To English folk and Americans alike the herbals—now amongst the rarest in the English language—treating of the virtues of herbs in the New World are of exceptional interest. For these contain some of the earliest records of the uses of herbs learnt from the Red Indians, lists of English weeds introduced into America by the first settlers, and, perhaps most interesting of all, what they grew in the first gardens in New England. It requires very little imagination to realise how much the discovery of the New World meant to the botanists, gardeners and herbalists of that day, for at no time in our history were there greater plant-lovers than in Elizabethan and Stuart times. In their strenuous lives the soldiers, explorers and sea-captains found time to send their friends in the Old World rare plants and other treasures, and these gifts of “rarities” were cherished as jewels. Is not the following a vivid picture of the arrival of such a package from the New World? “There came a Paket, as of Letters, inrolled in a seare clothe: so well made that thei might passe to any part beeyng never so farre, the whiche beeyng opened, I founde a small Cheste made of a little peece of Corke, of a good thickenesse sette together, whiche was worthie to be seen, and in the holownesse of it came the hearbes, and the seedes that the Letter speaketh of, everythyng written what it was, and in one side of the Corke, in a hollowe place there came three Bezaar stones, cloased with a Parchement and with Waxe in good order. The Letter was written with verie small Letters, and sumwhat harde to reade.” The letter and the precious gift of herbs, seeds and stones were from an officer on duty in “New Spain” (he describes himself as “a Souldier that have followed the warres in these countries all my life”), who was unknown to Monardes, but had read his first book on the use of the herbs in the New World, and therefore was emboldened to send him these rare plants and the “bezaar stones.” Nicolas Monardes, the author of this herbal (translated into English by John Frampton),[86] most gratefully acknowledges his unknown friend’s kindness and writes of him, “the gentleman of the Peru, which wrote to me this letter, although I know hym not, it seemeth that he is a man curious and affectioned to the like thinges and I have him in great estimation. For bicause that the office of a Souldier is to handle weapons, and to sheed bloud, and to do other exercises apertainyng to Souldiers, he is muche to bee esteemed that he will enquire and searche out herbes, and Plantes and to knowe their properties and vertue. And therefore I dooe esteeme muche of this Gentlemanne for the labour whiche he taketh in knowyng and enquiryng of these naturall thinges. And I doe owe much unto him, ... I wil provoke hym by writyng to hym againe, to sende more thinges. For it is a greate thinge to knowe the secreates and marvailes of nature, of the Hearbes which he hath sent me. I will make experience of them and I will know their vertues and operation and the Seedes wee will sowe at their time.”

The interest in the plant-life of the New World may be judged from the fact that Monardes’s work, which is the earliest “American” herbal, was translated into Latin by no less a botanist than Charles de l’Escluse, and into Italian, Flemish, French and English. Frampton’s English translation went through four editions. The original book was written nineteen years before the defeat of the Spanish Armada, and throughout it there is very evident the pride of a Spanish subject in the splendid overseas dominions of his country, then the first empire in the world and the mistress of the seas. The preface is so redolent of the atmosphere of Spanish galleons and the boundless interest in the great new continent and its wonders, that I quote it almost in full, although in modern print it loses much of the charm of the original black-letter. The writer surely had in his mind the account of the navy of Tharshish, which came once in three years, “bringing gold and silver, ivory, and apes, and peacocks,” and one cannot help suspecting that loyalty to his Catholic Majesty of Spain suggested the inclusion of lions from America in order that he might not be outdone by the splendour of Solomon. Moreover, Monardes proudly tells us that from the New World to Spain “there commeth every yere one hundred shippes laden ... that it is a greate thynge and an incredle riches.”

