aidzu, Kuwana, Makino BitchiÛ no Kami, Matsudaira Buzen no Kami (two councillors of state), and a noble person whom I took to be Ogaki, then Hirayama and Tsukahara. On his right were a number of Ô-metsukÉs. In Japan, as in China, the left was the position of honour. Close to His Highness stood Iga no Kami, on whom devolved the task of reading the translation of the Diplomatic Body's address. The reply was a very long one, spoken by the UyÉsama himself. He began by explaining his policy, vindicating his retirement from KiÔto, and expressing his determination to abide by the decisions of a general council. His reply to the particular question asked by the ministers was that foreigners should not trouble themselves about the internal affairs of Japan, and that until the form of government was settled he regarded the conduct of Foreign Affairs as his own function. The commissioners for foreign affairs, who were probably apprehensive that they might to-day become nonentities, were obviously relieved. They became joyful, and somewhat triumphant. The audience was over in an hour and a half. After the delivery of his speech the UyÉsama went round the row of foreign ministers and spoke a few words to each. To Sir Harry he said that he hoped for a continuation of his friendship, and for his assistance in organizing the Japanese navy. The chief replied in florid style that his heart was the same as it had ever been towards him, and that he trusted the sun shining through the windows was an omen of his future, a metaphor which I found some difficulty in putting into Japanese. However, the UyÉsama pretended to take it all in. One of the private secretaries, Tsumagi Nakadzukasa, came in the evening to assist me in translating the answer into English.

From Kuroda ShinyÉmon I received the correct text of the KiÔto decrees. He told me that the daimiÔs were unanimously awaiting Keiki's reply to the demand for two million koku of lands and the surrender of a step in court rank. They expected to be joined by the other western daimiÔs, and also by the northern ones. I advised that they should not fight if they could help it, but if they judged it necessary, to do it at once. He nodded assent. It was intended that in three or four days the daimiÔs would declare their intentions to the foreign ministers. It showed, I thought, a good deal of courage on the part of a Satsuma man to come all the way past the castle sentries to our legation, and to spare him this risky proceeding I promised to go and see him at his own quarters.

Ishikawa brought me a document purporting to be a protest of the retainers of Awa, Hizen, Higo, Chikuzen and other great daimiÔs against the violent proceedings of the Satsuma party, and insisting on the convocation of a general council. As far as could be inferred from their language, it did not appear that war was contemplated by either party. We heard that in a day or two Owari, Echizen and the court noble Iwakura would come down to receive the Tokugawa answer to the demands already mentioned. The troops of Sakai Uta no Kami of Obama in Wakasa, a powerful adherent of the UyÉsama, had been sent to Nishinomiya, where there were probably Satsuma and ChÔshiÛ troops. Endo however was of opinion that war would certainly break out. He said that a hundred of Satsuma's people arrived from KiÔto last night to escort thither the five court nobles who had been recalled from exile.

On the 12th I went to see Kuroda ShinyÉmon and Koba Dennai, and gave them copies of the address of the foreign diplomatic representatives to the ci-devant Tycoon as well as of his reply. They acknowledged the authenticity of the protest of Awa and the other eleven clans, and said that there were others who had disapproved of his restoring the sovereign power to the Mikado. From this it was evident to me that the reason why the five clans were in such a hurry to act was that they wanted to carry out their plans before the others arrived. Kaga was said to have left KiÔto in order to muster his forces for the assistance of Keiki. It now became evident that the Tokugawa party were preparing for war. KishiÛ's men were at TennÔji, Sumiyoshi, and Kidzu, close to Ozaka. Aidzu had occupied the castle of Yodo, a few miles south of KiÔto on the direct road, with 500 of his own troops, and 300 of the Shinsen-gumi, a recently raised body of Tokugawa infantry, had also proceeded thither, while all along the road small detachments were stationed. Owari, Echizen and Iwakura were expected on the 18th January, but it was possible that the five clans might march on Ozaka before that date.

Koba Dennai invited us to the Satsuma yashiki on the 14th, so Mitford and I went there, and there we met Terashima TÔzÔ (formerly known as Matsugi KÔan), who had arrived from KiÔto that morning. He explained that it was thought better to delay issuing the Mikado's announcement to foreign countries of his having assumed the government until the question of a surrender of territory by the late Tycoon, which Owari and Echizen had undertaken to arrange, should be settled. (It must be understood that in conversation with Japanese this title was never employed, as it was only invented for foreign use. Either Tokugawa, or the Baku-fu, was the term we employed.) It had been originally proposed that only Aidzu and Kuwana should come down to Ozaka, in order to return by sea to their respective countries, but as they were unwilling to come alone, Keiki was allowed to accompany them. The territory to be surrendered by him was to form the nucleus of a national treasury, and it had been proposed by Tosa and some other clans that each daimiÔ should sacrifice a smaller proportion for the same purpose, but Satsuma objected to this latter part of the scheme. The Mikado's notification would be in archaic Japanese, [6] stating that he was the head of the confederated daimiÔs, that he alone was the sovereign of Japan, that the office of ShÔgun was abolished, that the government was entrusted to a general council of daimiÔs subject to his supervision, and lastly that the treaties were to be remodelled in his name. We quite agreed with him that to issue the announcement in the present undecided state of affairs would be premature. A civil governor had been appointed for KiÔto, and a night patrol to arrest marauders and disturbers of the public peace. Of course Keiki's plan of calling a general council of daimiÔs to deliberate on the state of the country was put forward because he was certain of securing a majority by the aid of those of them who were his own vassals, and that he would get a vote carried in favour of reinstating him in his previous position of authority. This stratagem had been defeated by the bold stroke of Satsuma getting possession of the Mikado's person.

