History Of Prices.

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Section CXXVII.

Measure Of Prices,—Constant Measure.

If we had a measure of prices with the same universality of application and the same unchangeableness as the measure of length, which is determined by astronomical calculation, we should be able, not only to clearly understand all the data relating to value, that is to say, a not unimportant portion of historical science, but we should, moreover, have a practical means to condition and fix even perpetual annuities, in such a way, that they would always afford the same economic and purchasing power to the person receiving them. No wonder, therefore, that political economists since Petty's time have zealously labored to find a constant measure of prices.772 If by this we understand a species of goods such that it should always maintain equal exchange-power, as compared with all other commodities, [pg 382] the idea of a “constant” measure of prices is unthinkable. We would have to suppose here, that not a single kind of goods varied in its price; since, otherwise, at least as compared with those that varied in price, the measure of prices would itself be variable.773 But we may, indeed, search for a kind of goods such that its inherent elements and the elements peculiar to it, so far as it is itself concerned, and which go to determine price, should exert the same uniform influence at all times. If there be such a kind of goods, and its value in exchange as compared with other kinds of goods were to vary, we should be certain, at least, that the cause of the change was not in it, but in them; that it had not grown dearer or cheaper, but that they had grown cheaper or dearer. Such a kind of goods would have these two characteristics: A. A given amount of it would, under all circumstances, have the same value in use for the same number of persons. B. It would require, under all circumstances, the same cost to produce it, and therefore the supply might always keep pace exactly with the number of those who demanded it.774 In this way the supply and demand of this kind of goods, abstraction made of the quantity of counter-values, would preserve forever the same invariable relation.

Section CXXVIII.

Value In Exchange Estimated In Labor.

Adam Smith is of opinion that different kinds of goods, no matter how far removed from one another they may be in [pg 383] time or space, have equal value in exchange, when an equal quantum of human labor may be purchased by their means. He adopts, because of the great differences in work, the average work of the common manual laborer. One work-day, and the sacrifice of “rest, freedom and happiness” therewith connected, are, under all circumstances, attended with the same inconvenience (value). If at one time this day's labor will exchange for more, and at another for less, of any kind of goods, it is only because the price of the latter has fallen or risen.775

But we may ask whether the same sacrifice of liberty is as great a hardship to a Russian as to a Bedouin; or whether the sacrifice of an equal amount of rest is as hard for the New Englander as it is for a Turk, or as difficult to endure on a hot day in July as in the cold of winter. Besides, we have [pg 384] here to do primarily only with value in exchange; and that value in the case of day-laborers' work is subject to very great fluctuations.

The elements on which the demand and supply of labor depend are not, in themselves, invariable, nor do their variations usually compensate for one another. In progressive nations, the value in use of day-laborers' work increases as well as the capacity of their employers to pay them; but, at the same time, as a rule, and at least relatively speaking, the supply of labor diminishes on account of the increase in the cost of production of workmen. Precisely the reverse of this happens in nations in their decline, and in over-populated nations. The workman is subjected to the necessity of accepting distress-prices for his work, and especially of accepting them for a long space of time.776 How often it happens that, if only transitorily, when wages are declining, work improves, and vice versa.777

Ricardo's school employs, as the measure of the price of various kinds of goods, the quantity of work by which the goods themselves are produced.778 It is evident that the same [pg 385] amount of common labor produces very different results, according as it is well or badly conducted. Hence Ricardo must have used the word labor in the sense of labor ideally adapted to its end. But in this way it would be impossible to reduce all the different kinds of labor to a common denominator.779 Nor could the peculiar effects of capitalization, or the influence of the natural or artificial limitations of competition be estimated in terms of such a measure. (See §§ 47, 107, 189.)780

Section CXXIX.

The Precious Metals The Best Measure Of Prices.

It is no more possible to find a constant measure of prices than it is to square the circle. (J. B. Say.) If the two magnitudes to be compared are separated from each other in space but not in time, the precious metals constitute not only the best measure of their prices, but also a very good one. But the precious metals are subject to very sensible and accidental variations in price in long periods of time. If, therefore, we would compare sums of money belonging to different times with one another, we must first construct a price-current list of all the more important articles of commerce for the time in question, and in the quantities they are needed in every [pg 386] day life. We would next have to calculate the average of these mean prices, and thus to determine the relative value of the amounts to be estimated.781 The person who should limit his comparison to a few species of commodities, says von Mangoldt, would lose in exactness what he gained in comprehensibility.

