Let us stop a moment to contemplate this great city and its new rulers.—From afar, Paris seems a club of 700,000 fanatics, vociferating and deliberating on the public squares; near by, it is nothing of the sort. The slime, on rising from the bottom, has become the surface, and given its color to the stream; but the human stream flows in its ordinary channel, and, under this turbid exterior, remains about the same as it was before. It is a city of people like ourselves, governed, busy, and fond of amusement. To the great majority, even in revolutionary times, private life, too complex and absorbing, leaves but an insignificant corner for public affairs. Through routine and through necessity, manufacturing, display of wares, selling, purchasing, keeping accounts, trades, and professions, continue as usual. The clerk goes to his office, the workman to his shop, the artisan to his loft, the merchant to his warehouse, the professional to his cabinet, and the official to his duty;26117 they are devoted, first of all, to their pursuits, to their daily bread, to the discharge of their obligations, to their own advancement, to their families, and to their pleasures; to provide for these things the day is not too long. Politics only briefly distract them, and then rather out of curiosity, like a play one applauds or hisses in his seat without stepping upon the stage.—"The declaration that the country is in danger," says many eye witnesses,26118 "has made no change in the physiognomy of Paris. There are the same amusements, the same gossip.... The theaters are full as usual. The wine-shops and places of diversion overflow with the people, National Guards, and soldiers.... The fashionable world enjoys its pleasure-parties,"—"The day after the decree, the effect of the ceremony, so skillfully managed, is very slight. "The National Guard in the procession, writes a patriotic journalist,26119 "first shows indifference and even boredom"; it is exasperated with night watches and patrol duty; they probably tell each others that in parading for the nation, one finds no time to work for one's self.—A few days after this the manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick "produces no sensation whatever. People laugh at it. Only the newspapers and their readers are familiar with it... . The mass know nothing about it. Nobody fears the coalition nor foreign troops."26120—On the 10th of August, outside the theater of the combat, all is quiet in Paris. People walk about and chat in the streets as usual."26121—On the 19th of August, Moore, the Englishman,26122 sees, with astonishment, the heedless crowd filling the Champs ElysÉes, the various diversions, the air of a fÊte, the countless small shops in which refreshments are sold accompanied with songs and music, and the quantities of pantomimes and marionettes. "Are these people as happy as they seem to be?" he asks of a Frenchman along with him.—"They are as jolly as gods!"—"Do you think the Duke of Brunswick is ever in their heads?"—"Monsieur, you may be sure of this, that the Duke of Brunswick is the last man they think of."

Such is the unconcern or light-heartedness of the gross, egoistic mass, otherwise busy, and always passive under any government whatever it may be, a veritable flock of sheep, allowing government to do as it pleases, provided it does not hinder it from browsing and capering as it chooses.—As to the men of sensibility who love their country, they are still less troublesome, for they are gone or going (to the army), often at the rate of a thousand and even two thousand a day, ten thousand in the last week of July,26123 fifteen thousand in the first two weeks of September,26124 in all perhaps 40,000 volunteers furnished by the capital alone and who, with their fellows proportionate in number supplied by the departments, are to be the salvation of France.—Through this departure of the worthy, and this passivity of the flock, Paris belongs to the fanatics among the population. "These are the sans-culottes," wrote the patriotic Palloy, "the scum and riffraff of Paris, and I glory in belonging to that class which has put down the so-called honest folks."26125—"Three thousand workmen," says the Girondist Soulavie, later, "made the Revolution of the 10th of August, against the kingdom of the Feuillants, the majority of the capital and against the Legislative Assembly."26126 Workmen, day laborers, and petty shop-keepers, not counting women, common vagabonds and regular bandits, form, indeed, one-twentieth of the adult male population of the city, about 9,000 spread over all sections of Paris, the only ones to vote and act in the midst of universal stupor and indifference.—We find in the Rue de Seine, for example, seven of them, Lacaille, keeper of a roasting-shop; Philippe, "a cattle-breeder, who leads around she-asses for consumptives," now president of the section, and soon to become one of the Abbaye butchers; GuÉrard, "a Rouen river-man who has abandoned the navigation of the Seine on a large scale and keeps a skiff, in which he ferries people over the river from the Pont du Louvre to the Quai Mazarin," and four characters of the same stamp. Their energy, however, replaces their lack of education and numerical inferiority. One day, GuÉrard, on passing M. Hua, the deputy, tells him in the way of a warning, "You big rascal, you were lucky to have other people with you. If you had been alone, I would have capsized my boat, and had the pleasure of drowning a blasted aristocrat!" These are the "matadors of the quarter".26127—Their ignorance does not trouble them; on the contrary, they take pride in coarseness and vulgarity. One of the ordinary speechmakers of the Faubourg Saint-Antoine, Gouchon, a designer for calicos, comes to the bar of the Assembly, "in the name of the men of July 14 and Augusts 10," to glorify the political reign of brutal incapacity; according to him, it is more enlightened than that of the cultivated:26128 "those great geniuses graced with the fine title of Constitutionalists are forced to do justice to men who never studied the art of governing elsewhere than in the book of experience.... Consulting customs and not principles, these clever people have for a long period been busy with the political balance of things; we have found it without looking for it in the heart of man: Form a government which will place the poor above their feeble resources and the rich below their means, and the balance will be perfect." 26129

This is more than clear, their declared purpose is a complete leveling, not alone of political rights, but, again, and especially, of conditions and fortunes; they promise themselves "absolute equality, real equality," and, still better, "the magistracy and all government powers."26130 France belongs to them, if they are bold enough to seize hold of it.—And, on the other hand, should they miss their prey, they feel themselves lost, for the Brunswick manifesto,26131 which had made no impression on the public, remains deeply impressed in their minds. They apply its threats to themselves, while their imagination, as usual, translates it into a specific legend:26132 all the inhabitants of Paris are to be led out on the plain of Saint-Denis, and there decimated; previous to this, the most notorious patriots will be singled out together with forty or fifty market-women and broken on the wheel. Already, on the 11th of August, a rumor is current that 800 men of the late royal guards are ready to make a descent on Paris;26133 that very day the dwelling of Beaumarchais is ransacked for seven hours;26134 the walls are pierced, the privies sounded, and the garden dug down to the rock. The same search is repeated in the adjoining house. The women are especially "enraged at not finding anything," and wish to renew the attempt, swearing that they will discover where things are hidden in ten minutes. The nightmare is evidently too much for these unballasted minds. They break down under the weight of their accidental kingship, their inflamed pride, extravagant desires, and intense and silent fears which form in them that morbid and evil concoction which, in democracy as well as in a monarchy, fashions a Nero.26135

