Co-Operation Of The Factors.

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Section XLVI.

The Productive CoÖperation Of The Three Factors.

All economic production generally demands the coÖperation of the three factors: external nature, labor and capital. But with the political economist, labor is the principal thing; and not merely because all capital presupposes labor, nor because every combination of the three factors is an act of labor; [pg 164] but, in general, because “the human mind's idea of means and ends makes all goods goods for the first time.” (Hufeland.)

Leaving the free forces of nature, surrounded by which we live and work, out of consideration, and also the fact that all raw material is due to nature, land is the indispensable foundation of all economy. But how little can unassisted nature do to satisfy human wants! How much less to produce goods possessed of value in exchange! A virgin forest, for instance, sold in its natural state, has, indeed, value in exchange, but only because it is taken into account that it can be cleared, and that there are means of transportation already existing.301 The greater part of the forces of nature are latent to nomads and nations of hunters. When labor develops, they are set free to assist it.302 It is very seldom that any thing can be produced without capital. Even the poorest gatherer of wild berries needs a basket and must be clothed.303 Were there no capital, every individual would have to begin at the very beginning every moment. Life would be possible only in a tropical climate. No man, since the days of Adam, has been able to labor, except on the condition that a considerable advance of capital had been made upon him. There is not a nail in all England, says Senior, which cannot directly or indirectly [pg 165] directly be traced back to savings made before the Norman conquest.304

Section XLVII.

Productive Co-Operation Of The Three Factors. The Three Great Periods Of A Nation's Economy.

The relation of the three factors to one another is necessarily very different in different branches of production. For instance, in the case of cattle-raising on a prairie, labor does very little, land almost everything. Hence an extensive, thinly populated country is best adapted to this species of production. But where land is scarce, as in wealthy and populous cities, human activity should be directed into those branches of industry which need capital and labor, as manufactures and the trades. (§ 198.)305

Looked at from this point of view, the history of the development of the public economy of every people may be divided into three great periods. In the earliest period, nature is the element that predominates everywhere. The woods, waters and meadows afford food almost spontaneously to a scanty population. This is the Saturnian or golden age of which the sagas tell. Wealth, properly speaking, does not exist here, and those who do not possess a piece of land run the risk of becoming completely dependent on, or even the slave of a land owner. In the second period, that through which all modern nations have passed since the later part of the middle ages, the element, labor, acquires an ever increasing importance. Labor favors the origin and development of cities as well as exclusive rights, the rights of boroughs and guilds by means of which labor is, so to speak, capitalized. A [pg 166] middle class is formed intermediate between the serfs and the owners of the soil. In the third period, capital, if we may so speak, gives tone to everything. The value of land is vastly increased by the expenditure of capital on it, and in manufactures, machine labor preponderates over the labor of the human hand.306 The national wealth undergoes a daily increase; and it is the “capitalism” which first gives an independent existence to the economic activity of man; just in the same way that law is, as it were, emancipated from land-ownership, from the church and the family only in the constitutional state (Rechtsstaat).307 But, during this period, the middle class with its moderate ease and solid culture may decrease in numbers, and colossal wealth be confronted with the most abject misery.308 Although these three periods may be shown to exist in the history of all highly civilized countries, the nations of antiquity, relatively speaking, never advanced far beyond the second, even in their palmiest days. A great part of that which is accomplished among us by means of capital and of machines, the Greeks and Romans performed by the labor of slaves. Leaving Christianity out of the question, nearly all the minor differences between the public economy of the ancients and that of the moderns may be reduced to this fundamental distinction.309310

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Section XLVIII.

Critical History Of The Idea Of Productiveness.

In this chapter, the dogma-historical (dogmengeschichtliche) part is of the utmost importance, because it treats of the connection [pg 168] between the deepest fundamental notions and the principal branches of practical life. It is clear that every political economist must construct his exposition of productiveness on his prior notions of goods and value. We must, therefore, draw a distinction between expositions which are logical but altogether too narrow, and wholly erroneous ones.311

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Thus, the Mercantile System admits every mode of applying the three factors of production, but considers them really productive only in so far as they increase the quantity of the precious metals possessed by the nation, either through the agency of mining at home, or by means of foreign trade. This view stands and falls with the altogether too limited idea of national wealth before mentioned (§ 9), which this system advocated.312 The majority of the followers of the Mercantile System ascribe more power to industry to attract gold and silver from foreign parts, than to agriculture, and to the finer kinds of industry than to the coarser; to active and direct trade, more than to passive and indirect trade.

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Section XLIX.

Critical History Of The Idea Of Productiveness.—The Doctrine Of The Physiocrates.