In every such list, the wages of a day would occupy a very important place. The desire of exerting an influence over the lives and actions of other men, and the desire of relatively greater social distinction as compared with the social distinction of others, is very general; and there is scarcely any better evidence that it has been attained than the possession of the power of controlling a large number of days' work. The man who can keep one thousand day laborers is certainly, in a politico-economical [pg 387] sense, an important personage. Besides, the height of day-wages has the most direct influence on the price of many other commodities.782

No less important is the price of wheat, or rather of the principal article of food of the people, for the time being, with which the price of inland raw material—in so far as it can be produced from the same soil alternately with wheat—and, in the long run, also the wages of labor, are so essentially connected.783 The same indispensable necessity of wheat which causes its price to fluctuate so largely from year to year, and from month to month, promotes the uniformity of its average price,784 when many years are taken into the account.785786 [pg 388] (Malthus.) If, by reason of great progress made in the art of agriculture, the cost of the production of wheat should fall to one-half of what it was, a large increase of population would certainly not be delayed long. And so, on the other hand, there would be a decrease of population if, by the destruction of artificial means of irrigation, or other steps in the direction of a retrogressive civilization, the cost of the production of wheat were to be permanently increased.

But even the average price of wheat, during a long series of years, is not entirely invariable. The increasing consumption compels the nation, as a whole, to provide for its requirement of wheat from less fertile sources, which increases its price generally. It is true that the progress of the science of agriculture and of the corn-trade counteract this tendency, retard the advance of the price of wheat, and may, for a time, produce an opposite tendency. It is true, also, that the people are induced by their most general and vital interests to take advantage of this possibility. But spite of the frequency of exceptions to it, the rule remains.787 If, therefore, we wished to so fix a perpetual annuity that it should always be worth [pg 389] as much money as a certain quantity of wheat had cost, on an average, during the three preceding decades, the thing-value of this annuity would, on the whole, rise with an advance in civilization.788 To obtain something that would remain the same, it would be necessary to combine wheat with at least one chief commodity, the intrinsic basis of the price of which had a development independent of the price of grain; but the whole to be made payable in money. The precious metals are, in many respects, so diametrically opposed in properties to wheat, in their dispensableness, transportable character and durability, for instance, that these two classes of commodities are best adapted to act as counter-balances to each other.789

Section CXXX.

History Of The Prices Of The Chief Wants Of Life.

The higher civilization advances, the dearer all those commodities in the production of which the factor nature with [pg 390] value in exchange predominates are apt to become; and the cheaper, on the other hand, all those in which labor and capital play the principal productive part.790 This is accounted for, not only by the almost unlimited capacity of labor and capital to be increased, while the natural forces which have value in exchange are susceptible of increase to so small an extent; but also, and especially, because new additions of labor and capital are wont to cause relatively smaller results in the production of raw material, and relatively larger ones in industry and commerce. (§ 33, ff).791

Hence, from the relations the prices of the different classes of commodities bear to one another, we may draw important conclusions as to the degree of civilization which a country has attained. The above law also affords an explanation of the fact, that a young nation, which has made no great strides in the way of development, and in which, of course, the production of raw material preponderates, draw their commercial and manufactured necessaries, by way of preference, from [pg 391] precisely the most highly civilized foreign nations. The latter are in a condition, and accustomed, to give the largest quantity and the best quality of manufactured articles for a required quantity of raw material; and, of course, vice versa. Hence, in this intercourse of nations, the most urgent want, and the completest and easiest possibility of satisfying it, meet.792 Only very highly civilized mother-countries can hold fast to colonial possessions in our day.

Section CXXXI.

History Of The Prices Of The Chief Wants Of Life. (Continued.)

A. In the case of a great many raw materials, we repeatedly find the following to be the course of development. In the lower stages of civilization, they grow of themselves, and in such quantities that a small amount of labor, and that only the labor of occupation, more than suffices to satisfy the small demand for them. Here, naturally enough, the price of raw materials is very low. After this, it rises with every advance made in civilization, for two reasons: first, because the demand becomes greater and greater; and then, because the naturally free sources of production, called into requisition by other wants, now flow less and less abundantly.793 This rise in price continues until the point is reached at which it becomes customary, instead of the mere occupation of the free gifts of nature, to bring forth the commodities in question by the more [pg 392] laborious process of production proper. From this time forward, the usual seeking of prices for a level requires that our commodity should, like all others which suppose an equal sacrifice of the means of production, claim an equal value in exchange. If from any peculiar causes, the production of this commodity is not at all possible, or if it is capable of no great extension, its price, which would under the circumstances, be limited only by the purchasing power of the buyer, might attain the utmost extreme reached in prices under the spur of vanity or of the mere love of the commodity itself. The latter is true especially in the case of venison;794 the former, in the case of the tame cattle,795 fresh-water fish,796 and wood.797798

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Section CXXXII.

History Of The Prices Of The Chief Wants Of Life. (Continued.)