Next day Sir Harry paid a visit to the castle with the object of pumping the UyÉsama about his plans for the general council and the new form of government, but he was anticipated by inquiries about the British Constitution, which took up all the time available, and he was only able to get in a question or two at the end. These the UyÉsama adroitly parried by saying that the events he narrated on the last occasion of their meeting had upset all his arrangements. The escort was ordered, and we were obliged to leave. As we were going, Aidzu came up and saluted the chief with great cordiality, who replied that he was very fond of making the acquaintance of daimiÔs, and already knew several. He hoped to know more of them. Could the Prince of Aidzu tell him whether the Prince of Awa was at KiÔto or Ozaka. Aidzu replied that he did not know. The chief rejoined that last year he had been to Awa's place, and had been very civilly treated. This rather broad hint, however, produced no effect.

The same day there came to see me a young Tosa man, of KishiÛ origin, named Mutsu YÔnosukÉ, with whom I discussed the question of the recognition of the Mikado's government by the foreign ministers. I explained that it was not for the foreign representative to take the first step. We had received assurances from the Tokugawa chief that he would continue to carry on the administration, and as no communication had yet come from the KiÔto side, we had to go on holding official relations with him. If the KiÔto government wished to assume the direction of affairs they should inform the Baku-fu that they were going to notify their assumption of foreign affairs to the ministers, and then invite the latter to KiÔto. This would be to all the world a clear proof of the position held by the Mikado.

Mutsu replied that he had not come as a messenger from GotÔ, but was merely giving his individual views. He thought a prince of the blood should come down to Ozaka and hold an interview at the castle with the foreign representatives, at which the Tokugawa chief should attend and resign the conduct of foreign affairs, on which the prince of the blood would deliver the Mikado's declaration of policy. Of course he would be escorted by daimiÔs and their troops. I warmly approved his suggestion, and at his request promised not to divulge it to anyone.

The next day Mitford and I went again to the Satsuma yashiki, and found that a list of questions to be put to us had been sent down from KiÔto. We gave one answer to everything, namely, that it was only necessary for the Mikado to invite the ministers to KiÔto, and compel the ex-Tycoon to abandon his claim to conduct the foreign affairs of the country. They proposed to make Keiki withdraw his answer of the 10th. I gave them copies of Sir Harry's Note conveying the Queen's condolences on the death of the late Mikado, and of Itakura's reply; but they were not able to say whether the Note had been communicated to the court. The daimiÔ of Higo had arrived and proceeded to KiÔto. Bizen was to garrison Nishinomiya. The five exiled court nobles were expected to arrive that evening, and would go up to KiÔto by the river.

Echizen and Owari came down from KiÔto and went to the castle, as had been announced several days previously. The former sent a message through the Japanese Foreign Department to ask when his retainers might come to see our guard go through their drill. We replied that they did not drill. Perhaps they had heard of the mounted escort being exhibited to the Tycoon on some previous occasion. We should have preferred to have this request made to us direct.

On the 23rd Ishikawa came to tell us that our Japanese guard was to be increased by one hundred men in consequence of disturbances that had occurred at Yedo. On the night of the 16th, he said, some Satsuma men had attacked the Shiba barracks of Sakai Saemon no jÔ, daimiÔ of ShÔnai in the north, but were beaten off. On the next day but one Sakai's people went together with some troops which they had borrowed from the government, intending to demand the surrender of the men concerned in the violence of the 16th, but before they reached the Satsuma yashiki fire was opened on them with field pieces and small arms, to which they replied. In the end the yashiki was burnt to the ground. Some of the defenders were killed, others captured, and some escaped to a Satsuma war vessel that was lying in the bay. This at once attacked a government ship, but the result of the fight was unknown. At any rate, the other yashikis of Satsuma and of Shimadzu Awaji no Kami had also been burnt. It was possible that the Satsuma people who had escaped might try to revenge themselves by creating disturbances at Ozaka. Though it was not likely that they would attack the castle, it was thought desirable as a measure of precaution to station some troops where we were. The chief's answer was that they must first write all this officially to him and await his reply before sending a single man to the Legation. To alarm us still further Ishikawa told us a story of boatmen having reported that the student interpreters we had left at Yedo had been fired at from the Satsuma yashiki in the street called Tamachi, the date of the letter which brought this news being January 14th. As this was two days before the Satsuma attack on the Sakai yashiki, we did not give credit to his tale. What we thought was that Keiki had returned a refusal to the ultimatum of the daimiÔs, and feared they would attack him at Ozaka. Echizen and Owari returned to KiÔto that day, but we did not hear what had been the result of their mission. On the 24th the Admiral arrived with news from Yedo confirming all that Ishikawa had reported. His account of it was that on the night of the 17th the Satsuma people had contrived to set a part of the castle on fire, and carried off TenshÔ-In Sama, a princess of theirs who had married the last Tycoon but one. Thereupon the government people attacked all the Satsuma yashikis in Yedo and burnt them, and the occupants getting on board their steamer put to sea. In the meanwhile, the "Eagle" and other government vessels received orders to get up steam and attack her. A sea fight ensued, which ended by the "Eagle" and the Satsuma steamer disappearing in the offing. The former was met by H.M.S. "Rodney," the Admiral's flagship, returning next day with her fore-yard gone, and the latter was seen off Cape Oshima, south of the province of KishiÛ, on the 23rd. The story that our student interpreters Quin and Hodges had been fired at about the 12th as they were passing in front of the Satsuma battery in a Japanese boat was true, but no harm was done.