PRESENT OF A FEAST TO THE EMBASSY—DESCRIPTION OF ARRANGEMENT—DEPUTIES FROM HUÉ—EXTRAORDINARY DEMANDS—REFUSAL TO FORWARD DESPATCHES TO THE EMPEROR—LETTER OF THE ENVOY TO THE MINISTER OF COMMERCE—PRESIDENT’S LETTER—UNCONDITIONAL REQUIREMENTS OF THE DEPUTIES. On this morning, January twenty-fourth, Captain G. and myself visited the deputies: their residence was somewhat improved, since the previous visit paid to them; considering the filthy habits of the people, it was neat and comfortable. Our conversation was short and common-place. The deputies informed us that they had been to Bengal, a year or two before, and also to Manila. January twenty-sixth. One of the officers, who had come from the capital of the province on our first arrival, appeared again to-day, accompanied by another whom we had not before seen, and the two interpreters, bringing complimentary messages to the envoy, and refreshments, which, they said, were sent by order of the king. They consisted of a feast, (comprising fifty-one dishes,) two bullocks, four dogs, five sacks of rice, five jars of native liquor, thirty ducks, thirty fowls, eggs, and a variety of fruits. As it would have given offence, and impeded, if not wholly destroyed the object of the mission, to have refused the present, it was immediately accepted with thanks; and the officers, who brought it off, were informed, that a salute of thirteen guns would be fired in honour of the king, as the present was said to have come from him. The feast was brought on the board in handsomely varnished and gilded cases; to all outward appearance, it was very neat and cleanly; but we could not divest ourselves of the idea, that it was cooked in the uncleanly vessels we had seen on shore, and that it had come in contact with the filthy paws, dirty nails, and heads filled with vermin, which we had seen on shore: we, The mandarin, who came to present the feast, was dressed in a robe of ceremony, of very stout, light blue, flowered silk. He was invited to partake of the feast, but politely excused himself, saying, “I dare not partake of a feast presented by the emperor.” He was therefore furnished with other refreshments. The feast was arranged in the cabin, by a servant sent with it, assisted by several others: it was served up in China, and consisted of fifty-one articles, (exclusive of fruits,) arranged in the following order: At the head was placed an entire tortoise, jellied on the outside, and filled with rice, &c.; then followed a leg of fresh boiled pork; two roasted ducks; one roasted fowl; a deep saucer of roasted pork, cut in square pieces; and three stewed pigeons in a bowl, with sauce. The preceding seven articles were arranged from the head to the foot of the table, in the centre, and were flanked with seventeen bowls, each containing a different article. One contained stewed eels, whether of the hedge or ditch, I am not able to determine; another was filled with stewed mullet. One had within it a piece of stewed fish, with sauce; a fourth held fish pickle, or the essence of balachang, emitting a most unsavoury smell. Seven of the bowls were covered with yellow paper, and ten with red: they contained chow-chow, or mixed meats, deers’ sinews—which latter were particularly recommended. The name and contents of each article were inscribed in Chinese characters, on its cover. The remaining portion of the dishes, consisted of two bowls of boiled ducks’ eggs, and one of fowls; one of boiled crabs; three of red, yellow, and white rice; two of sausages; three of rice pilau; one of stewed fowl; one of shrimps; one of bitter cucumbers; two of sponge-cake; and the rest were forced-meat pasties and confectionary. They were cooked with ground-nut oil, or the fat of fresh pork; and were, generally, very insipid, and totally without seasoning. These refreshments had been sent in consequence of the receipt, at HuÉ, of the envoy’s letter to the minister, and the officers said that a reply might be expected in two or three days, at farthest. In the afternoon, the deputies’ barge came alongside, and the interpreters said there were two mandarins on board: but, seeing ARRIVAL FROM HUÉ. This morning, January the twenty-seventh, the two interpreters appeared, to say, that two officers had arrived from HuÉ, but that the vessel was so unsteady they were afraid to come on board, lest seasickness should prevent them from fulfilling, to the full extent, their mission. They, therefore, requested Mr. Roberts to visit, and to converse with them on shore. This attempt to make the envoy wait on them, could not, they were told, be complied with; but Mr. Morrison would go on shore, if they desired it, to ascertain their business. Mr. M. accordingly went on shore, immediately after breakfast, and found the two former deputies, accompanied by two others, said to be of higher rank, who were far less prepossessing in their appearance, and much ruder in their manners. The following conversation took place with them:— Mr. M. “Is there any letter from HuÉ?” Deputies. “No; we two officers have been deputed by the minister to come here.” Mr. M. “Will there be any letter?” Dep. “No; we are sent in place of a letter.” Mr. M. “What message do you bring from HuÉ?” Dep. “The minister of commerce and navigation has received the letter sent by the envoy; the contents being respectful and reasonable, he gave directions to the local officers to prepare a feast for the envoy. With regard to shooting, although it is contrary to the laws, permission is granted, in the present instance, for a few to shoot at a time, in consideration that you know how to regard the laws.” Mr. M. “Shooting is not the business on which the envoy has come here. That is a trivial matter, not worth mentioning again. The envoy has come on important national business, with a letter for the emperor: he wishes to know what message you have from the emperor.” Dep. “Though the shooting is a trivial matter, we have mentioned it, because you formerly made a request on the subject. As to the business of the letter, we require to converse respecting it with the official gentlemen:” meaning the envoy and those who they supposed were associated with him; for the Cochin-Chi Mr. M. “It would be contrary to all etiquette, for the envoy to come on shore, to converse with