B. The rise in prices is observed earliest in that class of goods in question which by reason of their small volume and [pg 394] their comparatively great value, and by reason of the greater capacity to be kept in a state of preservation for a longer time, are best adapted to seeking a more favorable market. This applies particularly to the skins, fleece, hair, feathers, [pg 395] teeth, horns, etc., of animals, in which, in the breeding of stock, etc. people in a low stage of civilization are much more apt to speculate than in their meat. Here it is considered, and rightly so, to be much more profitable to raise many animals which are badly cared for, than a few, that are well cared for; for the care bestowed on animals has, as a rule, much more influence on the body itself than on their covering.799 In fisheries, [pg 396] caviar, sturgeon-bladders, oil and whalebone;800 and in forest-culture, [pg 397] pitch, tar, potash and, to some extent, building material etc., play the same part.801

Conversely, the price of those portions which are most difficult of transportation, by reason of their volume or of the difficulty of preserving them, rises latest. To this category belongs milk, the production of which in a fresh state can be made an object of economic speculation, only where civilization is at its very highest, and especially in the vicinity of large cities.802 It is indeed possible by its transformation into butter or cheese to preserve milk and make it capable of [pg 398] transportation. But to carry on such a business for the purposes of trade, a care and a cleanliness are needed which are national characteristics only of a highly civilized people (§ 229), and the preparation of a superior quality of cheese, which is always a very long process, is conditioned by the employment of capital long in advance of a return, and which no poor nation is in a condition to make.803 Cows are primarily milk-producing animals.804 Hence their price, as a rule, rises later than that of oxen, but, in the higher stages of civilization, it rises much more surprisingly. Something analogous is true of those products which result from what remains after the production of other goods or commodities. As long as this alone supplies the demand, the cost of production of the former commodity is almost nothing, and hence its price is very low. For this reason hogs are relatively cheap in two very different periods of a people's national economy, in a very low stage of civilization where forests are plentiful and they are fattened on acorns and the nuts of the beech, and also when they may be considered as a collateral product of some great industry, such as distilleries and dairy-farming; and when raised by a numerous, especially a rural population of small means and laborers, in order to turn to advantage, in the former instance, the remains of production, and in the latter of consumption.805 Where neither of these two reasons obtains, [pg 399] the price of hogs is wont to increase largely with an advance in civilization.806807808 (See Roscher, NationalÖkonomik des Ackerbaues, §§ 177 ff.)

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Section CXXXIII.

History Of The Prices Of The Chief Wants Of Life. (Continued.)

C. Those raw materials which, from the very first, have been obtained by the means of production properly so called, maintain a much greater uniformity in price. In the lower stages of civilization, they are never found permanently in excess; and as the economy of a people advances, the growing dearth of natural forces may be more or less counterbalanced [pg 401] by the greater cheapness of capital and labor. This is true, especially of wheat. (See § 129, and Roscher, NationalÖkonomik des Ackerbaues, p. 43.)809

D. In the case also of those raw materials which are objects of occupation, and never of real production, as, for instance, minerals, a progressive public economy, by altering the different elements of price in an opposite direction, may leave their price on the whole unchanged. Here, indeed, the discovery of new and especially of rich natural stores may exert an incalculable influence; but such “accidents” underlie the laws of human development only to the extent that those ages which are intellectually most active are those also which are most industrious and fortunate in the discovery of their natural resources.810

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Section CXXXIV.

History Of The Prices Of The Chief Wants Of Life. (Continued.)

E. The products of industry become cheaper and cheaper as economic culture advances; whereas, for instance, in England, towards the end of the middle ages, a single shirt was considered of importance enough to be made not unfrequently an object of testamentary bequest.811 And, indeed, the price of industrial products sinks lower the more important the part played in their production by capital and the division of labor is as compared with the part played by the raw material.812 [pg 403] On this account, in recent times, fine cloths have grown, relatively speaking, much cheaper than coarse ones.813 Lead, which during the middle ages in England was much cheaper than iron, because of the difficulty of mining the latter, has become much dearer in our days.814 Conversely, where raw material plays the most important part in manufactures, the price of the manufactured article may increase with an advance in civilization. Hence, articles made of wood are procured at the cheapest rates in mountainous countries, where the division of labor is not carried very far, but where the raw material is cheap.815

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F. But the price of commodities decreases, especially in the higher stages of civilization, to the extent that it is dependent on commerce.816 Here capital and human labor almost exclusively are effective, and the modern improvements of communication, legal security and competition are especially striking.817

G. Since personal services are, as a rule, performed and received only by individuals, the principle in accordance with which labor in general becomes cheaper in the higher stages of civilization, does not apply to them to any great extent.818 Yet we may claim that advancing civilization has pretty universally a twofold influence on the price paid for personal services. In the first place, freedom of competition, with the more accurate and equitable determination of price which it produces (in contradistinction to servitude, privilege and custom) always tends [pg 405] to obtain the upper hand; and further, by the growing combination of labor and of use (§§ 56, ff. 207), a better and better and more clearly defined gradation between ordinary services and those of a higher order is effected. When the latter cannot be increased at pleasure, the price paid for them may, as the wealth of consumers increases, become, from motives of vanity or of custom (GebrauchsgrÜnden), almost unlimited. The dancing maid, to whom Herod (Mark, 6, 23) promised even the half of his kingdom, is both in a politico-economical and in a moral sense a warning example to over-refined nations.819

Section CXXXV.