Then he begins straightway to tell us of various herbs and gums brought from the New World, and of what the herbalists had been able to learn of their medicinal virtues. He writes of “Copall” and “Anime” (varieties of rosin), and tells us that the Spaniards first learnt of these from the Indian priests, who “went out to receive them [the Spaniards] with little firepottes, burnyng in them this Copall, and giuing to them the smoke of it at their noses.” “Tacamahaca” (the Indian name for a rosin) is “taken out by incision of a tree beyng as greate as a Willowe Tree, and is of a verie sweete smell; he doeth bryng forth a redde fruite, as the seede of Pionia.” The Indians used it for swellings in any part of the body and also for toothache. “Caranna,” another gum brought from Nombre de Dios, is discovered to be of sovereign virtue for gout—“it taketh it awaie with muche easines.” The balsam of the New World, “that licour most excellent whiche for his Excellencie and meruerlous effectes is called Balsamo, an imitation of the true Balsamo that was in the lande of Egipt,” is “made of a tree greater than a Powndgarned Tree, it carrieth leaues like to Nettles: the Indians doe call it Xilo and we do call the same Balsamo.” There follows an account of the way in which the Red Indians made the balsam, either by cutting incisions in the tree and letting the “clammish licour, of colour white but most excellent and very perfite,” run out, or by cutting up boughs and branches of the tree into very small pieces, boiling them in cauldrons and then skimming off the oil. “It is not convenient, nor it ought to be kept in any other vessel then in silver (glasse or Tinne or any other thing glassed, it doth penetrate and doth passe through it), the use thereof is onely in thinges of Medecine and it hath been used of long tyme ... the Spaniards had knowledge of it because they did heale therwith the woundes that they did receive of the Indians: beyng advised of the vertue thereof by the same Indians, and they did see the saide Indians heale and cure themselves therewith.” We learn that when this precious new balsam was first brought to Spain it sold for ten ducats an ounce, and in Italy for a hundred ducats an ounce. The use of another wound herb, “for shottes of arrows,” of which unfortunately he does not give even the Indian name, was taught to a certain “Jhon Infante” by his native servant. The book gives us many pleasant glimpses of the kindly courtesy of the Red Indians to their foes, and though, according to some authorities, they would never tell the secrets of the herbs they used as medicines, we have Monardes’s detailed accounts of how they showed the Spaniards the uses of them. Guiacum, for instance, was brought to the notice of a Spaniard in San Domingo by an Indian doctor.

One of the most interesting accounts is of “Mechoacan.” “It is brought from a countrie that is beyonde the greate Citie of Mexico more than fortie leagues, that is called Mechoacan, the whiche Syr Fernando Curtes did conquer in the yere of 1524, it is a countrie of muche Riches, of Gold and chiefly of Silver ... those Mynes be so celebrated and of so muche riches that they be called the Cacatecas, every day they goe discovering in the Lande verie riche Mynes of Silver and some of Golde, it is a countrie of good and holsome ayres, and doth bring forth healthfull Hearbes for to heale many diseases, in so muche that at the tyme the Indians had the government of it, the inhabiters there rounde aboute that Province, came thether to heale their diseases and infirmities.... The Indians of that countrie be of a taller growthe and of better faces then the Borderers are and of more healthe.

“The principall place of that province the Indians doe call in their language Chincicila and the Spaniards doe call it as thei call that realme Mechoacan, and it is a great towne of Indians, situated nere to a lake which is of swete water and of verie muche Fishe, the same Lake is like the fashion of making an horse shewe, and in the middest thereof standeth the Towne, the whiche at this daye hath greate trade of buying and sellyng.”

We are told in detail how the Warden of the Friars of St. Francis was cured by a native Indian doctor with this herb—“mechoacan”:—

“As soone as that Province was gotten of the Indians there went thither certaine Friers, of Saincte Frances order, and as in a countrie so distant from their naturall soyle, some of them fell sicke, amongest whom the Warden, who was the Chief Frier of the house fell sicke, with whom Caconcin Casique, an Indian lord, a man of great power in that countrie, had very greate friendship, who was Lorde of all that countrie. The father Warden had a long sicknes and put to muche danger of life, the Casique as he sawe his disease procede forward, he saied that he would bryng hym an Indian of his, which was a Phisition, with whom he did cure hym self, and it might bee that he would give hym remeady of his disease. The whiche beeyng heard of the Frier, and seyng the little helpe that he had there, and the want of a Phisition, and other thynges of benefite, he thanked hym and saied unto hym, that he should bryng hym unto hym: who beyng come, and seyng his disease, he said to the Casique, that if he tooke a pouder that he would giue hym of a roote, that it would heale hym. The whiche beeyng knowen to the Frier, with the desire that he had of healthe, he did accepte his offer and tooke the pouder that the Indian Physition gave hym the nexte daie in a little Wine.... He was healed of his infirmitie and the rest of the Friers which were sicke did followe the father Warden’s cure and took of the Self same powder once or twice and as ofte as thei had neede of for to heale them. The use of the whiche went so well with them that the Friers did send relation of this to the Father Provincall to Mexico where he was: who did communicate with those of the countrie, giving to them of the roote, and comforting them that thei should take it, because of the good relation that he had from those Friers of Mechoacan. The whiche beyng used of many and seyng the marueilous woorkes that it did the fame of it was extended all abrode, that in short tyme all the countrie was full of his good woorkes and effectes, banishing the use of Ruibarbe of Barbarie and taking his name, naming it Ruibarbo of the Indos and so all men dooeth commonly call it. And also it is called Mechoaca for that it is brought from thence.... And so thei do carry it from the Newe Spaine as Merchandise of very great price.”