Their leaders, who are even more upset, conceited, and despotic, have no scruples holding them back, for the most noteworthy are corrupt, acting alone or as leaders. Of the three chiefs of the old municipality, PÉtion, the mayor, actually in semi-retirement, but verbally respected, is set aside and considered as an old decoration. The other two remain active and in office, Manuel,26136 the syndic-attorney, son of a porter, a loud-talking, untalented bohemian, stole the private correspondence of Mirabeau from a public depository, falsified it, and sold it for his own benefit. Danton,26137 Manuel's deputy, faithless in two ways, receives the King's money to prevent the riot, and makes use of it to urge it on.—Varlet, "that extraordinary speech-maker, led such a foul and prodigal life as to bring his mother in sorrow to the grave; afterwards he spent what was left, and soon had nothing."26138—Others not only lacked honor but even common honesty. Carra, with a seat in the secret Directory of the Federates, and who drew up the plan of the insurrection, had been condemned by the MÂcon tribunals to two years' imprisonment for theft and burglary.26139 Westermann, who led the attacking column, had stolen a silver dish, with a coat of arms on it, from Jean Creux, keeper of a restaurant, rue des Poules, and was twice sent away from Paris for swindling.26140 Panis, chief of the Committee of Supervision,26141 was turned out of the Treasury Department, where his uncle was a sub cashier, in 1774, for robbery. His colleague, Sergent, appropriates to himself "three gold watches, an agate ring, and other jewels," left with him on deposit.26142 "Breaking seals, false charges, breaches of trust," embezzlements, are familiar transactions. In their hands piles of silver plate and 1,100,000 francs in gold are to disappear.26143 Among the members of the new Commune, Huguenin, the president, a clerk at the barriers, is a brazen embezzler.26144 Rossignol, a journeyman jeweller, implicated in an assassination, is at this moment subject to judicial prosecution.26145 HÉbert, a journalistic garbage bag, formerly check-taker in a theatre, is turned away from the VariÉtÉs for larceny.26146 Among men of action, Fournier, the American, Lazowski, and Maillard are not only murderers, but likewise robbers,26147 while, by their side, arises the future general of the Paris National Guard, Henriot, at first a domestic in the family of an attorney who turned him out for theft, then a tax-clerk, again turned adrift for theft, and, finally, a police spy, and still incarcerated in the BicÊtre prison for another theft, and, at last, a battalion officer, and one of the September executioners.26148—Simultaneously with the bandits and rascals, monstrous maniacs come out of their holes. De Sades,26149 who lived the life of "Justine" before he wrote it, and whom the Revolution delivered from the Bastille, is secretary of the section of the Place VendÔme. Marat, the homicidal monomaniac, constitutes himself, after the 23rd of August, official journalist at the HÔtel-de-ville, political advisor and consciousness of the new Commune, and the obsessive plan, which he preaches for three years, is merely an instant and direct wholesale butchery.

"Give me," said he to Barbaroux,26150 "two hundred Neapolitans armed with daggers, and with only a hand-kerchief on their left arms for a buckler, and I will overrun France and build the Revolution."

According to him it is necessary to do away with 260,000 men "on humane grounds," for, unless this is done, there is no safety for the rest.

"The National Assembly may still save France; let it decree that all aristocrats shall wear a blue ribbon, and the moment that three of them are seen in company, let them be hung."

Another way would be

"to lay in wait in dark streets and at corners for the royalists and Feuillants, and cut their throats. Should ten patriots happen to be killed among a hundred men, what does it matter? It is only ninety for ten, which prevents mistakes. Fall upon those who own carriages, employ valets, wear silk coats, or go to the theatres. You may be sure that they are aristocrats."

The Jacobin proletariat has obviously found the leadership that suits them. They will get on with each other without difficulty. In order that this spontaneous massacre may become an administrative measure, the Neros of the gutter have but to await the word of command from the Neros of the HÔtel-de-ville.

2601 (return)
[ An expression of Lafayette's in his address to the Assembly.]

2602 (return)
[Lafayette, "MÉmoires," I. 452.—Malouet (II. 213) states that there were seventy.]

2603 (return)
[Cf., for example, "Archives Nationales," A.F. II.116. Petition of 228 notables of Montargis.]

2604 (return)
[ Petition of the 20,000, so-called, presented by Messrs. Guillaume and Dupont de Nemours.—Cf.. Mortimer-Ternaux, I. 278.—According to Buchez et Roux, the petition containing only 7,411 names.]

2605 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, I.277.]

2606 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 89. The act (July 7) is drawn up with admirable precision and force. On comparing it with the vague, turgid exaggerations of their adversaries, it seems to measure the intellectual distance between the two parties.]

2607 (return)
[ 339 against 224—Roederer ("Chronique des cinquante jours," p.79). "A strong current of opinion by a majority of the inhabitants of Paris sets in favor of the King."—C. Desmoulins; "That class of petty traders and shopkeepers, who are more afraid of the revolutionaries than of so many Uhlans... "]

2608 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, I. 236. Letter of Roederer to the president of the National Assembly, June 25. "Mr. President, I have the honor to inform the Assembly that an armed mob is marching towards the ChÂteau."]

2609 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, I. 245, 246.—II. 81, 131, 148, 170.]

2610 (return)
[ The murder of M. Duhamel, sub-lieutenant of the national guard.]

2611 (return)
[ Letter of Vergniaud and Guadet to the painter Boze (in the "MÉmoires de Dumouriez").—Roederer, "Chronique des cinquante jours," 295.—Bertrand de Molleville, "MÉmoires," III. 29.]

2612 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 155 (session of July 16).—Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 69. "Favored by you," says Manuel, "all citizens are entitled to visit the first functionary of the nation... The prince's dwelling should be open, like a church. Fear of the people is an insult to the people. If Louis XVI. possessed the soul of a Marcus Aurelius, he would have descended into his gardens and tried to console a hundred thousand beings, on account of the slowness of the Revolution... Never had there been fewer thieves in the Tuileries than on that day; for the courtiers had fled...The red cap was an honor to Louis XVI's head, and ought to be his crown." At this solemn moment the fraternization of the king with the people took place, and "the next day the same king betrayed, calumniated, and disgraced the people!" Manuel's rigmarole surpasses all that can be imagined. "After this there arises in the panelings of the Louvre, at the confluence of the civil list, another channel, which leads through the shades below to PÉtion's dungeon... The department, in dealing a blow at the municipality, explains how, at the banquet of the Law, it represents the Law in the form of a crocodile, etc."]

2613 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 93 (session of July 9);—27 (session of July 2).]

2614 (return)
[ Moniteur, XII. 751 (session of June 24); XIII.33 (session of July 3).]

2615 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 224 (session of July 23). Two unsworn priests had just been massacred at Bordeaux and their heads carried through the streets on pikes. Ducos adds: "Since the executive power has put its veto on laws repressing fanaticism, popular executions begin to be repeated. If the courts do not render justice, etc."—Ibid., XIII. 301 (session of July 31).]

2616 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 72 (session of July 7). The king's speech to the Assembly after the Lamourette kiss. "I confess to you, M. President, that I was very anxious for the deputation to arrive, that I might hasten to the Assembly."]