History Of The Values Of The Precious Metals.—In Antiquity And In The Middle Ages.

It is impossible to write a real history of the values of the precious metals in ancient and medieval times: the sources of [pg 406] information are too few. But it does seem possible to suggest some fragments and something of the development of that history,820 at least in outline.

Thus, for instance, the supply of the precious metals furnished by the mines, in the earlier times of ancient history, was kept from entering the market by the system which then prevailed everywhere, of hoarding treasure by the state, by the temples etc., and later by great reserves of treasure kept by individuals.821 The revolutions in prices in ancient times were produced as frequently by the sudden opening of such reservoirs, as by the discovery of richer sources. Thus, for instance, such events as the dissipation of Pericles' treasures, the subsidies of the Persian kings, the spoliation of many temples in consequence of declining religiousness, the distribution of Persian treasures by Alexander the Great,822 had a vast influence on the undeniable rise in the price of Greek commodities in the century succeeding the Peleponnesian war.823 Later, it is said that in Rome, the price of pieces of land was doubled [pg 407] by the influx of Egyptian war-booty.824 It is a remarkable proof of the undeveloped condition of trade in the earlier periods of ancient history, that the perturbations in prices were, apparently, at least, so entirely local. Phoenicia, Palestine etc., must have experienced, in the age of Solomon, a formal deluge of the precious metals, while Greece, for instance, was then, and for centuries after, extremely poor in them.825 It is not, on the whole, to be doubted, that the value in exchange of the precious metals was on a continual decline until the most flourishing time of the Roman emperors.826 During the middle ages, it seems to have stood much higher again; because the great loss of treasure caused by the migration of nations etc., the almost complete cessation of production at the mines, and the slowness of the circulation of money, played a much more important part than the decrease of trade.827828

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Section CXXXVI.

Effect On The Discovery Of American Mines Etc. On The Value Of The Precious Metals.

The discovery of America influenced the market of the precious metals less by the peculiar wealth of the mines in that part of the world than by their almost incredible number.829 The sources of wealth that the conquistadores first lighted upon were, however, much over-estimated.830 The production of the American mines first assumed great importance after the discovery of Potosi, in 1545, which was soon followed by the working of the American mines at Guanaxuato. (1558.) [pg 409] Coincident with this was the extraordinary “chance” of Medina's invention, in 1557; by means of which, it became possible to separate silver from foreign elements by the cool process of amalgamation, instead of melting it as had hitherto been done; an invention all the more important in America, for the reason that in that country, where there is so much rich ore, there is scarcely any fuel, in the neighborhood831 of where it is found. During the first hundred years the mines of Peru occupied the most prominent place; whereas they were afterwards completely overshadowed by the Mexican.832 According to Humboldt,833 the annual export of gold and silver from America to Europe, between 1492 and 1500, amounted to 250,000 piasters; between 1500 and 1545, to 3,000,000;834 from that time to 1600, to 11,000,000; in the seventeenth century, to about 16,000,000; during the first half the eighteenth century to 22,500,000; during the second half, to 35,300,000.

The production of gold in Brazil began to be important after the commencement of the eighteenth century,835 and the working of the Mexican silver mines of Valencia, Biscaina etc. from the middle of the same century. In the beginning of the nineteenth century, Mexico produced, annually, 537,512 kilogrammes of silver, and 1,609 kilogrammes of gold; Peru, 140,078 and 782 of silver and gold respectively; Buenos Ayres, 110,764 and 506; Chili, 6,827 and 2,807; New Granada, 4,714 kilogrammes of gold; Brazil, 3,700 kilogrammes of [pg 410] gold; the whole of America together, 795,581 kilogrammes of silver and 14,018 kilogrammes of gold, worth about 60,750,000 thalers.836 During the uprisings between 1810 and 1825, which separated Spanish America from the mother country, the production of the mines diminished as surprisingly as it had increased in the previous generation by reason of the greater liberality of Spanish colonial policy.837 Since that time, a certain increase has, indeed, been noticed, which, however, had not immediately before the discovery of the gold mines of California by any means attained the height reached in 1808, but only an annual production of 701,570 kilogrammes of silver, and of 15,215 kilogrammes of gold, with an aggregate value of more than 56,000,000 thalers.838

In Europe, also, the obtaining of the precious metals during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries took a great stride, especially in Germany;839 but, on the other hand, the Spanish gold and silver mines were closed in 1535 by a law. In the seventeenth century, there was another lull, followed, at the end of the eighteenth, by a second period of activity which has not yet closed. The great development of the production of gold in the Ural mines since 1819, and in the Altai mines since 1829,840 the revival of the production of silver in the old Spanish [pg 411] mines since 1835,841 and Pattinson's discovery, by means of which the poorest lead ores containing silver may be refined, are here of great importance.842 Shortly before 1848, it was estimated that all the mines of the old world produced annually about 274,000 kilogrammes of silver, and 56,000 kilogrammes of gold, with an aggregate value of over 69,000,000 thalers.843844

Section CXXXVII.