The plant itself Monardes describes thus:—“It is an herbe that goeth creepyng up by certaine little Canes, it hath a sadde greene coulour, he carrieth certaine leaues, that the greatnesse of them maie bee of the greatnesse of a good potenge dishe, that is in compasse rounde, with a little point, the leaffe hath his little Senewes, he is small, well nere without moisture, the stalke is of the coulour of a cleare Taunie. Thei saie that he dooeth caste certaine clusters, with little Grapes, of the greatnesse of a Coriander seede, whiche is his fruite and dooeth waxe ripe by the Monethe of September: he doeth caste out many bowes, the whiche doeth stretche a long upo the yearth, and if you doe put anythyng nere to it, it goeth creepyng upon it. The roote of the Mechoacan is unsaverie and without bightyng or any sharpness of taste.”

The book was published in successive parts, and the second of these, dedicated to the King of Spain, contains the first written account and illustration of “the hearbe tabaco.” Monardes tells us that this herb was one “of much antiquity” amongst the Indians, who taught the Spaniards to use it as a wound-herb. It was first introduced into Spain “to adornate Gardens with the fairenesse thereof and to give a pleasant sight, but nowe we doe use it more for his meruelous medicinable vertues than for his fairenesse.” The Red Indians called it “picielt.” (The name tabaco was given it by the Spaniards, either from the island which still bears the name Tobago, as Monardes declares, or from a native word connected in some way with the use of the dried leaves for smoking.) According to Monardes the leaves, when warmed and laid on the forehead with orange oil, were efficacious to cure headaches. They were also good for toothache. “When the griefe commeth of a cold cause or of colde Rumes, putting to the tooth a little ball made of the leafe of the Tabaco, washing first the tooth with a smal cloth wet in the Juyce, it stayeth it, that the putrifaction goe not forwarde: and this remedie is so common that it healeth euerie one.” Of greater interest is the account of its application as a wound-herb and of an experiment made on a small dog at the Spanish Court.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF SASSAFRAS AND TOBACCO FROM NICOLAS MONARDES’ “JOYFULL NEWES OUT OF THE NEWE FOUNDE WORLDE” (1577)

(The figure of tobacco is the first printed illustration of that plant to appear in an English book)

We are further given an exceptionally interesting account of the use of tobacco in the religious ceremonies of the Red Indians. “One of the meruelles of this hearbe and that whiche bringeth most admiration is the maner howe the Priests of the Indias did use it, which was in this maner: when there was amongst the Indians any maner of businesse of great importaunce, in the whiche the chiefe Gentleman called Casiques or any of the principall poople [people] of the Countrey had necessitie to consult with their Priestes in any businesse of importaunce: then they went and propounded their matter to their chiefe Priest, foorthwith in their presence he tooke certeyne leaues of the Tabaco and cast them into ye fire and did receive the smoke of them at his mouth and at his nose with a Cane, and in taking of it he fell downe uppon the ground as a Dead man, and remayning so according to the quantity of the smoke that he had taken, when the hearbe had done his woorke he did revive and awake, and gave them then aunsweares [answers] according to the visions, and illusions whiche he sawe, whiles he was rapte in the same maner, and he did interprete to them as to him seemed best, or as the Divell had counselled him, giuing them continually doubtfull aunsweres in such sorte that howsoever it fell out, they might say that it was the same whiche was declared and the aunswere that he made.