2617 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 313 (session of Aug. 3). The declaration read in the king's name must be weighed sentence by sentence; it sums up his conduct with perfect exactness and thus ends: "What are personal dangers to a king, from whom they would take the love of his people? This is what affects me most. The day will come, perhaps, when the people will know how much I prize its welfare, how much this has always been my concern and my first need. What sorrows would disappear at the slightest sign of its return!"]

2618 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 33, 56 bis 85, 97 (sessions of July 3, 5, 6 and 9).]

2619 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 26, 170, 273 (sessions of July 12, 17, 28).—Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 122 (session of July 23): Addresses of the municipal council of Marseilles, of the federates, of the Angers petitioners, of the Charente volunteers, etc. "A hereditary monarchy is opposed to the Rights of Man. Pass the act of dethronement and France is saved... Be brave, let the sword of the law fall on a perjured functionary and conspirator! Lafayette is the most contemptible, the guiltiest,... the most infamous of the assassins of the people," etc.]

2620 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 126.—Bertrand de Molleville, III. 294.]

2621 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 325 (session of Aug. 3).]

2622 (return)
[ Moniteur, XII. 738; XII. 340.]

2623 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 170, 171, 187, 208, 335 (sessions of July 17, 18, and 23, and Aug. 5).]

2624 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 187 (session of July 18). "The galleries applaud. The Assembly murmurs."—208 (July 21). "Murmuring, shouts, and cries of Down with the speaker! from the galleries. The president calls the house to order five times, but always fruitlessly."—224 (July 23). "The galleries applaud; long continued murmurs are heard in the Assembly."]

2625 (return)
[ Buzot, "MÉmoires" (Ed. Dauban, 83 and 84). "The majority of the French people yearned for royalty and the constitution of 1790... It was at Paris particularly that this desire governed the general plan, the discussion of it being the least feared in special conversations and in private society. There were only a few noble-minded, superior men that were worthy of being republicans... The rest desired the constitution of 1791, and spoke of the republicans only as one speaks of very honest maniacs."]

2626 (return)
[ Duvergier, "Collection des lois et dÉcrets," May 29, 1792; July 15, 16, and 18; July 6-20.]

2627 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 25 (session of July 1). Petition of 150 active citizens of the Bonne-Nouvelle section.]

2628 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 194. Buchez et Roux, XVI. 253. The decree of dismissal was not passed until the 12th of August, but after the 31St of July the municipality demanded it and during the following days several Jacobin grenadiers go to the National Assembly, trample on their bearskin hats and put on the red cap of liberty.]

2629 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 192 (municipal action of Aug. 5).]

2630 (return)
[ Decree of July 2.]

2631 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 129.—Buchez et Roux, XV. 458. According to the report of the Minister of War, read the 30th of July, at the evening session, 5,314 department federates left Paris between July 14 and 30. PÉtion wrote that the levy of federates then in Paris amounted to 2,960, "of which 2,032 were getting ready to go to the camp at Soissons."—A comparison of these figures leads to the approximate number that I have adopted]

2632 (return)
[ Buchez et Roux, XVI. 120, 133 (session of the Jacobins, Aug. 6). The federates "resolved to watch the ChÂteau, each taking a place in the battalions respectively of the sections in which they lodge, and many incorporated themselves with the battalions of the faubourg St Antoine."]

2633 (return)
[ Mercure de France, April 14, 1793.—" The Revolution," I. p. 332.]

2634 (return)
[ Barbaroux, "MÉmoires," 37-40.—Lauront-Lautard, "Marseilles depuis 1789 jusqu'À 1815," I. 134. "The mayor, Mourdeille," who had recruited them, "was perhaps very glad to get rid of them."—On the composition of this group and on the previous rÔle of Rebecqui, see chapter VI.]

2635 (return)
[ Buchez et Roux, XVI. 197 and following pages.—Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 148 (the grenadiers numbered only 166).—Moniteur, XIII. 310 (session of Aug. 1). Address of the grenadiers: "They swore on their honor that they did not draw their swords until after being threatened for a quarter of an hour, then insulted and humiliated, until forced to defend their lives against a troop of brigands armed with pistols, and some of them with carbines."—" The reading of this memorandum is often interrupted by hooting from the galleries, in spite of the president's orders."—Hooting again, when they file out of the chamber.]

2636 (return)
[ The lack of men of action greatly embarrassed the Jacobin party. ("Correspondance de Mirabeau et du Comte de la Marck," II. 326.) Letter of M. de Montmorin, July 13, 1792. On the disposition of the people of Paris, wearied and worn out "to excess." "They will take no side, either for or against the king... They no longer stir for any purpose; riots are wholly factitious. This is so right that they are obliged to bring men from the South to get them up. Nearly all of those who forced the gates of the Tuileries, or rather, who got inside of them on the 20th of June, were outsiders or onlookers, got together at the sight of such a lot of pikes and red caps, etc. The cowards ran at the slightest indication of presenting arms, which was done by a portion of the national guard on the arrival of a deputation from the National Assembly, their leaders being obliged to encourage them by telling them that they were not to be fired at."]

2637 (return)
[ Buchez et Roux, XVI. 447. "Chronique des cinquante jours," by Roederer.]

2638 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 378.-127 Jacobins of Arras, led by Geoffroy and young Robespierre, declare to the Directory that they mean to come to its meetings and follow its deliberations. "It is time that the master should keep his eye on his agents." The Directory, therefore, resigns (July 4, 1792).—Ibid., 462 (report of Leroux, municipal officer). The Paris municipal council, on the night of August 9-10 deliberates under threats of death and the furious shouts of the galleries.]

2639 (return)
[ Duvergier's "Collection of Laws and Decrees," July 4, 5-8, 11-12, 25-28.—Buchez et Roux, XVI. 250. The section of the Theatre FranÇais (of which Danton is president and Chaumette and Momoro secretaries) thus interpret the declaration of the country being in danger. "After a declaration of the country being in danger by the representatives of the people, it is natural that the people itself should take back its sovereign supervision."]

2640 (return)
[ Schmidt, "Tableaux de la RÉvolution," I. 99-100. Report to Roland, Oct. 29, 1792.]

2641 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 199.—Buchez et Roux, XVI. 320.—Moniteur, XIII. 336 (session of Aug. 5). Speech by Collot d'Herbois.]