you on this subject. If you have any thing to communicate, tell it to me, or (which would be better) go on board and tell it.” Dep. “We like your regard for etiquette, and have now come with the wish to conduct your business according to etiquette, and to conclude it speedily. Yesterday we were prevented going on board by the wind: as you have now come, we will enter on the business with you at once. “The minister of commerce and navigation desires us to communicate to the envoy the necessity of his having a copy and a translation of the president’s letter to lay before the emperor; also to state, that without full and complete information, the minister dare not report to his majesty. Having come so great a distance, you are doubtless anxious for the speedy conclusion of the business of your mission. It is on this account we have been sent; for our laws are strict, and demand implicit obedience: therefore, we are directed to show you how to conform to them. What ought now to be done, is to give a copy and translation of the President’s letter. “Further, in the letter from the envoy, mention is made of the important objects which the President has in view. Without knowing what these important objects are, the minister can make no report to the emperor. Were he to do so, and the emperor should make any particular inquiries of him, respecting the mission, he would be unable to reply. If you will give a copy of the letter, and information with regard to these objects, four or five days will be sufficient to come to some determination respecting your mission.” Mr. M. “Letters between the rulers of nations ought not to be submitted to the inspection of their ministers and people, but must first be delivered to the rulers to whom they are addressed. Of the President’s letter, there is both an original and a translation; which will be delivered, together, to the emperor, after the envoy has reached the capital.” Dep. “If you will allow us to see a copy of the translation, your business may then be advanced. “In the intercourse of China with France, England, &c., copies of their letters must first be shown to the minister or his deputies, before they can make any report to the emperor. Otherwise, being ignorant of the contents of the letter, they dare not report.” Mr. M. “We know not the etiquette of China, but that of Europe, and all the nations of the west. Letters are first presented to the rulers, to whom they are addressed. Copies are not first shown to their ministers.” Dep. “France and England have sent envoys here, who did not refuse to show copies of the letters which they brought.” Mr. M. “I have heard that the English envoy, who complied with this demand, had no audience.” Dep. “The governor-general (Ta-ping-t’how, great military headman) of Bengal, sent an envoy here, with a letter to the minister, and he concluded the business satisfactorily. Would we treat the English well and you ill?” Mr. M. “You are, indeed, putting difficulties in the way. It has never been customary with us to show copies of letters previously to presenting the originals.” Dep. “We are all the servants of our respective rulers, and we desire, equally with you, to bring your business to a satisfactory conclusion. We request you to think what object we can have in raising difficulties?” DIPLOMATIC DELAYS. Not being able to come to any conclusion on this point, they were asked if they had any thing else to say, when they pointed to what they had before written, respecting the important objects which the President had in view. They then wrote again: “You should return to the ship, and get the directions of the envoy and captain, on these two important points, viz.:— “1st. To show a copy of the President’s letter. “2d. To state clearly the particular objects of the mission. In the evening come again, and inform us of the result.” “Our country wishes to receive and treat you in a liberal manner. France and England did not refuse to show copies of their letters. Why do you? We have been sent by the minister with these orders, and wish you to act in accordance with the advice we have now given. Your business will then be soon finished, which will afford the minister pleasure also.” Mr. M. “If these are the orders you have received, I fear we must soon leave.” Dep. “Why do you say so? Our endeavour is to bring your business to a speedy conclusion. All envoys must desire to bring their business to a satisfactory conclusion. We wish to aid you in doing so. Of what use is it to talk of returning? What object will be effected if you do so?” Mr. M. “If such points are insisted upon, we must consider that the emperor desires no intercourse with our country; in which case there is nothing left for us but to return.” This view of the matter was strongly objected to by the deputies, whom Mr. Morrison left with an understanding that he would probably visit them again in the afternoon. In the afternoon, accordingly, Mr. Morrison, having received farther instructions, went on shore and recommenced the conversation, saying:— “I have now received directions from the envoy to tell you, that what you insisted upon this morning, cannot be complied with; for it would be disallowed by our government. The letter is sealed, and cannot now be opened; but must either be carried by the envoy to the capital, or must be carried back, and the cause stated to the President.” The deputies now inquired if there were really a translation of the President’s letter, in a manner which implied distrust and unbelief of what they had been told. Being assured that a translation really existed, they returned to their former point, desiring a copy—not, however, of the translation, but of the general scope of it. Compliance with this request was refused, unless they could show directions to that effect from the emperor. Dep. “If there is, indeed, a Chinese translation, it is requisite to show a copy of it, before a report can be made to, or an order received from, the emperor. Being foreigners, how can you refuse to have your business conducted by us, who are the appointed deputies? or how can you insist on going at once to the capital to present the letter personally?” Mr. M. “Without seeing an order from the emperor, the letter cannot be shown to any one; nor can the envoy