Revolution In Prices At The Beginning Of Modern History.

The mere discovery of new and richer mines need not, of itself, lower the price of the precious metals. Their price depends on their cost of production; and it may be very much increased, even under the most favorable natural conditions, by the unskillfulness of labor, the dearness of the means of [pg 412] subsistence, of machinery and of auxiliary substances, by insecurity to property or to the person; by war, oppressive taxes845 etc. The new mines can produce a decline in the price of the precious metals only to the extent that, for the same amount of capital and labor expended, they, spite of all such deductions, produce a greater result.846

I opine that the price of metallic money, since the discovery of America, has diminished until the present time in the ratio of from three to four to one.847 The prices of wheat in France, [pg 413] from 1800 to 1850, were about seven times as great as in the second half of the fifteenth century; and in England about six times as great. But, it is not to be overlooked here, how wheat may have grown dearer in itself (an sich) and how gold declined considerably less than silver. True, this decline of the precious metals was not an entirely steady one. We meet at the beginning of the modern era with a real revolution in prices. The prices of rye, in lower Saxony, from 1525 to 1550, were twice as high as from 1475 to 1500. According to Garnier, the French prices of wheat, from 1450 to 1500, were, on an average, 408 francs of the present time per setier; from 1501 to 1520, 5 francs; from 1522 to 1540, 11.26 francs; from 1541 to 1560, 11.69 francs; from 1561 to 1580, 21.33 francs; from 1581 to 1600, 32.51 francs; during the first half of the seventeenth century, 22.77 francs; in the second half, 26.83 francs; from 1701 to 1750, 19.64 francs. Similarly in England, where wheat cost, from 1560 to 1600, 2.64 times as much as from 1450 to 1500.848

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Now, the increased production of the mines cannot be the only cause of this great perturbation in prices. It commenced, in most countries, at a time when the supplies from America were still too small to account for such an effect. One of the chief causes of the phenomenon was, that precisely at this period, there was in so many nations a transition from a sluggish circulation of money, made still more sluggish by the custom which everywhere prevailed of hoarding treasure, to a rapid circulation, which was made still more rapid by the use of all kinds of substitutes for money. (§ 123).849 In the earliest ripe fruit of European civilization (Italy), this transition had long been accomplished; and, on that account, the value in exchange of the precious metals was there, for a long time previous, comparatively low.850

From the second third of the seventeenth century, the value of the medium of circulation seems, on the whole, to have remained stationary.851 Tooke seeks to demonstrate the steady [pg 415] decline of the value of money until late in the eighteenth century, from the fact that the wages of labor increased during that time; but I should rather connect the latter phenomenon with the simultaneous elevation of the classes engaged in manual labor. And so Adam Smith infers a rise in the price of money after the beginning of the eighteenth century, from the prices of wheat;852 but it would be better to consider the cause of this to be the unusually long series of good crops.853 An equally unusually long series of bad harvests, during the second half of the century, accounts satisfactorily for the simultaneous rise of the medium prices of corn. The great war which lasted from 1793 to 1815, too, according to a very prevalent opinion, must have caused the value of money to decline; a fact which is generally accredited to the increase of paper money in so many states.

Every great war may very easily have for effect to slacken the speed of the circulation of money, to promote the hoarding and even the burial of treasure for a rainy day, and to paralyze credit and its power to supply the place of money. Hence, it seems preferable to seek for the cause of the variations in price, during the great war, in the commodities themselves whose price was affected; since their production must [pg 416] have been enormously disturbed. It rendered the brawniest men and the most powerful horses unproductive, and even employed them as agents of destruction. It interrupted trade in a thousand ways, or drove it into unnatural channels, and turned the intellectual interests of nations into every direction save that of economic industry. To this must be added the absence of security everywhere.854

The cessation of these restrictions upon production, in consequence of the restoration of peace throughout the world and the great progress afterwards made in almost all branches of industry, explain why, from 1818 to 1848, the precious metals have apparently stood higher than during the period immediately preceding.855856

Section CXXXVIII.

Revolution In Prices.—Influence Of The Non-Monetary Use Of Gold And Silver.