“In like sort the rest of the Indians for their pastime do take the smoke of the Tabaco, to make themselves drunke withall, and to see the visions, and things that represent unto them, that wherein they do delight: and other times they take it to know their businesse and successe, because conformable to that whiche they haue seene, being drunke therewith, euen so they iudge of their businesse. And as the devil is a deceuer and hath the knowledge of the vertue of hearbs, so he did shew the vertue of this Hearb, that by the meanes thereof, they might see their imaginations and visions, that he hath represented unto them and by that meanes deceiue them.”

The Red Indians also used this herb when they were obliged to travel for several days “in a dispeopled countrie where they shal finde neither water nor meate.” They rolled the leaves into small balls, which they put “betweene the lower lippe and the teeth and goe chewing it all the time that they trauell and that whiche they chew they swallow downe and in this sort they journey three or foure dayes without hauing neede of meate or drink, for they feele no hunger nor weaknesse nor their trauel doth trouble them.” (This custom Monardes compares to that of the bear, which during the winter “remaineth in his Caue and liueth without meate or drink, with onely chewing his pawes”!) On its first introduction into Europe tobacco seems to have been regarded as a new all-heal, and in the city of Seville, we read, “they know not what other to doe, hauing cut or hurt themselves but to run to the Tabaco as to a most readie remedie. It doth meruellous workes, without any need of other Surgery, but this only hearbe.” One chapter is devoted entirely to an account of various cures effected by tobacco, and it is interesting to read the authoritative account of the origin of the botanical name “Nicotiana.” Monardes tells us that it was so called after Nicot, “my very friend ye first author inventer and bringer of this hearbe into France.” It appears that “Maister John Nicot, being Embassador for his Maiestie in Portugall, in the yeere of our Lorde 1559, went one day to see the Prysons of the King of Portugall, and a Gentleman, being the Keeper of the said Prysons, presented him with this hearb as a strange plant brought from Florida.” The same Maister Nicot, “hauing caused the said hearb to be set in his Garden, where it grewe and multiplyed maruellously,” experimented with it, and amongst other things cured a young man who had a sore on his nose. Quite a number of cures were effected, the most interesting being that of one of Nicot’s own cooks, who “hauing almost cutte off his thombe with a great Chopping Knife ran unto the said Nicotiane and healed it”!

The prescription for the ointment of tobacco is as follows:—“Take a pounde of the freshe leaues of the sayde Hearbe, stampe them, and mingle them with newe Waxe, Rosine, common oyle of each three ounces, let them boyle altogether, untill the Juice of Nicotiane be consumed, then add therto three ounces of Venise Turpentine, straine the same through a Linen cloth, and keepe it in Pottes to your use.” The account of tobacco ends thus:—“Loe here you haue the true Historie of Nicotiane of the which the sayde Lorde Nicot, one of the Kinge’s Counsellors, first founder out of this hearbe, hath made me privie, as well by woorde as by writing, to make thee (friendly Reader) partaker thereof, to whome I require thee to yeeld as harty thankes as I acknowledge myself bound unto him for this benefite received.”