2642 (return)
[ Moniteur, XI. 20, session of Feb. 4. At this meeting Gorguereau, reporter of the committee on legislation, had already stated that "The authors of these multiplied addresses seem to command rather than demand... It is ever the same sections or the same individuals who deceive you in bringing to you their own false testimony for that of the capital."—"Down with the reporter! From the galleries."—Ibid., XIII. 93, session of July 11. M. Gastelier: "Addresses in the name of the people are constantly read to you, which are not even the voice of one section. We have seen the same individual coming three times a week to demand something in the name of sovereignty." (Shouts of down! down! in the galleries.) Ibid., 208, session of July 21. M. Dumolard: "You must distinguish between the people of Paris and these subaltern intriguers... these habitual oracles of the cafÉs and public squares, whose equivocal existence has for a long time occupied the attention and claimed the supervision of the police." (Down with the speaker! murmurs and hooting in the galleries).-Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 398. Protests of the arsenal section, read by Lavoisier (the chemist): "The caprice of a knot of citizens (thus) becomes the desire of an immense population."]

2643 (return)
[ Buchez et Roux, XVI. 251.—Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 239 and 243. The central bureau is first opened in "the building of the Saint-Esprit, in the second story, near the passage communicating with the common dwelling." Afterwards the commissioners of the section occupy another room in the HÔtel-de-ville, nearly joining the throne-room, where the municipal council is holding its sessions. During the night of August 9-10 both councils sit four hours simultaneously within a few steps of each other.]

2644 (return)
[ Robespierre, "Seventh letter to his constituents," says: "The sections... have been busy for more than a fortnight getting ready for the last Revolution."]

2645 (return)
[ Robespierre, "Seventh letter to his constituents"—Malouet, II. 233, 234.—Roederer, "Chronique des cinquante jours."]

2646 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 318, 319. The petition is drawn up apparently by people who are beside themselves. "If we did not rely on you, I would not answer for the excesses to which our despair would carry us! We would bring on ourselves all the horrors of civil war, provided we could, on dying, drag along with us some of our cowardly assassins!"——The representatives, it must be noted, talk in the same vein. La Source exclaims: "The members here, like yourselves, call for vengeance!"—Thuriot: "The crime is atrocious!"]

2647 (return)
[ Taine is describing a basic trait of human nature, something we see again and again whether our ancestors attacked small, harmless neighboring nations, witches, renegades, Jews, or religious people of another faith.(SR).]

2648 (return)
[ Buchez et Roux, XIX 93, session of Sept. 23, 1792. Speech by Panis: "Many worthy citizens would like to have judicial proof; but political proofs satisfy us"—Towards the end of July the Minister of the Interior had invited PÉtion to send two municipal officers to examine the Tuileries; but this the council refused to do, so as to keep up the excitement.]

2649 (return)
[ Mallet du Pan, "MÉmoires," 303. Letter of Malouet, June 29.—Bertrand de Molleville, "MÉmoires," II. 301.—Hua, 148.—Weber, II. 208.—Madame Campan, "MÉmoires," II. 188. Already, at the end of 1791, the king was told that he was liable to be poisoned by the pastry-cook of the palace, a Jacobin. For three or four months the bread and pastry he ate were secretly purchased in other places. On the 14th of July, 1792, his attendants, on account of the threats against his life, put a breastplate on him under his coat.]

2650 (return)
[ member of the 1789 Constituent Assembly. (SR).]

2651 (return)
[ Moniteur, VIII. 271, 278. A deputy, excusing his assailants, pretends that d'ÉsprÉmesnil urged the people to enter the Tuileries garden. It is scarcely necessary to state that during the Constituent Assembly d'EsprÉmÉnil was one of the most conspicuous members of the extreme "Right."—Duc de GaËte, "MÉmoires," I. 18.]

2652 (return)
[ Lafayette, "MÉmoires," I. 465.]

2653 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 327,—Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 176.]

2654 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 340.—The style of these petitions is highly instructive. We see in them the state of mind and degree of education of the petitioners: sometimes a half-educated writer attempting to reason in the vein of the Contrat Social; sometimes, a schoolboy spouting the tirades of Raynal; and sometimes, the corner letter-writer putting together the expressions forming his stock in trade.]

2655 (return)
[ Carra, "PrÉcis historique sur l'origine et les vÉritables auteurs de l'insurrection du 10 AoÛt."—Barbaroux, "MÉmoires, 49. The executive directory, appointed by the central committee of the confederates, held its first meeting in a wine-shop, the Soleil d'or, on the square of the Bastille; the second at the Cadran bleu, on the boulevard; the third in Antoine's room, who then lodged in the same house with Robespierre. Camille Desmoulins was present at this latter meeting. Santerre, Westermann, Fournier the American, and Lazowski were the principal members of this Directory. Another insurrectionary plan was drawn up on the 30th of July in a wine-shop at Charenton by Barbaroux, Rebecqui, Pierre Bayle, Heron, and Fournier the American.—Cf. J. Claretie, "Camille Desmoulins," p. 192. Desmoulins wrote, a little before the 10th of August: "If the National Assembly thinks that it cannot save the country, let it declare then, that, according to the Constitution, and like the Romans, it hands this over to each citizen. Let the tocsin be rung forthwith, the whole nation assembled, and every man, as at Rome, be invested with the power of putting to death all well-known conspirators!"]

2656 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 182. Decision of the Quinze-Vingt Section, Aug. 4.—Buchez et Roux, XVI. 402-410. History of Quinze-Vingt Section.]

2657 (return)
[ Moniteur. XIII. 367, session of Aug. 8.—Ibid., 369 and following pages. Session of Aug. 9. Letters and speeches of maltreated deputies.]

2658 (return)
[ Moniteur, 371. Speech of M. Girardin: "I am convinced that most of those who insulted me were foreigners."—Ibid., 370. Letter of M. FrouviÈres: "Many of the citizens, coming out of their shops, exclaimed: How can they insult the deputies in this way? Run away! run off!"—M. Jolivet, that evening attending a meeting of the Jacobin Club, states "that the Jacobin tribunes were far from sharing in this frenzy." He heard "one individual in these tribunes exclaim, on the proposal to put the dwellings of the deputies on the list, that it was outrageous."—Countless other details show the small number and character of the factions.—Ibid., 374. Speech of Aubert-Dubacet: "I saw men dressed in the coats of the national guard, with countenances betraying everything that is most vile in wickedness." There are "a great many evil-disposed persons among the federates."]

2659 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 170 (letter of M. de Joly, Minister of Justice).—Ibid., 371, declaration of M. Jolivet.—Buchez et Roux, XVI. 370 (session of the Jacobin Club, Aug. 8, at evening). Speech by Goupilleau.]

2660 (return)
[ One may imagine with what satisfaction Lenin, must have read this description agreeing: "Yes, open voting by a named and identified count, that is how a leader best can control any assembly." (SR).]

2661 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 370.—Cf. Ibid., the letter of M. Chapron.—Ibid., 372. Speech by M. A. Vaublanc.—Moore, "Journal during a Residence in France," I. 25 (Aug. 10). The impudence of the people in the galleries was intolerable. There was "a loud and universal peal of laughter from all the galleries" on the reading of a letter, in which a deputy wrote that he was threatened with decapitation.—" Fifty members were shouting at the same time; the most boisterous night I ever was witness to in the House of Commons was calmness itself alongside of this."]

