THE ARRIVAL OF CAPTAIN VAN VLIET IN SALT LAKE—ELDER TAYLOR ON THE APPROACHING ARMY—HOW IT WOULD BE MET—VAN VLIET'S SURPRISE AND PERPLEXITY—HIS REPORT TO SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR—CAPTAIN MARCY'S LETTER—ELDER TAYLOR'S REPLY.

The advanced companies of the "Army of Utah," having reached Ham's Fork, a tributary of Green River, late in the autumn of 1857, Captain Van Vliet was sent to Salt Lake to purchase forage and lumber and assure the people of Utah that the troops would not harm or molest them. The captain arrived on the 8th of September and was cordially received by the leading Elders of the Church, among others by Elder Taylor.

His mission as to forage and lumber was unsuccessful, neither did he make the people believe the statement that the troops would not harm them. The very natural question was, Why are they coming to Utah, then? An army naturally suggests the idea of war, and war means violence.

The captain's visit, however, was not in vain. He learned that the Mormons had much to justify them in the stand they had taken, and, moreover, that they were very determined in it. He attended service the Sabbath after his arrival, and that day Elder Taylor addressed the assembly. In the course of his remarks he asked the people:

"What would be your feelings if the United States wanted to have the honor of driving us from our homes, and bringing us subject to their depraved standard of moral and religious truth? Would you, if necessary, brethren, put the torch to your buildings and lay them in ashes and wander houseless into these mountains? I know what you would say and what you would do."

President Brigham Young.—"Try the vote."

Elder Taylor.—"All you that are willing to set fire to your property and lay it in ashes rather than submit to their military rule and oppression, manifest it by raising your hands."

The congregation, numbering more than four thousand, unanimously raised their hands.

Elder Taylor.—"I know what your feelings are. We have been persecuted and robbed long enough; and in the name of Israel's God, we will be free!"

Congregation responded "Amen!"

President Young.—"I say amen all the time to that."

Elder Taylor.—"I feel to thank God that I am associated with such men, with such people, where honesty and truth dwell in the heart—where men have a religion that they are not afraid to live by, and that they are not afraid to die by; and I would not give a straw for anything short of that."

Captain Van Vliet's surprise was little short of astonishment. He was not prepared to expect such unanimity of sentiment nor such determination of purpose. He admired their courage, but trembled for their safety in a conflict with the government. He pointed out the fact that if they successfully resisted the army then on their borders, the next year would see an overwhelming force sent to suppress and punish them. His remonstrance was answered:

"We know that will be the case; but when these troops arrive they will find Utah a desert; every house will be burned to the ground; every tree cut down and every field laid waste. We have three years' provisions on hand, which we will cache, and then take to the mountains and bid defiance to all the powers of the government."

The captain returned to the army on Ham's Fork deeply impressed with the seriousness and perhaps with the absurdity of the government's movement against Utah. Moreover he had become the friend of the Mormon people, and his report to the Secretary of War, made at Washington the November following, did much, doubtless, in paving the way for an amicable adjustment of the Utah difficulties.

Shortly after the departure of the captain, Elder Taylor received a letter from Captain Marcy, of the 5th Infantry, camped with the army on Ham's Fork; and as Elder Taylor's reply to that letter is a thoughtful exposition of the causes which led up to the Utah expedition, and a scathing rebuke to the administration that inaugurated it, as well as a fair sample of Elder Taylor's literary style and gentlemanly sensibility, I give the correspondence in extenso:

Captain MARCY'S LETTER.

"CAMP OF THE 5TH INFANTRY ON HAM'S FORK,

"October 13th, 1857.

"Herewith I take the liberty of sending you a letter of introduction from our mutual friend, W. J. A. Fuller, of New York City. I also beg leave to trouble you with the accompanying note of introduction to Governor Young from Mr. W. I. Appleby, which I will thank you to read to the governor at your convenience.

"When I left the states I expected to have the honor of delivering these letters in person, but as our movements are so slow, I have thought it better to transmit them by the bearer, hoping that the opportunity may be afforded me of paying my personal respects at some future time.

"In the meantime, suffer me to assure you that within the circle of my observation among the officers of this army, there has not been the slightest disposition to meddle with or in any way interfere with the religious or social customs of your people; on the contrary, there has, from the commencement of our march, been an almost universal manifestation of a desire for a kind and friendly intercourse: and I most sincerely hope that this desirable result may be brought about.

"I verily believe that all the officers entertain the same feelings towards the Mormons as Captain Van Vliet, and I entertain no doubt that an acquaintance with them would satisfy you that such is the fact.