We find that the Indians first taught the Spaniards the use of sassafras, and “the Spaniards did begin to cure themselves with the water of this tree and it did in them greate effectes, that it is almost incredible: for with the naughtie meates and drinkyng of the rawe waters, and slepyng in the dewes, the moste parte of them came to fall into continuall Agues.... Thei tooke up the roote of this Tree and tooke a peece thereof suche as it seemed to theim beste, thei cutte it small into verie thinne and little peeces and cast them into water at discretion, little more or lesse, and thei sodde it the tyme that seemed nedefull for to remaine of a good colour, and so thei dranke it in the mornyng fastyng and in the daie tyme and at dinner and supper, without kepyng any more waight or measure, then I have saied, nor more keepyng, nor order then this, and of this thei were healed of so many griefes and euill diseases. That to heare of them what thei suffred and how thei were healed it doeth bryng admiration and thei whiche were whole dranke it in place of wine, for it doeth preserue them in healthe: As it did appeare verie well by theim, that hath come fro thence this yere, for thei came all whole and strong, and with good coulours, the whiche doeth not happen to them that dooeth come from those partes and from other conquestes, for thei come sicke and swolne, without collour, and in shorte space the moste of theim dieth: and these souldiours doeth trust so muche in this woodde that I beyng one daie amongest many of them, informing myself of the thynges of this Tree, the moste parte of them tooke out of their pokettes a good peece of this woodd, and said: ‘Maister, doe you see here the woodde, that euery one of us doth bryng for to heale us with all, if we do fall sicke, as we haue been there,’ and they began to praise so muche, to confirme the meruelous workes of it, with so many examples of them that were there, that surely I gave greate credite unto it and thei caused me to beleeve all that thereof I had heard, and gave me courage to experimente it as I have doen.” There is another vivid glimpse of the use of sassafras as a pomander when the pestilence was rife in Seville. “Many did use to carrie a peece of the Roote of the wood with them to smell to it continually, as to a Pomander. For with his smell so acceptable it did rectifie the infected ayre: I caried with mee a peece a greate tyme, and to my seemyng I founde greate profite in it. For with it and with the chewing of the rinde of lemmon in the mornyng and in the daye tyme for to preserve health it hath a greate strength and property. It seemeth to mee that I was delivered by the healpe of God from the fyre in the whiche we that were Phisitions went in, blessed be our Lorde God that delivered us from so great euill and gave us this moste excellente Tree called Sassafras, which hath so greate vertues, and doth suche maruellous effectes as we have spoken of and more that the tyme will shewe us, which is the discouerer of all thinges.”

It is a far cry from Monardes’s book to that by “John Josselyn Gentleman,” written nearly a hundred years later. Instead of the atmosphere of the El Dorado of the Spanish Main, of the galleons, of the tropical sun and plants of the West Indies, we find ourselves in the good company of the first settlers in New England, the Spanish Empire being only a memory of the past. Just fifty years after the landing of the Pilgrim Fathers on American soil, New England’s Rarities discovered was printed at the Green Dragon in St. Paul’s Churchyard, London, and the book is of peculiar interest, for it contains the first published lists of English plants that would thrive in America. There is a certain pathos in the efforts of the new settlers to produce in the New Country (which then took two months to reach) something that would remind them of the familiar English gardens of their old homes, and no one with a gardener’s heart can read it without sympathy. The book was written by one John Josselyn, who undertook the then perilous voyage in order to stay with his only brother, who lived a hundred leagues from Boston. There he remained about eight years, making it his business to collect all the information he could about plants that interested him. Even as late as 1663 the country was very imperfectly explored, for he gravely informs the reader that he cannot say whether New England is an island or not. He is not very sure whether even America is an island, but is confident that the Indians are closely allied to the Tartars.

But to turn to the subject-matter of the book. First we have a careful list of plants which the author found and which were common in England also, and—what is quite delightful—notes on the uses made of these plants by the Red Indians. For instance, they used white hellebore to cure their wounds, and John Josselyn tells us exactly how. They first rubbed racoon’s grease or wild cat’s grease on the wounds and then strewed the dried and powdered root on to it. They also applied the powdered root for toothache. Under the yellow-flowered water-lily we find a note to the effect that the Indians used the roots for food, and Josselyn seems to have tried them himself, for he says that they taste of sheep’s liver. “The Moose Deer,” he says, “feed much on them and the Indians choose this time when their heads are under water to kill them.” From acorns the Indians made the oil with which they rubbed themselves. This was prepared by burning rotten maple wood to ashes and then boiling acorns with these ashes till the oil floated on the top. Of American walnuts and violets he had apparently a poor opinion, for he describes the walnuts as being not much bigger than a nutmeg and “but thinly replenished with kernels,” and the violets as inferior to the English “Blew Violet.” The most interesting of the recipes is that for the beer which he used to brew for Indians who came to him when they had bad colds. New Englanders who still possess treasured old housewives’ books will probably find they have recipes for the same kind of beer; for it is typical of that commonly made in England in the seventeenth century and is strangely flavoured with elecampane, liquorice, sassafras, aniseed, and fennel seed. Then follows a list of plants peculiar to New England, with a long description of “Indian wheat,” of which “the Flower [flour] makes excellent Puddens.” Another plant described at length is the hollow-leaved lavender, but it is difficult to identify it from the illustration. The most interesting part of this list is that consisting of plants to which no English names had yet been given.