2662 (return)
[ Moniteur, Ibid., p. 371.—Lafayette, I. 467. "On the 9th of August, as can be seen in the unmutilated editions of the Logographe, the Assembly, almost to a man, arose and declared that it was not free." Ibid., 478. "On the 9th of August the Assembly had passed a decree declaring that it was not free. This decree was torn up on the 10th. But it is no that it was passed."]

2663 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 370, 374, 375. Speech by Roederer, letter of M. de Joly, and speech by PÉtion.]

2664 (return)
[ Mathieu Dumas, "MÉmoires," II. 461.]

2665 (return)
[ "Chronique des cinquante jours," by Roederer.—Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 260.—Buchez et Roux, XVI. 458.—Towards half-past seven in the morning there were only from sixty to eighty members present. (Testimony of two of the Ministers who leave the Assembly.)]

2666 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 205. At the ballot of July 12, not counting members on leave of absence or delegated elsewhere, and the dead not replaced, there were already twenty-seven not answering the call, while after that date three others resigned.—Buchez et Roux, XVII. 340 (session of Sept. 2, 1792). HÉrault de SÉchelles is elected president by 248 out of 257 voters.—Hua, 164 (after Aug. 10). "We attended the meetings of the House simply to show that we had not given them up. We took no part in the discussions, and on the vote being taken, standing or sitting, we remained in our seats. This was the only protest we could make."]

2667 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 229, 233, 417 and following pages. M. Mortimer-Ternaux is the first to expose, with documents to support him and critical discussion, the formation of the revolutionary commune.—The six sections referred to are the Lombards, Gravilliers, Mauconseil, Gobelins, ThÉatre-FranÇais, and Faubourg PoissonniÈre.]

2668 (return)
[ For instance, the Enfants Rouges, Louvre, Observatoire, Fontaine-Grenelle, Faubourg Saint-Denis, and Thermes de Julien..]

2669 (return)
[ For example, at the sections of Montreuil, Popincourt, and Roi de Sicile..]

2670 (return)
[ For example, Ponceau, Invalides, Sainte-GeneviÈve.]

2671 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 240.]

2672 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, 446 (list of the commissioners who took their seats before 9 o'clock in the morning). "Le Tableau gÉnÉral des Commisaires des 48 sections qui ont composÉ le conseil gÉnÉral de la Commune de Paris, le 10 AoÛt, 1792," it must be noted, was not published until three or four months later, with all the essential falsifications. It may be found in Buchez et Roux, XVI. 450.—"Relation de l'abbÉ Sicard." "At that time a lot of scoundrels, after the general meeting of the sections was over, passed acts in the name of the whole assemblage and had them executed, utterly unknown to those who had done this, or by those who were the unfortunate victims of these proceedings." (supported by documents).]

2673 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 270, 273. (The official report of Mandat's examination contains five false statements, either through omission or substitution.)]

2674 (return)
[ Claretie, "Camille Desmoulins," p.467 (notes of Topino-Lebrun on Danton's trial). Danton, in the pleadings, says: "I left at 1 o'clock in the morning. I was at the revolutionary commune and pronounced sentence of death on Mandet, who had orders to fire op the people." Danton in the same place says: "I had planned the 10th of August." It is very certain that from 1 to 7 o'clock in the morning (when Mandat was killed) he was the principal leader of the insurrectional commune. Nobody was so potent, so overbearing, so well endowed physically for the control of such a conventicle as Danton. Besides, among the new-comers he was the best known and with the most influence through his position as deputy of the syndic-attorney. Hence his prestige after the victory and appointment as Minister of Justice. His hierarchical superior, the syndic-attorney Manuel, who was there also and signed his name, showed himself undoubtedly the pitiful fellow he was, an affected, crazy, ridiculous loud-talker. For this reason he was allowed to remain syndic-attorney as a tool and servant.—Beaulieu, "Essais sur la RÉvolution FranÇaise," III. 454. "Rossignal boasted of having committed this assassination himself."]

2675 (return)
[ "PiÈces intÉressantes pour l'histoire," by PÉtion, 1793. "I desired the insurrection, but I trembled for fear that it might not succeed. My position was a critical one. I had to do my duty as a citizen without sacrificing that of a magistrate; externals had to be preserved without derogating from forms. The plan was to confine me in my own house; but they forgot or delayed to carry this out. Who do you think repeatedly sent to urge the execution of this measure? Myself; yes, myself!"]

2676 (return)
[ In "Histoire de la RÉvolution FranÇaise" by Ferrand & Lamarque, CavaillÉs, Paris 1851, vol. II. Page 225 we may read the following footnote: "This very evening, a young artillery lieutenant observed, from a window of a house in the rue de l'Echelle, the preparations which were being undertaken in the chÂteau des Tuileries: that was Napoleon Bonaparte.—Well, right, asked the deputy Pozze di Borgo, his compatriot, what do you think of what is going on? This evening they will attack the chÂteau. Do you think the people will succeed?—I don't know, answered the future emperor, but what I can assure you is that if they gave me the command of two Swiss battalions and one hundred good horsemen, I should repel the insurgents in a manner which would for ever rid them of any desire to return." (SR)]

2677 (return)
[ Napoleon, at this moment, was at the Carrousel, in the house of Bourrienne's brother. "I could see conveniently," he says, "all that took place during the day... The king had at least as many troops in his defense as the Convention since had on the 13th VendÉmaire, while the enemies of the latter were much more formidable and better disciplined. The greater part of the national guard showed that they favored the king; this justice must be done to it." (It might be helpful to some readers to know that when Napoleon refers to the 13th VendÉmaire, (5th Oct. 1795) that was when he, as a young officer was given the task to defend the Convention against a royalist uprising. He was quick-witted and got hold of some guns in time, loaded them with grape-shot, placed them in front of the Parisian church of Saint-Roch and completely eliminated the superior royalist force. SR.)]

2678 (return)
[ Official report of Leroux. On the side of the garden, along the terrace by the river, and then on the return were "a few shouts of Vive le roi! many for Vive la nation! Vivent les sans-culottes! Down with the king! Down with the veto! Down with the old porker! etc.—But I can certify that these insults were all uttered between the Pont-Turnant and the parterre, and by about a dozen men, among which were five or six gunners following the king, the same as flies follow an animal they are bent on tormenting."]

2679 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, III. 223, 273—Letter of Bonnaud, chief of the Sainte-Marguerite battalion: "I cannot avoid marching at their head under any pretext... Never will I violate the Constitution unless I am forced to."—The Gravilliers section and that of the Faubourg PoissonniÈre cashiered their officers and elected others.]

2680 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, IV. 342. Speech of Fabre d'Eglantine at the Jacobin Club, Nov. 5, 1792. "Let it be loudly proclaimed that these are the same men who captured the Tuileries, broke into the prisons of the Abbaye, of Orleans and of Versailles."]