"I am very respectfully and truly yours,

"R. B. MARCY.

"Rev. John Taylor,

"Great Salt Lake City, Utah Territory."

ELDER TAYLOR'S REPLY.

"GREAT SALT LAKE CITY,

"October 21, 1857.

"Captain Marcy.

"MY DEAR SIR: I embrace this the earliest opportunity of answering your communication to me, embracing a letter from Mr. Fuller, New York, to you, an introductory letter to me, and also one from W. I. Appleby to Governor Young; the latter immediately on its receipt I forwarded to His Excellency. And here let me state, sir, that I sincerely regret that circumstances now existing have hitherto prevented a personal interview.

"I can readily believe your statement that it is very far from your feelings and most of the command that are with you to interfere with our social habits or religious views. One must naturally suppose that among gentlemen educated for the army alone, who have been occupied by the study of the art of war, whose pulses have throbbed with pleasure at the contemplation of the deeds of our venerated fathers, whose minds have been elated by the recital of the heroic deeds of other nations, and who have listened almost exclusively to the declamations of patriots and heroes, that there is not much time and less inclination to listen to the low party bickerings of political demagogues, the interested twaddle of sectional declaimers, or the throes and contortions of contracted religious bigots. You are supposed to stand on elevated ground, representing the power and securing the interests of the whole of a great and mighty nation. That many of you are thus honorable, I am proud as an American citizen to acknowledge, but you must excuse me, my dear sir, if I cannot concede with you that all your officials are so high-toned, disinterested, humane and gentlemanly, as a knowledge of some of their antecedents would expressly demonstrate. However, it is not with the personal character, the amiable qualities, high-toned feelings, or gentlemanly deportment of the officers in your expedition that we at present have to do. The question that concerns us is one that is independent of your personal, generous, friendly and humane feeling, or any individual predilection of yours; it is one that involves the dearest rights of American citizens, strikes at the root of our social and political existence, if it does not threaten our entire annihilation from the earth. Excuse me, sir, when I say that you are merely the servants of a lamentably corrupt administration, that your primary law is obedience to orders, and that you come here with armed foreigners, with cannons, rifles, bayonets and broadswords, expressly and for the openly avowed purpose of 'cutting out the loathsome ulcer from the body politic.'

"I am aware what our friend Fuller says in relation to this matter, and I entertain no doubt of his generous and humane feelings, nor do I of yours, sir, but I do know that he is mistaken in relation to the rabid tone and false, furious attacks of a venal and corrupt press. I do know that they are merely the mouthpiece, the tools, the barking dogs of a corrupt administration. I do know that Mr. Buchanan was well apprised of the nature of the testimony adduced against us by ex-Judge Drummond and others, for he was informed of it to my knowledge by a member of his own cabinet. And I further know from personal intercourse with members of the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, that there have been various plans concocted at headquarters for some time past for the overthrow of this people. Captain, Mr. Fuller informs me that you are a politician. If so, you must know that in the last presidential campaign that the Republican party had opposition to slavery and polygamy as two of the principal planks in their platform. You may know, sir, that Utah was picked out, and the only Territory excluded from a participation in pre-emption rights to land. You may also be aware that bills were introduced into Congress for the prosecution of the Mormons, but other business was too pressing at that time for them to receive attention. You may be aware that measures were also set on foot and bills prepared to divide up Utah among the Territories of Nebraska, Kansas, Oregon and New Mexico, (giving a slice to California) for the purpose of bringing us into collision with the people of those Territories.

"I might enumerate injuries by the score—not to say anything about thousands of our letters detained at the post office at Independence—and if these things are not so, why is it that Utah is so knotty a question? If people were no more ready to interfere with us and our institutions than we are with them and theirs, these difficulties would vanish into thin air. Why, again I ask, could Drummond and a host of other mean scribblers, palm off their bare-faced lies with such impunity and have their infamous slanders swallowed with such gusto? Was it not that the administration and their satellites having planned our destruction, were eager to catch at anything to render specious their contemplated acts of blood? Or, in plain terms, the Democrats advocated strongly popular sovereignty. The Republicans tell them that if they join in maintaining inviolate the domestic institutions of the south, they must also swallow polygamy. The Democrats thought this would not do, as it would interfere with the religious scruples of many of their supporters, and they looked about for some means to dispose of the knotty question. Buchanan, with Douglas, Cass, Thompson and others of his advisers, after failing to devise legal means, hit upon the expedient of an armed force against Utah, and thus thought by the sacrifice of the Mormons to untie the knotty question; do a thousand times worse than the Republicans ever meant,—fairly out-Herod Herod, and by religiously expatriating, destroying or killing a hundred thousand innocent American citizens satisfy the pious, humane, patriotic feeling of their constituents, take the wind out of the sails of the Republicans, and gain to themselves immortal laurels. Captain, I have heard of a pious Presbyterian doctrine that would inculcate thankfulness to the all-wise Creator for the privilege of being damned. Now, as we are not Presbyterians nor believers in this kind of self-abnegation, you will, I am sure, excuse us for finding fault at being thus summarily dealt with, no matter how agreeable the excision or expatriation might be to our political, patriotic, or very pious friends. We have lived long enough in the world to know that we are a portion of the body politic, that we have some rights as well as other people, and that if others do not respect us, we at least have manhood enough to respect ourselves.