It is hard to believe that before the Pilgrim Fathers landed some of the commonest weeds were unknown in their new country. Yet we have John Josselyn’s list of these, and it includes couch-grass, shepherd’s purse, dandelion, groundsel, sow-thistle, stinging-nettle, mallows, plantain, wormwood, chickweed, mullein, knot-grass and comfrey. The plantain, one always learnt as a child, follows the English colonist wherever he goes, and there is curious confirmation in Josselyn’s note that the Indians called this familiar weed “‘Englishman’s Foot,’ as though it were produced by their treading.” But the most fascinating list of all is that of the English garden-plants which those early settlers tried to grow, and it is impossible to read it without realising the loving care which must have been lavished on the southernwood, rosemary, lavender, and other plants imported from English gardens, which survived the long journey only to succumb to the rigours of the New England winter. There is something so naÏve and appealing about this list, the first gardening link, as it were, between England and America, that I give it in full as it stands in the original:

The book ends in a delightfully irrelevant fashion with a poem on an Indian squaw, introduced as follows:—“Now, gentle Reader, having trespassed upon your patience a long while in the perusing of these rude Observations, I shall, to make you amends, present you by way of Divertisement, or Recreation, with a Copy of Verses on the Indian Squa or Female Indian trick’d up in all her bravery.”

The American Physitian; or a Treatise of the Roots, Plants, Trees, Shrubs, Fruit, Herbs, etc., growing in the English Plantations in America,[87] has, as its name implies, more of a medical character than the older books. In his preface the writer, William Hughes, tells us:—“’Tis likely some may say need we trouble ourselves with those things we cannot reach? To such I answer, that the most part of them here mentioned which grow not in England already are brought over daily and made use of.... I suppose there are few but would gladly know that there are such things in the world, although scarcely any which care or desire to go to see them; I hope this Description which is as right to truth as I could possibly draw it, if my eyesight failed me not, may be acceptable, although it be far short of what I intended; it being my desire to have made it more compleat by one more voyage into those parts of the World, in which my endeavours should not have been found wanting for the bringing and fitting of Roots, Seeds and other Vegetables to our climate, for, to increase the number of Rarities which we have here in our Garden already; in the which I perceive much may be done, if further industry were used, but I have yet met with no opportunity to accomplish the same; and therefore hope that some others who have conveniency will do something herein for the promotion of further knowledge in these and many other excellent things which those parts afford, and we are yet unacquainted with. And whosoever is offended at this that I have here written, may let it alone; it forceth none to meddle with it: I know the best things displease some, neither was there ever any man yet that could please all people: but in hurting none, possibly I may please some; for whom only it is intended.”

The book itself contains interesting accounts of yams, gourds, potatoes, prickly pears, maize (of turkeys fed on maize he says, “If I should tell how big some of their turkeys are I think I should hardly be believed”), cotton, pepper and sugar. His dissertation on the making of sugar is one of the earliest accounts of the process. Of the “Maucaw tree” he writes that “the seeds being fully ripe are of a pure crimson or reddish colour apt to dye the skin with a touch so that it cannot quickly be washed off.” The Red Indians used these seeds to dye their skins, and Hughes remarks, “were some Ladies acquainted with this Rarity, doubtless they would give much for it.” The longest section of the book deals with the cacao tree, its fruit and the making of chocolate. Cacao kernels were used as tokens and cacao plantations were entailed property. “In Carthagena, New Spain and other adjacent places, they do not only entail their Cacao Walks or Orchards on their Eldest Sons, as their Right of Inheritance (as Lands here in England are settled on the next Heir), but these cacao kernels have been, and are in so great esteem with them, that they pass between man and man for any merchandise, in buying and selling in the Markets, as the most current silver Coyn; as I have been told and as some credible Writers do affirm.” There is a notable description of the making of chocolate by the servants “before they go forth to work in the Plantations in a morning and without which they are not well able to perform their most laborious employments in the Plantations, or work with any great courage until eleven a clock, their usual time of going to Dinner.” A detailed account of the preparation of the drink ends with this vivid picture: “and then taking it off the Fire they pour it out of the Pot into some handsome large Dish or Bason: and after they have sweetened it a little with Sugar, being all together and sitting down round about it like good Fellows, everyone dips in his Calabash or some other Dish, supping it off very hot.” He describes all sorts of ways of using the chocolate, the best in his opinion being that of the “Maroonoes Hunters and such as have occasion to travel the Country.” They made it into “lozanges,” which “exceed a Scotch-man’s provision of Oat-meal and Water, as much (in my opinion) as the best Ox-beef for strong stomacks exceeds the meanest food.” Chocolate, it will be remembered, became a very fashionable drink in England in the seventeenth century, but Hughes considers it inferior to the genuine stuff made in the Plantations. In fact, he cautions English people to procure their chocolate straight from Jamaica, and then to see themselves to the making of it according to his directions!

