Circulation In General.

Previous

Section XCV.

Meaning Of The Circulation Of Goods.

The more highly developed the division of labor is, the more frequent and necessary do exchanges become. While the hermit engaged in production thinks only of his own wants, and the mere housekeeper of the wants of his household, the man who is part of a nation and who plays a part in its general economy, must bear in mind the MARKET in which goods of one kind are exchanged against goods of other kinds. The greater, more various and more changeable the conditions of this market are, the greater are the intellectual faculties demanded to engage in it successfully, and to the advantage of everybody concerned in it.569 Goods intended to be exchanged [pg 290] are called commodities. By the circulation of commodities is meant their going over from one owner to another.570 Among the principal causes of circulation, we may mention the difference in the nature and civilization of countries and peoples, the distinction between city and country, the division of people into classes etc.571 The rapidity of circulation depends, on the one hand, on the quantity of commodities, and on the other, on the degree to which the division of labor has been carried. In both respects it is, therefore, an important indication of the wealth of the nation, and of the world.

Different commodities have very different degrees of capacity for circulation (CirculationsfÄhigkeit), that is, of certainty of finding purchasers, and of facility of seeking purchasers. The smaller, compared with its value, the volume and weight of a commodity are; the longer and more conveniently it can be stored away; the more invariable and well-known are its value in use and value in exchange: the more readily does it go from one place to another, the more easily is it transmitted from one period of time to another and from the possession of one person into the possession of another. Thus, for instance, the precious metals circulate more rapidly than industrial products; [pg 291] these in turn more than raw material,572 and immovable property circulates least rapidly of all. An improvement in the means of transportation naturally increases the capacity of circulation of the entire wealth of a people, and especially of those commodities which were not before transferable as well as of those of which the cost of transportation constituted a peculiarly large component part of the price.573 The greater the capacity for circulation of any kind of goods, the greater is the power of control of its owner in the world of trade. If we compare two men, each of whom possesses a million of dollars, but one of whom has that million in money and the other in land, we shall find that the former is able, for present purposes, such as loaning to the state in case of need, aiding a conspiracy etc., to command resources much more readily and effectively than the latter. Under the ordinary circumstances of a nation's economy, we find that the owner of money is very seldom in want of bread, fuel or clothing, whereas very many owners of other property may be in want of money.574 True, resources which may, so to speak, take the offensive most energetically, offer less resistance to unforeseen misfortune. The possessor of such resources is in a condition to lose his all on the turn of a single die. As civilization advances, the circulating capacity of a nation's wealth increases.575

[pg 292]

Section XCVI.

Rapidity Of Circulation.

With an advance in a people's public economy, we find an increased rapidity of circulation connected, both as cause and effect. Every improvement, every thing which shortens the process of production, must facilitate and accelerate the circulation of commodities. And so, the perfecting of the means of transport of commodities, of the media of exchange and of credit, an increase in the number of middlemen who make it their business to purchase in order to sell again. On the other hand, the more rapid the circulation of wealth, the more can it promote production. The more rapidly, for instance, the manufacturer of cloth exchanges his wares for money, the more rapidly may he employ the money in the purchase of new tools and the hiring of new labor; and the sooner may he appear in the market with new cloth. It is here precisely as it is in agriculture, which is more productive where the seed returns several times in a year (several crops576) to the hand of [pg 293] the peasant than it is where this happens only once. The nearer the members of the commercial organism are to one another, the more rapid is circulation wont to be. Hence, it is more rapid in industry than in agriculture; in retail trade than in wholesale; in large cities than in the country; among a dense population than among a sparse population.

The regularity of circulation increases with economic culture. Its concentration at large terminal points, its interruption by bad seasons of the year, belong to the lower stages of the political economy of a people; although bad harvests, floods, wars, revolutions etc. may, at any time, lead to a sluggishness or to an arrest of circulation.

Section XCVII.

Freedom Of Competition.

But it is especially the freedom of circulation that increases with an advance in civilization, and this advance, like the two preceding, first affects the home or inland circulation. Freedom of competition, the freedom of commerce and industry, technical expressions used to designate freedom in general in the domain of a nation's economy, is the natural conclusion drawn from the principles of individual independence and of private property. Hence its development is as slow as the development of these, and attains its full growth only in highly cultivated nations, their colonies and dependencies. In very low stages of economic development, the circulation of goods is hampered by the absence of legal security; later, by privileges accorded to a great number of families, corporate bodies, municipalities, classes, etc., and later yet by the mighty guardianship which the state exercises by its power of legislation and even of education.577 Each one of these epochs constitutes [pg 294] the end of the preceding one, and is milder than it was. Finally comes the period of complete freedom, when every man is permitted to manage his own affairs even with injury to himself, provided the injury is confined to himself.

The later times of the Roman Empire are the best illustration of how, with the decline of the conditions which must precede freedom of competition, that freedom itself decays.578

Freedom of competition unchains all economic forces, good and bad. Hence, when the former preponderate, it hastens the time of a people's grandeur, as it does their decline where the latter gain the upper hand.579 We may say of economic freedom what may be said of all other freedom, that the removal of external constraint can be justified and produces the greater good of the greater number only where a stern empire over self takes its place. Without this it would not prevent or avoid idleness, usury or over-population. Freedom must not be simply negative. It must be positive. If on account of the immaturity or over-maturity of a people, there be no sturdy middle class among them, unlimited competition may become what Bazard calls a general sauve-qui-peut (let the devil take the hindmost); what Fourier designates as a morcellement industriel, and a fraude commerciale; what M. Chevalier denominated “a battle-field on which the little are devoured by the [pg 295] big;” and in such case, as Bodz-Reymond says, the word competition, meaning simply that each one is permitted to run in whatever direction he may see a door open to him, is but another and a new expression for vagabondizing. But here the evil does not lie in too great competition, but in this, that on one side there is too little competition.580 The opposing principle of competition is always monopoly, that is, as John Stuart Mill says, the taxation of industry in the interest of indolence and even rapacity; and protection against competition is synonymous with a dispensation from the necessity to be as industrious and clever as other people.