"Permit me here to refer to a remark made by our friend, Mr. Fuller, to you viz., 'that he had rendered me certain services in the city of New York, and that he had no doubt that when you had seen and known us as he had, that you would report as favorably as he had unflinchingly done.' Now those favors, to which Mr. Fuller refers, were simply telling a few plain matters of fact, that had come under his own observation during a short sojourn at Salt Lake. This, of course, I could duly appreciate, for I always admire a man who dare tell the truth. But, Captain, does it not strike you as humiliating to manhood and to the pride of all honorable American citizens, when among the thousands that have passed through and sojourned among us, and know as well as Mr. Fuller did, our true social and moral position, that perhaps only one in ten thousand dare state his honest convictions? and further, that Mr. Fuller with his knowledge of human nature, should look upon you as a rare avis, possessing the moral courage and integrity to declare the truth in opposition to the floods of falsehood that have deluged our nation? Surely we have fallen on unlucky times when honesty is avowed to be at so great a premium!

"In regard to our religion, it is perhaps unnecessary to say much, yet whatever others' feelings may be about it, with us it is honestly a matter of conscience. This is a right guaranteed unto us by the Constitution of our country, yet it is on this ground, and this alone, that we have suffered a continued series of persecutions, and that this present crusade is set on foot against us. In regard to this people, I have traveled extensively in the United States, and through Europe, yet have never found so moral, chaste and virtuous a people, nor do I expect to find them. And if let alone, they are the most patriotic and appreciate more fully the blessing of religious, civil, and political freedom than any other portion of the United States. They have, however, discovered the difference between a blind submission to the caprices of political demagogues, and obedience to the Constitution, laws, and institutions of the United States; nor can they in the present instance be hood-winked by the cry of 'treason.' If it be treason to stand up for our Constitutional rights: if it be treason to resist the unconstitutional acts of a vitiated and corrupt administration, who by a mercenary armed force would seek to rob us of the rights of franchise, cut our throats to subserve their own party, and seek to force upon us their corrupt tools, and violently invade the rights of American citizens; if it be treason to maintain inviolate our homes, our firesides, our wives, and our honor, from the corrupting, and withering blight of a debauched soldiery; if it be treason to maintain inviolate the Constitution and institutions of the United States, when nearly all the states are seeking to trample them under their feet—then indeed are we guilty of treason. We have carefully considered all these matters, and are prepared to meet the 'terrible vengeance' we have been very politely informed will be the result of our acts. It is in vain to hide it from you that the people have suffered so much from every kind of official that they will endure it no longer. It is not with them an idle phantom, but a stern reality. It is not as some suppose the 'voice of Brigham' only, but the universal, deep settled feeling of the whole community. Their cry is 'Give us our Constitutional rights; give us liberty or death.' A strange cry, indeed, in our boasted model republic, but a truth deeply and indelibly graven on the hearts of 100,000 American citizens by a series of twenty-seven years unmitigated, and unprovoked, yet unrequited wrongs. Having told you of this, you will not be surprised, that when fifty have been called to assist in repelling our aggressors, hundreds have volunteered; and when a hundred have been called, the number has been more than doubled; the only feeling is, 'don't let us be overlooked or forgotten.' And here let me inform you that I have seen thousands of hands raised simultaneously voting to burn our property rather than let it fall into the hands of our enemies. Our people have been so frequently robbed and despoiled without redress, that they have solemnly decreed that if they cannot enjoy their own property nobody else shall. You will see by this that it would be literally madness for your small force to attempt to come into the settlements. It would only be courting destruction. But say you: have you counted the cost? have you considered the wealth and power of the United States and the fearful odds against you? Yes, and here let me inform you that if necessitated we would as soon meet 100,000 as 1,000, and if driven to the necessity, will burn every house, tree, shrub, rail, every patch of grass, and stack of straw and hay, and flee to the mountains. You will then obtain a barren, desolate wilderness, but will not have conquered the people, and the same principle in regard to other property will be carried out. If this people have to burn their property to save it from the hands of legalized mobs, they will see to it that their enemies shall be without fuel; they will haunt them by day and by night. Such is in part our plan. The 300,000 dollars worth of our property destroyed already in Green River County is only a faint sample of what will be done throughout the Territory. We have been thrice driven by tamely submitting to the authority of corrupt officials, and left our houses and homes for others to inhabit; but are now determined that if we are again robbed of our possessions, our enemies shall also feel how pleasant it is to be houseless at least for once, and be permitted as they have sought to do to us,—