In spite of its impressive name, The South-Sea Herbal containing the names, use, etc. of divers medicinal plants lately discovered by Pere L. Feuillee, one of the King of France’s herbalists ... much desired and very necessary to be known of all such as now traffick to the South-Seas or reside in those parts (1715), is only eight pages long, five of which are devoted to figures of the plants. Nevertheless this now rare little pamphlet is valuable inasmuch as it is probably the first account in English of the medicinal plants of Peru and Chili. The writer—James Petiver—began life by serving his apprenticeship to Mr. Feltham, apothecary to St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, London. He afterwards qualified as apothecary and became demonstrator of plants to the Society of Apothecaries. All his life he seems to have been rather a recluse, devoting his time to the study of natural history specimens sent him from all parts of the world. His herbarium, now in the Sloane Collection in the Victoria and Albert Museum, South Kensington, is exceptionally interesting, for Petiver appears to have had friends in all parts of the world, mostly sea-captains, who took delight in sending him treasures. The value of his collection may be judged from the fact that shortly before his death, Sir Hans Sloane offered him £4000 for it. His South-Sea Herbal is purely medicinal, except for an appeal to anyone living in Quito who “would be pleased to procure branches of the leaves of Jesuits’ Bark or Quinquina with its Flowers and Fruit, which Favour should be acknowledged and more accurate Figures given of each if communicated to your humble servant.” There is unfortunately now no copy extant of another of Petiver’s pamphlets, The Virtues of several Sovereign Plants found wild in Maryland with Remarks on them. Apparently not many were printed, for there is a note to this effect at the end of the advertisement: “Divers of these Tracts are now so very scarce that of some of them there are not 20 left.” Owing to the fact that nearly every page of illustrations in Petiver’s works is dedicated to some friend who had sent him specimens, we have preserved for us the record of his numerous correspondents. These dedications are very pleasant reading:—

“To ye memory of y^t curious Naturalist and Learned Father, Geo Jos^ph Camel for many Observations and Things sent me.”

“To ye memory of my curious Friend Mr. Sam Browne, Surgeon at Madrass, for divers Indian Plants, Shells, Seeds, etc.”

“To Mr. George Bouchere, Surgeon, For divers Minorca Plants, Seed, etc.”

“To Mr. Alexander Bartlet, Surgeon, For divers Cape and Moca Plants, Shells, etc.”

“To Mr. George London, Late Gardiner to K. Will and Q. Mary.” “To ye memory of Mr. Will^m Browne, Surgeon, who Presented me w^th Divers Plants, Shells, etc.”

“To His Hearty Friend, Mr. John Stocker, in gratitude for divers Plants, Shells, etc.”

“To Mr. Claud Joseph, Geoffroy, Apothecary Chymist and Fellow of ye Academy Royall in Paris.”

“To Mr. Charles Du-Bois, Treasurer of the East India Company.”

“To the Honourable Dr. William Sherard, Consul of Smyrna.”

“To Captain Jonathan Whicker for Divers Shells from St. Christophers.”

“To his Curious Friend, Mr. John Smart, Surgeon, For Divers Plants, etc., from Hudson’s Bay.”

“To his kind Friend, Capt. George Searle for divers Antego Shells, Coralls, etc.”

“To Capt. Thomas Grigg at Antego in gratitude for divers Insects, Shells, etc.”

“To that very obliging Gentlewoman, Madam Hannah Williams at Carolina.”