A protection of this nature, sufficiently effective to attain its end, would not fail to arrest the efforts of those who had accomplished something, and even to turn them backward. That freedom of competition is a species of declaration of war,581 among men considered as producers, is certain; but, at the same time, it makes all men considered as consumers members of one society, in which all the members are equally interested, a fact too much overlooked by socialists.582 It is the means especially by which the greatest and ever increasing portion of the forces of nature are raised to the character of the free and common property of the human race.583 “Man is not the favorite of nature in the sense that nature has done everything for him, but in the sense that it has endowed him with the ability to do everything for himself. The right of freedom of competition may, therefore, be considered both [pg 296] the protection and the image of this provision of nature.” (ZachariÄ.)584

The person, therefore, who claims or asserts an exception from the rule of free competition, has to prove his position in every individual case, since the burthen of proof is on him. But the duty of interference on the part of the state is positively pointed out where any interest common to the whole people is not in a condition to assert itself; and negatively, when the custom which hitherto had prevented an undoubted abuse has grown too weak to continue to perform that service. In both regards I would call attention to the protection of factory children against the concurrent selfishness of their parents and masters.585586 Supra, § 39.

[pg 297]

Section XCVIII.

How Goods Are Paid For.—The Rent For Goods.

Payment for goods (§ 1 ff.) of any kind can be made only in other goods.587588 Hence, the greater, more varied, and the better [pg 298] adapted to satisfy wants, production is, the more readily does any product find a remunerative market; more readily in England, for instance, in spite, or rather, because of, the great competition there, than in Greenland or Madagascar. From this it follows that, as a rule, a person is in a better condition to purchase more goods in proportion as he has produced more himself. According to official accounts, the average value of a harvest of wheat and potatoes in Prussia was formerly 332,500,000 thalers. In the year 1850, however, it was only 262,000,000 thalers. As a matter of course, the country people in that year could not purchase from the cities as much as in ordinary years, by a difference of 70,000,000 thalers. This illustrates how every class of people, who live by finding a free market for their products, are interested in the prosperity of all other classes. As Bastiat says: “All legitimate interests are harmonious.” The more flourishing a city, the better off are the towns around it, which furnish it with provisions; and the richer these towns, the more flourishing is the industry of the city which ministers to their wants.589 It is important that this fact should be borne steadily in mind, especially in times of advanced civilization, when the feeling that we all have interests in common, is too apt to grow dormant. Nothing can better serve to awaken it again when it has become so. A nation, says Louis Blanc, in which one portion of the people is oppressed by another, is like a man [pg 299] wounded in the leg. The healthy limb is prevented by the sick one from performing its functions.590

Section XCIX.

Freedom Of Competition And International Trade.

Does the same rule apply to the commercial intercourse of nations? Where the feeling that all mankind constitute one vast family is stronger than that of their political and religious diversity; where the sense of right and the love of peace have extinguished every dangerous spark of ambition for empire and all warlike jealousy; where, especially, their economic interests are rightly understood on both sides, a real conflict between the interests of two nations must always be a phenomenon of rare occurrence, and an exception to the general rule, which should not be admitted until it has been clearly demonstrated to exist.591 Highly cultivated nations generally [pg 300] look upon the first steps in the civilization of a foreign people with a more favorable eye than they do on the subsequent progress which brings such nations nearer to themselves.592 Yet the realization of the above mentioned conditions on all sides is something so improbable, unpatriotic “philanthropy” something so suspicious,593 the greater number of mankind [pg 301] so incapable of development except under the limitations of nationality, that I should observe the total disappearance of national jealousies only with solicitude. Nothing so much contributed to the Macedonian and Roman conquests as the cosmopolitanism of the later Greek philosophers.594

As all commerce is based on the mutual dependence of the contracting parties, we need not be surprised to find international commerce so dependent. But this dependence need not, by any means, be equally great on both sides. Rather is the individual or the nation which stands in most urgent need of foreign goods or products the most dependent. Hence, it seems that, in the commercial intercourse between an agricultural and an industrial people, in which the former furnish food and the raw material of manufactures, and the latter manufactured articles, the latter are the more dependent. In case of war, for instance, it is much easier to dispense for a long time with manufactured articles than with most articles of food.595 However, this condition of things is very much modified, for the better, by all those circumstances on which the dominant active commerce of a nation depends. It is, for instance, much easier for the English, on account of their greater familiarity with, and knowledge of the laws and nature of commerce, on account of their business connections, their capital, credit and means of transportation, but more particularly on account of the greater capacity of circulation of their national resources, to find a new market in the stead of one that has been closed to them, than it is for the Russians with their much more immoveable system of public economy.596 It [pg 302] is true, however, that an effective blockade, which excluded both of these nations from all the markets of the world, would be much more injurious to England than to Russia.

[pg 303]

Top of Page
Top of Page