To understand why so great an increase in the production of the precious metals produced so small a decline of their value in exchange, we must turn our attention to the other and further uses of gold and silver. The amount devoted to these uses can never be very accurately determined, since [pg 417] governmental stamping of every new gold or silver article would afford no evidence as to the number of such articles manufactured out of old articles etc.857 Certain it is, however, that the aggregate amount of gold and silver thus employed, increases with the increase of luxury and wealth among modern nations, and that a quantity of the precious metals thus used, especially when used for purposes of gilding for instance, is irrestorably lost.858 In addition to this, there is the wear and [pg 418] tear of coin in circulation, which is naturally greater in the case of large pieces than of small, and, therefore, in the case of silver than of gold. There is, further, the damage caused by the loss of coin in conflagrations and shipwrecks, and that occasioned by buried and forgotten treasure.859

But, lastly, the principal cause consists in the powerful increase of the demand for money, which, during the last two centuries, the great impulse given to the rapidity of circulation, and the great increase in the substitutes for money, have scarcely been able to outweigh. Besides the great growth [pg 419] of population and of wealth, at least in Europe and the new world, I need call attention only to the immense advance made in the division of labor, and to the transition from trade by barter to trade through the instrumentality of money. The entire war and merchant marine of England, about 1602, had, according to Anderson, a capacity of only 45,000 tons,—that is, not one-fifth of what the small city of Bremen has now; a capacity which at the close of the year 1873 amounted to 237,206 tons—while in 1872 its merchant marine alone had a capacity of 7,213,000 tons. The aggregate foreign trade of England, France, Russia and the United States, in 1750, amounted to about 260,000,000 thalers; in 1864, it was over 5,400,000,000, and between 1871 and 1872, in one year, over 9,000,000,000 thalers. Nor should it be forgotten that Europe's trade with the East, since the beginning of the sixteenth century, increased immensely. This, at present, produces uniformly a very “unfavorable balance” for Europe, which can be made up for only by very large shipments of silver to foreign parts.860 If China and India were suddenly to [pg 420] draw on us for other commodities instead of gold and silver, the result would be a great revolution in prices in Europe.

Section CXXXIX.

History Of Prices.—Californian And Australian Discoveries.

Tengoborski is of opinion, that the flow of gold from Siberia alone would have been absorbed by the ever-increasing want of civilized nations of money; but that the coincident discoveries in California and Australia, in September 1847, and February 1851, must sooner or later produce a revolution in prices. And, indeed, the fecundity of these countries is unparalleled. North America, which in 1846 produced only 3,600 pounds of gold, according to Soetbeer, produced in the years from 1849 to 1863, respectively, 118,000, 148,000, 178,000, 195,000, 180,000, 165,000, 165,000, 165,000, 160,000, 145,000, 125,000, 120,000, 115,000 and 110,000. Austria produced in the years from 1851 to 1863 respectively, 27,000, 196,000, 250,000, 160,000, 170,000, 195,000, 180,000, 175,000, 160,000, 150,000, 160,000, 160,000, 170,000, pounds of gold.

From 1864 to 1867, the aggregate production of gold in the world was, according to the last mentioned authority, a yearly average of 188.4 millions of thalers, and of silver, 94.8 millions. In Europe, Russia not included, the production was, in 1863, [pg 421] 3,960 pounds of gold and 405,000 pounds of silver; in the Russian Empire, 46,500 pounds of gold and 40,000 of silver; in Mexico 12,000 pounds of gold and 1,250,000 pounds of silver; in South and Central America, 12,500 pounds of gold and 520,000 pounds of silver; in Africa, India and Lesser Asia, 30,000 pounds of gold and 40,000 pounds of silver—a total of 384,000 pounds of gold, and 2,905,000 pounds of silver. F.X. Neumann861862 estimates that the whole world produced, in the years [pg 422] 1868-1870, annually, 192.8 million thalers of gold, and 94 million thalers of silver; and in 1873, of both metals, 291 million thalers.

The question, whether in this second half of the nineteenth century, we are to have a revolution in prices similar to that which took place in the sixteenth century can be answered only hypothetically. The gold diggings now most productive will, probably, as we may judge from analogous cases in the past, be soon exhausted.863 But it is entirely possible that, for [pg 423] a long series of years, other diggings will be found equally rich. It is almost certain that the restless activity of the English and of North Americans will not cease until they have exhausted the favors of nature.864 Every improvement in agriculture, in the means of communication, and in the public security of the gold lands, makes the cost of production smaller. There are doubtless in other countries a great many placers which need only to be touched with the finger of European civilization to produce gold in abundance.865 It would, indeed, be necessary that this same civilization should make these same countries better markets for the precious metals by increasing their demand.