2681 (return)
[ In this respect the riot of the Champ-de-Mars (July 17, 1791), the only one that was suppressed, is very instructive: "As the militia would not as usual ground their arms on receiving the word of command from the mob, this last began, according to custom, to pelt them with stones. To be deprived of their Sunday recreational activities, to be marching through the streets under a scorching sun, and then be remain standing like fools on a public holiday, to be knocked out with bricks, was a little more than they had patience to bear so that, without waiting for an order, they fired and killed a dozen or two of the raggamuffins. The rest of the brave chaps bolted. If the militia had waited for orders they might, I fancy, have been all knocked down before they received any... Lafayette was very near being killed in the morning; but the pistol failed to go off at his breast. The assassin was immediately secured, but he arranged to be let free" (Gouverneur Morris, letter of July 20, 1791). Likewise, on the 29th of August, 1792, at Rouen, the national guard, defending the HÔtel-de-ville, is pelted with stones more than an hour while many are wounded. The magistrates make every concession and try every expedient, the mayor reading the riot act five or six times. Finally the national guard, forced into it, exclaim: "If you do not allow us to repel force with force we shall leave." They fire and four persons are killed and two wounded, and the crowd breaks up. ("Archives Nationales," F7, 2265, official report of the Rouen municipality, Aug. 29; addresses of the municipality, Aug. 28; letter of the lieutenant-colonel of the gendarmerie, Aug. 30, etc.).]

2682 (return)
[ Official report of Leroux.—"Chronique des cinquante jours," by Roederer.—"DÉtails particuliers sur la journÉe du 10 Aout," by a bourgeois of Paris, an eye-witness (1822).]

2683 (return)
[ Barbaroux, "MÉmoires," 69. "Everything betokened victory for the court if the king had never left his post... If he had shown himself, if he had mounted on horseback the battalions of Paris would have declared for him."]

2684 (return)
[ "RÉvolution de Paris," number for Aug. 11, 1792. "The 10th of August, 1792, is still more horrible than the 24th of August, 1572, and Louis XVI. a greater monster than Charles IX. "—"Thousands of torches were found in cellars, apparently placed there to burn down Paris at a signal from this modern Nero." In the number for Aug.18: "The place for Louis Nero and for Medicis Antoinette is not in the towers of the Temple; their heads should have fallen from the guillotine on the night of the 10th of August." (Special details of a plan of the king to massacre all patriot deputies, and intimidate Paris with a grand pillaging and by keeping the guillotine constantly at work.) "That crowned ogre and his Austrian panther."]

2685 (return)
[ Narrative of the Minister Joly (written four days after the event). The king departs about half-past eight.—Cf. Madame Campan, "MÉmoires," and Moniteur, XIII. 378.]

2686 (return)
[ "RÉvolution de Paris," number for Aug. 18. On his way a sans-culotte steps out in front of the rows and tries to prevent the king from proceeding. The officer of the guard argues with him, upon which he extends his hand to the king, exclaiming: "Touch that hand, bastard, and you have shaken the hand of an honest man! But I have no intention that your bitch of a wife goes with you to the Assembly; we don't want that whore."—"Louis XVI," says Prudhomme, "kept on his way without being upset by the with this noble impulse."—I regard this as a masterpiece of Jacobin interpretation.]

2687 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 311, 325. The king, at the foot of the staircase, had asked Roederer: "what will become of the persons remaining above?" "Sire," he replies, "they seem to be in plain dress. Those who have swords have merely to take them off, follow you and leave by the garden." A certain number of gentlemen, indeed, do so, and thus depart while others escape by the opposite side through the gallery of the Louvre.]

2688 (return)
[ Mathon de la Varenne, "Histoire particuliÈre," etc., 108. (Testimony of the valet-de-chambre Lorimier de Chamilly, with whom Mathon was imprisoned in the prison of La Force.]

2689 (return)
[ De Lavalette, "MÉmoires," I. 81. "We there found the grand staircase barred by a sort of beam placed across it, and defended by several Swiss officers, who were civilly disputing its passage with about fifty mad fellows, whose odd dress very much resembled that of the brigands in our melodramas. They were intoxicated, while their coarse language and queer imprecations indicated the town of Marseilles, which had belched them forth."]

2690 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 314, 317 (questioning of M. de Diesbach). "Their orders were not to fire until the word was given, and not before the national guard had set the example."]

2691 (return)
[ Buchez et Roux, XVI, 443. Narration by PÉtion.—Peltier, "Histoire du 10 aoÛt."]

2692 (return)
[ M. de Nicolay wrote the following day, the 11th of August: "The federates fired first, which was followed by a sharp volley from the chÂteau windows." (Le Comte de Fersen et la cour de France. II. 347.)]

2693 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 491. The abandonment of the Tuileries is proved by the small loss of the assailants. (List of the wounded belonging to the Marseilles corps and of the killed and wounded of the Brest corps, drawn up Oct. 16, 1792.—Statement of the aid granted to wounded Parisians, to widows, to orphans, and to the aged, October, 1792, and then 1794.)—The total amounts to 74 dead and 54 severely wounded The two corps in the hottest of the fight were the Marseilles band, which lost 22 dead and 14 wounded, and the Bretons, who lost 2 dead and 5 wounded. The sections that suffered the most were the Quinze-Vingts (4 dead and 4 wounded), the Faubourg-Montmartre (3 dead), the Lombards (4 wounded), and the Gravilliers (3 wounded).—Out of twenty-one sections reported, seven declare that they did not lose a man.—The Swiss regiment, on the contrary, lost 760 men and 26 officers.]

2694 (return)
[ Napoleon's narrative.]

2695 (return)
[ PÉtion's account.]

2696 (return)
[ Prudhomme's "RÉvolution de Paris," XIII. 236 and 237.—Barbaroux, 73.—Madame Campan, II. 250.]

2697 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 258.—Moore, I. 59. Some of the robbers are killed. Moore saw one of them thrown down the grand staircase.]

2698 (return)
[ Michelet, III. 289.]

2699 (return)
[ Mercier, "Le Nouveau Paris," II. 108.—"The Comte de Fersen et la Cour de France," II. 348. (Letter of Sainte-Foix, Aug. 11). "The cellars were broken open and more than 10,000 bottles of wine of which I saw the fragments in the court, so intoxicated the people that I made haste to put an end to an investigation imprudently begun amidst 2,000 sots with naked swords, handled by them very carelessly."]

26100 (return)
[ Napoleon's narrative.—Memoirs of Barbaroux.]

26101 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 387.—Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 340.]

26102 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 303. Words of the president Vergniaud on receiving Louis XVI.—Ibid. 340, 342, 350.]

26103 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, 356, 357.]