"'To dig their own dark graves,
Creep into them and die.'

"You see we are not backward in showing our hands. Is it not strange to what lengths the human family may be goaded by a continued series of oppression? The administration may yet find leisure to pause over the consequences of their acts, and it may yet become a question for them to solve whether they have blood and treasure enough to crush out the sacred principles of liberty from the bosoms of one hundred thousand freemen, and make them bow in craven servility to the mendacious acts of a perjured, degraded tyrant.

"You may have learned already that it is anything but pleasant for even a small army to contend with the chilling blasts of this inhospitable climate. How a large army would fare without resources you can picture to yourself. We have weighed those matters; it is for the administration to post their own accounts. It may not be amiss, however, here to state that if they continue to prosecute this inhuman fratricidal war, and our Nero would light the fires, and, sitting complacently in his chair of state, laugh at burning Rome, there is a day of reckoning even for Neroes. There are generally two sides to a question. As I before said we wish for peace, but that we are determined on having if we have to fight for it. We will not have officers forced upon us who are so degraded as to submit to be sustained by the bayonet's point. We cannot be dragooned into servile obedience to any man.

"These things settled, Captain, and all the little preliminaries of etiquette are easily arranged; and permit me here to state that no man would be more courteous and civil than Governor Young, and neither could you find in your capacity of an officer of the United States a more generous and hearty welcome than at the hands of His Excellency. But when, instead of battling with the enemies of our country, you come (though probably reluctantly) to make war upon my family and friends, our civilities are naturally cooled and we instinctively grasp the sword. Minie rifles, Colt's revolvers, sabres and cannon may display very good workmanship and great artistic skill, but we very much object to having their temper and capabilities tried upon us. We may admire the capabilities, gentlemanly deportment, heroism and patriotism of United States officers; but in an official capacity as enemies, we would rather see their backs than their faces. The guillotine may be a very pretty instrument and show great artistic skill, but I don't like to try my neck in it.

"Now, Captain, notwithstanding all this, I shall be very happy to see you if circumstances should so transpire as to make it convenient for you to come, and to extend to you the courtesies of our city, for I am sure you are not our personal enemy. I shall be happy to render you any information in my power in regard to your contemplated explorations.

"I am heartily sorry that things are so unpleasant at the present time, and I cannot but realize the awkwardness of your position and that of your compatriots; and let me here say that anything that lies in my power compatible with the conduct of a gentleman, you can command.

"If you have leisure I should be most happy to hear from you. You will, I am sure, excuse me, if I disclaim the prefix of Rev. to my name. Address: John Taylor, Great Salt Lake City.

"I need not here assure you that personally there can be no feelings of enmity between us and your officers. We regard you as the agents of the administration only, in the discharge of a probably unpleasant duty, and very likely ignorant of the ultimate designs of the administration. As I left the east this summer you will excuse me when I say I am probably better posted in some of these matters than you are, having been one of a delegation from the citizens of this Territory to apply for admission into the Union. I can only regret that it is not our real enemies that are here instead of you. We do not wish to harm you nor any of the command to which you belong, and I can assure you that in any other capacity than the one you now occupy, you would be received as civilly and treated as courteously as in any other portion of our Union.

"On my departure from the states the fluctuating tide of popular opinion against us seemed to be on the wane. By this time there may be quite a reaction in the public mind. If so it may probably affect materially the position of the administration, and tend to more constitutional, pacific and humane measures. In such an event our relative positions would be materially changed, and instead of meeting as enemies we could meet as all Americans should, friends to each other, and united against our legitimate enemies only. Such an issue is devoutly to be desired, and I can assure you that no one could more appreciate so happy a result to our present awkward and unpleasant position than

"Yours Truly,

"John Taylor."