The doctrine of the Physiocrates is to be explained in part by a very natural reaction from the narrow-heartedness of the Mercantile System, and at the same time, by a presentiment, misunderstood, of the true theory of rent. (§ 150 ff.). Of the six classes of labor mentioned above (§ 38), those only are called productive which increase the quantity of raw material useful for human ends. All the other classes, it matters not how useful, are called sterile, salaried, because they draw their income only from the superabundance of land-owners and the workers of the soil. Tradesmen, in the narrower sense of the term, produce only a change in the form of the material, the higher value of which depends on the quantity of other material consumed for the purposes of the tradesman's labor. If any of this material is saved, the value of their products sinks, although to the advantage of the economy of the whole nation. In any case, industry could create no wealth, but only make existing wealth more lasting. It might, so to speak, accumulate the value of the quantity of food consumed during the building of a house in the house itself.313

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But if tradesmen really earned, in the value of their products, only what they had consumed during their labor, it would be difficult for them to find employers to provide them with capital. Everyone will acknowledge, that a Thorwaldsen and an ordinary stone-cutter, with the same block of marble, the same implements, the same food, would necessarily, after the same time, turn out exceedingly different values.314 And, even in the case that industry should add to the raw material only precisely the same amount of value as had been consumed by the workmen, can it be said that the work ceases to be productive simply because it is consumed by the workmen themselves? If that were so, agriculture even, would, in most countries with a low civilization, be unproductive.315

Commerce, according to the theory of the Physiocrates, only transfers already existing wealth from one hand to another. What the merchants gain by it is at the cost of the nation. Hence, it is desirable that this loss should be as [pg 172] small as possible. Hence sterility!316 But, the more important branches of business, especially wholesale trade, are connected with a transportation of goods (Verri), either from one place or from one period of time, into another. Here the genuine merchant speculates essentially on the difference of the values in use which are afterwards greater than before.317 The ice shipped yearly from Boston to tropical lands met a much more urgent and wide-spread want there than it would if it had remained at home. And thus the storage of grain in large quantities after a bountiful harvest withdraws, indeed, an object of enjoyment from the consumption of the people; but its sale, after a bad harvest, undoubtedly increases their enjoyment in a much greater degree than it was before diminished. Besides, the condition of both parties to the contract is usually improved in all normal trade. (Condillac.)318 No one parts with exchangeable goods unless they are of less use to him than the ones he receives in return.319 And so, the value in use of a nation's resources is really increased by commerce. To the other attributes of goods it adds one of the principal conditions of all use, accessibility (Kudler), with which it either newly endows them, or which it increases in degree. To this end, the merchant makes use of tools, just as the manufacturer [pg 173] does. What spinning-wheels, looms and workshops are to the latter, ships, warehouses, cranes etc., are to the former. If production be not complete until the thing produced is made fit for its last end, consumption, commerce may be looked upon as the last link in the chain of productive labor. It, at the same time, constitutes a series of intermediate links; as without it no division of labor is possible, and without a division of labor, no higher economic productiveness.320 How commerce may increase the value in exchange of goods, and without in any way injuring the purchaser, needs no further illustration.321

Section L.

The Same Subject Continued.

Even Adam Smith called services, in the narrower sense of the term (§ 3), the grave and important ones of the statesman, clergyman and physician, as well as the “frivolous” ones of the opera singer, ballet-dancer and buffoon, unproductive. The labor of none of these can be fixed or incorporated in any [pg 174] particular object.322323 But how strange it is that the labor of a violin-maker is called productive, while that of the violin-player is called unproductive; although the product of the former has no other object than to be played on by the latter? (Garnier.) Is it not strange that the hog-raiser should be called productive, and the educator of man unproductive (List); the apothecary, who prepares a salve which alleviates for the moment, productive, the physician, unproductive, spite of the fact that his prescription in relation to diet, or his surgical operation, may radically cure the severest disease?

If the productiveness of an employment of the factors of production be made to depend on whether it is attended by a material result, no one will deny that the labor of the plowman, for instance, is productive; and no one, of Adam Smith's school, at least, that that of the clerk, who orders the raw material for the owner of the manufactory, is. They have participated indirectly in the production. But, has not the servant of the state, who protects the property of its citizens, or the physician, who preserves the health of the producer, an equally mediate but indispensable share in it? The field-guard who keeps the crows away, every one calls productive; why, not, then, the soldier, who keeps away a far worse [pg 175] enemy from the whole land? (McCulloch.) But the entire division of business into two branches, the one directly, and the other indirectly productive, can be defended only as respects certain kinds of goods. (Schmitthenner.) The labor of the judge, for instance, is only indirectly productive in the manufacture of shoes, inasmuch as he guarantees the payment of the shoemaker's account. On the other hand, the shoemaker contributes only very indirectly to the general security which the law affords, by protecting the judge's foot.324

Nor can any effectual inferiority of service be claimed, simply because the productive power of one branch of business is, measured by the duration of its results, greater than another.325 What is more perishable than a loaf of bread bought for dinner? What more imperishable than the monumentum Ære perennius of a Horace? The labor expended on persons and on relations (VerhÄltnissen) is, both as to the extent [pg 176] and duration of its results, much less capable of being estimated than any other; but its capacity of accumulation and its power of propagation are greater than any other. It is in the domain of the “immaterial,” that man is most “creative.” (Lueder.)326 Finally, neither should the greater indispensableness of the more material branches of business be too generally asserted. Agriculture produces grain which is indispensable, and tobacco which is not; industry, cloth, as well as lace; commerce draws from the same part of the world rhubarb and edible bird's-nests; and so, to services belong the indispensable ones of the educator and judge, as well as those of the rope-dancer and bear-leader, which can be dispensed with.327 Indeed, the dividing line between material and intellectual production cannot, by any means, be closely drawn.328

Section LI.