26104 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, 337. Speech of Huguenin, president of the Commune, at the bar of the National Assembly: "The people by whom we are sent to you have instructed us to declare to you that they invest you anew with its confidence; but they at the same time instruct us to declare to you that, as judge of the extraordinary measures to which they have been driven by necessity and resistance to oppression, they k now no other authority than the French people, your sovereign and ours, assembled in its primary meetings."]

26105 (return)
[ Duvergier, "Collection des lois et dÉcrets," (between Aug. 10 and Sept. 20).]

26106 (return)
[ Duvergier, "Collection des lois et dÉcrets," Aug. 11-12. "The National Assembly considering that it has not the right to subject sovereignty in the formation of a national Convention to imperative regulations,... invites citizens to conform to the following rules."]

26107 (return)
[ August 11 (article 8)]

26108 (return)
[ Aug. 10-12 and Aug. 28.]

26109 (return)
[ Ibid., Aug. 10, Aug. 13.—Cf. Moniteur, XIII. 399 (session of Aug. 12).]

26110 (return)
[ Ibid., Aug. 18.]

26111 (return)
[ Aug. 23 and Sep. 3. After the 11th of August the Assembly passes a decree releasing Saint-Huruge and annulling the warrant against Antoine.]

26112 (return)
[ Ibid., Aug. 14.]

26113 (return)
[ Ibid., Aug. 14. Decree for dividing the property of the ÉmigrÉs into lots of from two to four arpents, in order to "multiply small proprietors."—Ibid., Sept. 2. Other decrees against the ÉmigrÉs and their relations, Aug. 14, 23, 30, and Sept. 5 and 9.]

26114 (return)
[ Ibid., Aug. 26. Other decrees against the ecclesiastics or the property of the church, Aug. 17, 18, 19, and Sept. 9 and 19.]

26115 (return)
[ Ibid., Sept. 20.]

26116 (return)
[ Imagine the impression these last lines may have upon any ardent, ambitious and arrogant young man who, like Lenin in 1907, would have read this between 1893 and 1962, date of the last English reprinting of Taine's once widely know work. They summed up both what had to be done and who would be the primary beneficiaries of the revolution. Lenin, Hitler, Mussolini and countless other young hopeful political men. Read it once more and ask yourself if much of this program has not been more or less surreptitiously carried out in most western countries after the second world war? (SR).]

26117 (return)
[ Malouet, II. 241.]

26118 (return)
[ Mercure de France, July 21, 1792.]

26119 (return)
[ "RÉvolutions de Paris," XIII. 137.]

26120 (return)
[ Mallet du Pan. "MÉmoires," I. 322. Letters to Mallet du Pan. Aug. 4 and following days.]

26121 (return)
[ Buchez et Roux, XVI. 446. PÉtion's narrative.—Arnault, "Souvenirs d'un sexagÉnaire," I. 342. (An eye-witness on the 10th of August.) "The massacre extended but little beyond the Carrousel, and did not cross the Seine. Everywhere else I found a population as quiet as if nothing had happened. Inside the city the people scarcely manifested any surprise; dancing went on in the public gardens. In the Marais, where I lived then, there was only a suspicion of the occurrence, the same as at Saint-Germain; it was said that something was going on in Paris, and the evening newspaper was impatiently looked for to know what it was."]

26122 (return)
[ Moore, I. 122.—The same thing is observable at other crises in the Revolution. On the 6th of October, 1789 (Sainte-Beuve, "Causeries du Lundi," XII. 461), SÉnac de Meilhan at an evening reception hears the following conversations: "'Did you see the king pass?' asks one. 'No, I was at the theater.' 'Did MolÉ play?'—'As for myself; I was obliged to stay in the Tuileries; there was no way of getting out before 9 o'clock.' 'You saw the king pass then?' 'I could not see very well; it was dark.'—Another says: 'It must have taken six hours for him to come from Versailles.'—Others coolly add a few details.—To continue: 'Will you take a hand at whist?' 'I will play after supper, which is just ready.' Cannon are heard, and then a few whisperings, and a transient moment of depression,. 'The king is leaving the HÔtel-de-ville. They must be very tired.' Supper is taken and there are snatches of conversation. They play trente et quarante and while walking about watching the game and their cards they do some talking: 'What a horrid affair!' while some speak together briefly and in a low tone of voice. The clock strikes two and they all leave or go to bed.—These people seem to you insensible. Very well; there is not one of them who would not accept death at the king's feet."—On the 23d of June, 1791, at the news of the king's arrest at Varennes, "the Bois de Boulogne and the Champs ElysÉes were filled with people talking in a frivolous way about the most serious matters, while young men are seen, pronouncing sentences of death in their frolics with courtesans." (Mercure de France, July 9, 1791. It begins with a little piece entitled DÉpit d'un Amant.)—See ch. XI. for the sentiment of the population in May and June, 1793.]

26123 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 290 (July 29) and 278 (July 30).]

26124 (return)
[ "Archives Nationales," F7, 145. Letter of Santerre to the Minister of the Interior, Sept. 16, 1792, with the daily list of all the men that have left Paris between the3rd and 15th of September, the total amounting to 18,635, of which 15,504 are volunteers. Other letters from the same, indicating subsequent departures: Sept. 17, 1,071 men; none the following days until Sept. 21, 243; 22nd 150; up to the 26th, 813; on Oct. 1st, 113; 2nd and 3rd, 1,088; 4th, 1620; 16th, 196, etc.—I believe that amongst those who leave, some are passing through Paris coming from the provinces; this prevents an exact calculation of the number of Parisian volunteers. M. de Lavalette, himself a volunteer, says 60,000; but he furnishes not proofs of this.]

26125 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 362.]

26126 (return)
[ Soulavie, "Vie privÉe du MarÉchal duc de Richelieu," IX. 384.——"One can scarcely comprehend," says Lafayette, ("MÉmoires," I. 454), "how the Jacobin minority and a gang of pretended Marseilles men could render themselves masters of Paris, while almost the whole of the 40,000 citizens forming the national guard desired the Constitution."]

26127 (return)
[ Hua, 169.]

26128 (return)
[ Moniteur, XIII. 437. (session of Aug. 16, the applause reiterated and the speech ordered to be printed).]

26129 (return)
[ These words should cause society to change resulting in a leveling of incomes through proportional taxation and aids of all kinds throughout the industrialized world. Nobody could ever imagine the immense wealth which was to be produced by the efficient industry of the 20th century. (SR).]

26130 (return)
[ Roederer, "oeuvres ComplÈtes." VIII 477. "The club orators displayed France to the proletariat as a sure prey if they would seize hold of it."]

26131 (return)
[ This manifesto, was drafted for the Duke of Brunswick-Lunebourg, the general commanding the combined Prussian and Austrian forces, by the French ÉmigrÉ Marquis de Limon. It threatened the French and especially the Paris population with unspecified "rigors of war" should it have the temerity to resist or to harm the King and his family. It was signed in Koblenz, Germany on 25 August 1792 and published in royalist newspapers 3 days later in Paris.(SR).]