[pg 424]

So far as silver is concerned, there can be no question that America possesses mines unlimited in extent, and, as yet, almost untouched. “The time will come,” says Duport,866 “a century sooner or later, when the production of silver will have no other limits than those put to it by the continual decline in the price of silver.” There seems, also, to be no lack of quicksilver, especially in California; and the cost of its production hitherto may be lessened very much by the labor of better workmen, machines and means of transportation.867 All this supposes great progress of the mining countries in civilization in general; and yet, thus far, Mexico's republican independence etc., as compared with the later years of the Spanish colonial system there, is a great retrogression. The conquest of Spanish America by the United States would give a vast impetus to economic improvement; and here, [pg 425] again, the increase of production would be attended by an increased demand.

But especially must the demand for the precious metals, which naturally increases with the wealth, commerce and luxury of nations, constitute a decisive element in answering our question. Nothing, for instance, were a reduction in prices impending, would promote it so much as a series of devastating wars or revolutions in Europe. Moreover, it should not be forgotten, that the money market is now almost commensurable with the world, and will soon embrace it within its limits; and that market embraces not only the precious metals but the numberless representatives of money and media of credit. The basin, therefore, to which the gold and silver streams of the world are tributary is immeasurably greater than it was in the sixteenth century; its level cannot be changed as readily, and an equal addition made every year to its previous contents can increase it only by a small amount.868 Nor could a considerable decline of the value of the precious metals be readily produced without making the circulation of money slower, and the employment of means of credit relatively less frequent, in consequence of which, the further decline would, to a certain extent, be arrested.869 In the case of other commodities a decline of prices leads only probably to an absolutely greater demand; in the case of money, it leads to a demand necessarily greater. That the money market in our days can stand pretty rude shocks is evident from the fact, among others, that the price of gold is so high as compared with that of silver.870871

[pg 426]

Section CXL.

Revolution In Prices.—Its Influence On The National Resources.

The ulterior consequences of such a revolution in prices would contribute to the real wealth of a people only in the sense that they would place such a people in a way, with less sacrifice, to employ the precious metals on a large scale in ministering [pg 427] to the luxuries of life. This small advantage itself would be counterbalanced by the depreciation of the metallic stock, and especially by the necessity of henceforth devoting a larger quantity of gold and silver to the purposes of circulation.872 But such a revolution would produce a sudden reverse in the distribution of a nation's wealth among its constituent members. All those who, by virtue of contracts antecedently made, have payments to effect, are benefited to the extent of the difference between the old and the actual price, while those who are to receive such payments lose to the same extent.873 Therefore, those engaged in industrial enterprises improve their condition, because they immediately increase874 the prices [pg 428] of their own productions; and, for a time at least, continue the use of capital borrowed from others, of land leased or rented etc. at the old prices.875

Besides, at the beginning, and before a corresponding depreciation of its value has taken place, an increase of money produces as a rule a low rate of interest (§ 185), and an itch to buy on the part of the public. All this may serve as a powerful stimulant to production on a large scale.876 Those most certain to suffer loss are officials877 with a fixed salary, and so-called annuitants, creditors of the nation and of individuals. Even bankers, too, have no means to fix the value of their wares which they see disappearing, so to speak under their eyes.878 Of land owners, those who are in debt gain, that is especially the poorer, and the more speculative among them.879 On the [pg 429] other hand, owners of large estates who have alienated their tithe-rights, or right to vassal-service etc. for capital, or for fixed sums to be paid at regular intervals, that is, in a great many places the great mass of the nobility, undergo a not insignificant social fall.

The condition of those who earned a living by manual labor no doubt deteriorated in the sixteenth century, as may be inferred from the extraordinary activity of public charity in that period.

Between 1500 and 1550, silver purchased, in Orleans, from 4.1 to 4.5 times as much common labor as it does now, while silver, as compared with the average price of twenty-seven commodities, has grown cheaper in the ratio of only from 2.6 to 2.7:1. (Mantellier.) It was impossible for this class to raise the price of their wares as rapidly as that of the medium of circulation declined, because they could not wait, nor hold back their commodity even for a moment. (§ 164.)880 This would, indeed, be very different in our day. Wages, because of the facilities, both physical and moral, which have everywhere been placed in the way of emigration, were necessarily one of these articles which rose soonest in price, as compared with money.881 Lastly, the state itself profits by the diminished [pg 430] thing-value, that is, real value of its public debt;882 but it loses, at the same time, on all taxes, duties etc., which are not estimated at a certain percentage of the value of the articles taxed.883 As a rule, therefore, it would need to impose new taxes. Now, the parliamentary right to impose taxes, however extensive it may juridically be, is, ordinarily, of great importance in practice only when there is question of increasing the existing burthen. Hence, this right, wherever it exists, is brought into the utmost activity by a revolution in prices.884885

However, the new additions of gold and silver to the already existing supply may not immediately produce a corresponding depreciation of the value of the precious metals. If the first receivers of the additional supply of money exchange it rapidly for other goods, it will probably bring them the former value in exchange of the metal. Not until it has passed into a third or fourth person's hands is the depreciation apt to be perceptible. It is, therefore, in this case, a great advantage to be the first hand. The world-threatening power of Spain, in the seventeenth century, was very essentially promoted by the American gold and silver mines;886 nor is it a matter of less [pg 431] significance to-day, that the great mineral wealth of the world belongs to Siberia, California and Australia; that is, especially to Russia and to countries colonized by Great Britain. Further, as to the classes into which a nation is divided, it was only the crown, the Church and a comparatively small number of officials, soldiers and officers who controlled Spanish America;887 and who can tell how the absolute monarchy of Spain was strengthened by this fact? In the seventeenth century, on the other hand, it is principally manufacturers and merchants, and more especially yet, workmen, who reap the immediate advantages of new discoveries of gold.