The Same Subject Continued.

The greater number of recent writers329 have, therefore, come to be of the opinion that every useful business which ministers [pg 177] to the whole people's requirement of external goods possesses economic productiveness.330 But it makes a great difference to science, whether a view is considered true because no one has suggested a doubt of its correctness, or because all doubts as to its truth have been triumphantly removed.

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Section LIII.

The Same Subject Continued.

In this matter, again, there is an important difference to be observed between private or individual economy and economy in its widest sense, in the sense of a world-economy. The productiveness of labor is estimated in the case of the former, according to the value in exchange of its result; in the case of the latter, according to its value in use. There is a great number of employments which are very remunerative to private individuals, but which are entirely unproductive, and even injurious, so far as mankind is concerned; for the reason that they take from others as much as, or even more than they procure to those engaged in them. Here belong, besides formal crimes against property, games of chance,332 usurious speculations (§ 113) and measures taken to entice customers away from other competitors. Again, scientific experiments, means of communication etc., may be entirely unproductive in the individual economy of the undertaker, and yet be of more profit to mankind in general, than they have [pg 180] cost the former.333 In this respect the nation's economy holds a middle place between individual economy and the world's economy.334 Strictly speaking, only those employments should be called productive which increase the world's resources. Hence, the work of government should be called so, only in so far as its expenses are covered by the taxes paid willingly by the more reasonable portion of the citizens; and also only in so far as its work is really necessary to the attainment of its end.335 The productiveness of an employment supposes, also, that it is not carried on at the cost of other employments which it is more difficult to do without. In a healthy nation we may, in this matter, rely, to a certain extent, on the judgment of public opinion, which knows how to appreciate, at their just value, professional gamblers, pettifoggers and the luxury of soldiers. The greater, freer and more cultivated a nation is, the more probable is it that the productiveness of private economy is also national-economical productiveness, and that national-economical productiveness is world-economical productiveness.336

Section LIV.

Importance Of A Due Proportion In The Different Branches Of Productiveness.

Much always depends on the due proportion of the different branches of productiveness to one another. Thus, Spain, for instance, has remained poor under the most advantageous [pg 181] circumstances in the world,337 because it allowed a disproportionate preponderance of personal services. The character of the Spanish people has always given them a leaning towards aristocratic pride and economic idleness. Tradesmen, in that country, sought, as a rule, to amass merely enough to enable them to live on the interest of their capital; after which they, by way of preference, removed it into some other province, where they might be considered as among the nobility; or they withdrew into a monastery. Even in 1781, the Madrid Academy thought it incumbent on it to propose a prize for the best essay in support of the thesis: “The useful trades in no way detract from personal honor.”338 During the century in which the country was in its greatest glory, the whole people were bent on being to all Europe what nobles, officers and officials are to a single nation. “Whoever wishes to make his fortune,” said Cervantes, “let him seek the church, the sea (i.e., go as an adventurer to America) or the king's palace.” Under Philip III., there were in Spain nine hundred and eighty-eight nunneries, and thirty-two thousand mendicant friars. The number of monasteries trebled between 1574 and 1624, and the number of monks increased in a yet greater ratio. A great many of its manufactories, much of its commerce, and not a few of its most important farms were controlled by foreigners, especially by Italians. There were, it seems, in 1610, one hundred and sixty thousand foreign tradesmen living in Castile. In 1787, there were still 188,625 priests, monks, nuns, etc.; 280,092 servants; 480,589 nobles; 964,571 day laborers; 987,187 peasants; 310,739 mechanics and manufacturers; [pg 182] 34,339 merchants.339 As a counterpart to this, the United States had, in 1840, about 77.5 per cent. of its population engaged in agriculture, 16.8 in manufactures and mining, 4.2 in shipping and commerce, 1.3 in the learned professions.340

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We might be tempted, in view of this contrast, to return once more to the unproductiveness of personal services. It is not, however, the direction given to the forces of production, but the squandering of them, that is injurious. When the Magyar, through mere vanity, drives a yoke of from four to six horses where two are enough; or when, as in 1831, Irish agriculture employed 1,131,715 workmen to produce a value of thirty-six million pounds sterling, while that of Great Britain341 produced one hundred and fifty millions a year, and employed only 1,055,982 workmen, these causes are as sure to impoverish the country, as the waste of the Spaniards in supporting such an army of clergy and servants. Of course, the temptation to waste wealth on parks is greater than to waste it in vegetable gardens! The probability that a man will ruin himself by keeping too many servants is greater than that he [pg 184] will do the same by employing too many operatives.342 And all the more, as there are many and especially important services which regulate their own remuneration: thus, as a rule, those of the statesman, those of the military in times of war, and those of the priest in the age of superstition.343

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