26132 (return)
[ "Moore's Journal," I. 303-309.]

26133 (return)
[ "Archives Nationales," 474, 426. Section of Gravilliers, letter of Charles Chemin, commissary, to Santerre, and deposition of Ilingray, cavalryman of the national gendarmerie, Aug. 11.]

26134 (return)
[ Beaumarchais, "oeuvres complÈtes," letter of Aug. 12, 1792.—This very interesting letter shows how mobs are composed at this epoch. A small gang of regular brigands and thieves plot together some enterprise, to which is added a frightened, infatuated crowd, which may become ferocious, but which remains honest.]

26135 (return)
[ The words of Hobbes applied by Roederer to the democracy of 1792: "In democratia tot possent esse Nerones quot sunt oratores qui populo adulantur; simul et plures sunt in democratia, et quotidie novi suboriuntur."]

26136 (return)
[ Lucas de Montigny, "MÉmoires de Mirabeau," II. 231 and following pages.—The preface affixed by Manuel to his edition (of Mirabeau's letters) is a masterpiece of nonsense and impertinence.—Peltier, "Histoire du 10 Aout," II. 205.—Manuel "came out of a little shop at Montargis and hawked about obscene tracts in the upper stories of Paris. He got hold of Mirabeau's letters in the drawers of the public department and sold them for 2,000 crowns." (testimony of Boquillon, juge-de la paix).]

26137 (return)
[ Lafayette, "MÉmoires," I. 467, 471. "The queen had 50,000 crowns put into Danton's hands a short time before these terrible days."—" The court had Danton under pay for two years, employing him as a spy on the Jacobins."—" Correspondance de Mirabeau et du Comte de la Marck," III. 82. Letter from Mirabeau, March 10, 1791: "Danton received yesterday 30,000 livres".—Other testimony, Bertrand de Molleville, I. 354, II. 288.—Brissot, IV. 193—. Miot de Melito, "MÉmoires," I. 40, 42. Miot was present at the conversations which took place between Danton, Legendre, etc., at the table of Desforges, Minister of Foreign Affairs. "Danton made no concealment of his love of pleasure and money, and laughed at all conscientious and delicate scruples."—" Legendre could not say enough in praise of Danton in speaking of his talents as a public man; but he loudly censured his habits and cxpensive tastes, and never joined him in any of his odious speculations."—The opposite thesis has been maintained by Robinet and Bougeart in their articles on Danton. The discussion would require too much space. The important points are as follows: Danton, a barrister in the royal council in March, 1787, loses about 10,000 francs on the refund of his charge. In his marriage-contract dated June, 1787, he admits 12,000 francs patrimony in lands and houses, while his wife brings him only 20,000 francs dowry. From 1787 to 1791 he could not earn much, being in constant attendance at the Cordeliers club and devoted to politics; Lacretelle saw him in the riots of 1788. He left at his death about 85,000 francs in national property bought in 1791. Besides, he probably held property and valuables under third parties, who kept them after his death. (De Martel, "Types RÉvolutionnaires," 2d part, p.139. Investigations of Blache at Choisy-sur-Seine, where a certain Fauvel seems to have been Danton's assumed name.)—See on this question, "Avocats aux conseils du Roi," by Emil Bos, pp.513-520. According to accounts proved by M. Bos, it follows that Danton, at the end of 1791, was in debt to the amount of 53,000 francs; this is the hole stopped by the court. On the other side, Danton before the Revolution signs himself Danton even in authentic writing, which is an usurpation of nobility and at that time subject to the penalty of the galleys.—The double-faced infidelity in question must have been frequent, for their leaders were anything else but sensitive. On the 7th of August Madame Elizabeth tells M. de Montmorin that the insurrection would not take place; that PÉtion and Santerre were concerned in it, and that they had received 750,000 francs to prevent it and bring over the Marseilles troop to the king's side (Malouet, II. 223).—There is no doubt that Santerre, in using the king's money against the king, thought he was acting patriotically. Money is at the bottom of every riot, to pay for drink and to stimulate subordinate agents.]

26138 (return)
[ Buchez et Roux, XXVIII. 92. Letter of Gadolle to Roland, October, 1792, according to a narrative by one of the teachers in the college d'Harcourt, in which Varlet was placed.]

26139 (return)
[ Buchez et Roux, XIII. 254.]

26140 (return)
[ "C. Desmoulins," by Claretie, 238 (in 1786 and in 1775). "The inquest still exists, unfortunately it is convincing."—Westermann was accused of these acts in December, 1792, by the section of the Lombards, "proofs in hand."—Gouverneur Morris, so well informed, writes to Washington, Jan. 10, 1793: The retreat of the King of Prussia "was worth to Westermann about 10,000 pounds... The council ... exerted against him a prosecution for old affairs of no higher rank than petty larceny."]

26141 (return)
[ "Archives Nationales," F7, 4434 (papers of the committee of general safety). Note on Panis, with full details and references to the occurrence.]

26142 (return)
[ "RÉvolutions de Paris," No.177 (session of the council-general at the Hotel-de-ville, Nov. 8, 1792, report of the committee of surveillance). "Sergent admits, except as to one of the watches, that he intended to pay for the said object the price they would have brought. It was noticed, as he said this, that he had on his finger the agate ring that was claimed."]

26143 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 638; III. 500 and following pages; IV. 132.—Cf. II. 451.]

26144 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, II. 456.]

26145 (return)
[ Buchez et Roux, XVI. 138, 140 (testimony of Mathon de la Varenne, who was engaged in the case).]

26146 (return)
[ "Dictionnaire biographique," by Eymery (Leipsic, 1807), article HÉBERT.]

26147 (return)
[ Mortimer-Ternaux, III. 484, 601. Cf. letter of the representative Cavaignac, Ibid., 399.]

26148 (return)
[ "Dictionnaire biographique," article HENRIOT.-The lives of many of these subordinate leaders are well done. Cf. "Stanislas Maillard," by AL Sorel; "Le Patriote Palloy," by V Fournel.]

26149 (return)
[ Granier de Cassagnac, "Histoire des Girondins," 409.—"Archives Nationales," F7 3196. Letters of de Sades on the sacking of his house near Apt, with supporting document and proofs of his civism; among others a petition drawn up by him in the name of the Pique section and read at the Convention year II. brumaire 25. "Legislators, the reign of philosophy has at last annihilated that of imposture... The worship of a Jewish slave of the Romans is not adapted to the descendants of Scoevola. The general prosperity which is certain to proceed from individual happiness will spread to the farthest regions of the universe and everywhere the dreaded hydra of ultramontane superstition, chased by the combined lights of reason and virtue, no longer finding a refuge in the hateful haunts of a dying aristocracy, will perish at her side in despair at finally beholding on this earth the triumph of philosophy!"]

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[ Barbaroux, "MÉmoires," 57, 59. The latter months of the legislative assembly.]