Section CXLI.

Effect Of An Enhancement Of The Price Of The Precious Metals.

A great enhancement of the precious metals would naturally and necessarily produce a revolution in prices in a direction888 opposite to the one just described, and one which would be much more injurious to a nation's economy. Such a revolution would weigh most heavily on the most sensitive, and the momentarily most productive classes of the people, inasmuch as the price of the ready product as compared with advances made for the purposes of production would be a declining one; and it would benefit those classes who live in leisure on the fruits of previous labor. There would, at the same time, be a perceptible growth of consumption in certain departments, useful, no doubt, in themselves, but apt to degenerate into excess, and which are, therefore, most easily cared for. (§ 212, seq.) [pg 432] To this extent, the gold discoveries of the nineteenth century, without which an enhancement of the price of money would undoubtedly have taken place, have warded off a great economic malady from the nations. Moreover, this inverted revolution in prices may be moderated by governmental measures, such as a diminution of taxes, emissions of paper money etc.889

Section CXLII.

The Price Of Gold As Compared With That Of Silver.

The price of gold as compared with that of silver does not, by any means, depend entirely on the ratio of the quantities of the two to each other. Rather is it, in the long run, determined by the average cost of production necessary at those gold and silver mines which exist under the most disadvantageous conditions, but which it is still necessary to work in order to satisfy the aggregate requirement of these metals. On the whole, with an advance of economic civilization, the dearness of gold as compared with that of silver has been enhanced. The former, in the middle ages, was worth from ten to twelve times as much as the latter,890 while now it is [pg 433] worth from fifteen to almost sixteen times as much.891 In the same period of time, also, gold in highly civilized countries is wont to be comparatively dearer.892

These facts are explained as well by the demand as by the supply. As the production of gold requires so little skill or capital, and that of silver so much of both, the former may be considered a natural product to a greater extent than the latter, and therefore, the rule laid down in § 130 is applicable to it. (Senior.) Besides, in the higher stages of civilization, especially when the precious metals are cheap, larger payments are usual, to the making of which, gold is certainly best adapted; just as in every day trade merchants are wont to accept a gold piece in payment, even at something of a premium, while the peasantry hesitate to do so.893

[pg 434]

It is very much of a question whether gold or silver is, on the whole, subject to greater variations in price. The fact that gold is more strictly a natural product would of itself constitute a powerful element of variation. (§ 112). But, on the other hand, its greater durability and the greater care bestowed on its preservation, have for effect to make the existing quantity preponderate in importance over its annual increase. The demand for gold varies more suddenly than the demand for silver. In case of war or sedition, the former is more easily carried away or hidden. It is also more desirable for the state for its military fund. On the other hand, on account of its greater capacity for transportation, it may follow such claims when made on it, more easily, from country to country. On the whole, I am inclined to think that, for short periods of time, silver maintains its value better, and gold for longer ones.894

[pg 435]

Section CXLIII.

The Price Of Gold As Compared With That Of Silver. (Continued.)

If the gold-production of California should be attended895 by a notable depression of the value of that metal, it becomes a question whether or not silver would be necessarily depreciated with it. Senior claims that it would not, for the reason that the two precious metals do not, for most purposes, act as substitutes each of the other. If a country needed 1,000 pounds of gold and 15,000 pounds of silver as money,896 and these two sums of metal were equal in value, an increase of gold by one-half, which would depreciate its price in relation to silver to 10:1, would not overflow the channels of circulation. The 1,500 pounds of gold are now also equal to only 15,000 pounds of silver, and vice versa.

I would put very important limitations to this assertion. Even a moderate depreciation of gold would drive out the silver from all those countries which had a mixed coinage made up of the two metals; and hence the supply of silver would be increased in the other countries. And so it is quite possible, up to a certain point, that the larger silver coin should be replaced by small gold ones, ten and five franc pieces etc. Rau is certainly right in his surmise that a general rise in the price of commodities as compared with coin, the result of a great increase of gold, would go farthest in countries in which the gold is the medium of circulation, begin later in those [pg 436] which had a mixed circulation, and continue for the the shortest time in those countries which, by force of law, had a silver circulation only.897898

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