stay here much longer. In a few days, either he must repair to the capital, or the ship must leave this port and go to sea. Two of you have been Dep. “This delay is owing to your own mismanagement, in not having given a translation of the President’s letter, stating the objects of the mission. It is in consequence of this mismanagement, that the minister has been unable to state your arrival and object to the emperor. Hence the delay, which has in no way arisen from any want of kind reception on the minister’s part, or of attention on ours. Our laws are very strict, and the forms required by our etiquette, numerous. Were we to offend against either, the offence would not be considered slight. We have now been sent to see that every thing be done according to etiquette and law, and this requisition must, indeed, be acceded to, before you can obtain permission to proceed to HuÉ.” Mr. M. “A letter between the sovereigns of two nations, cannot be carelessly and inconsiderately shown to any or every one. As to the letter and the objects of the mission, should the envoy go to HuÉ, the former can then be presented, and the negotiation of the business entered upon. But, should the envoy not go to HuÉ, it will be needless to speak of either.” Dep. “We, the officers specially deputed by the minister alone, require to see the letter. How can it be careless or inconsiderate to show it to us? If every thing is left unexplained, then, although you should go to the capital, the minister would still have to depute officers to obtain a clear knowledge of your business, before he could make any report to the emperor!” Mr. M. “Was the envoy’s letter to the minister received?” Dep. “It was; but the expression, ‘important objects,’ was not explained, nor was there a translation of the President’s letter; hence, he could not venture to make any report. He has, therefore, sent us to repeat these inquiries; that, after he has learned the result from us, he may report to the emperor.” Mr. M. “If the envoy were at the capital, he would then make all requisite explanations to the minister. If he cannot go to the capital without making such explanations to you, the ship will have to go to sea. “Is the minister of commerce the same as the minister of elephants? “If he received the letter, why is there no written answer from him?” Dep. “The minister of commerce is a great minister, who directs the affairs of all foreign vessels that come here. In the letter sent to him, there was much that was not explained. Therefore, we have been sent to arrange and explain every thing; after which he will be able to report. Of what use would it be to give any previous written reply?” Mr. M. “You had better make a speedy report of to-day’s conversation; for if the envoy does not shortly obtain leave to go to HuÉ, he will be necessitated to leave. The envoy is not likely to retract what he says.” Dep. “Your ship has crossed a wide sea to bring an envoy from your country; and the minister has acted towards you according to his majesty’s gracious wishes of tenderness towards foreigners. He wishes to conclude your business speedily and satisfactorily for you; but you also must act according to our laws and etiquette: then you will not fail in your object. Return, and tell the two gentlemen (meaning Mr. R. and Capt. G.) that they may think maturely on the subject; to-morrow we will visit the ship.” Mr. M. “The subject has been already fully thought on; I request you to think it over once more.” They then again insisted on the necessity of every thing being fully explained, before another step could be taken; and, addressing Mr. Morrison personally, they said: “As you have read Chinese literature, you are acquainted with our forms of etiquette, and what is right and proper. Explain these to the envoy, that he may follow them; the success of the mission will then be owing to your efforts; whereas, by refusing to do so, the blame of failure will rest entirely on you.” To this absurd language no reply was returned. They were told, that the envoy came with a desire to open a friendly intercourse, and would be sorry to return without having effected that object: but that he would not act contrary to the rules of his own country; and that he thought, if the emperor were informed of the circumstances, he would not desire any previous copy of the letter to be given. The conversation then ended, the deputies refusing to answer questions on any other subjects. January twenty-eighth. This morning, early, the four deputies came on board, as they had yesterday stated their intention of doing. The conversation was commenced by asking the object of their visit, as they had yesterday been told, that the envoy could not give up the President’s letter, nor enter into any further particulars respecting the objects of the mission. They were at the same time told not to speak of “two gentlemen,” as the business of the mission rested wholly with the envoy. Dep. “The letter which the envoy sent to the minister, spoke of very important objects, but did not explain what those objects were; therefore, the minister being unable to speak to the emperor, has sent us to inquire particularly; that when we have informed him of the objects, he may make his report, and conclude the business of your mission speedily.” The Envoy. “Two of your number have already asked repeated questions on this subject, and have been as often told, that the subject cannot be treated of before the mission proceeds to HuÉ. As this has been often told you, why do you now delay the mission with repetitions of the same questions? The minister is fully aware that my mission is for the purpose of opening a friendly intercourse between the two countries. Why, then, does he not make report thereof to the emperor? and why is there no order from the emperor, either permitting me to go to HuÉ, or directing my return? This line of conduct certainly appears uncivil; I must, therefore, conclude that the emperor is unwilling to admit our intercourse. If you have any thing further to speak of, say it; but do not go over yesterday’s conversation again.” Dep. “Our country wishes to receive and treat you with liberality; but there is an appearance of secrecy in the letter to the minister, which requires explanation. Our conduct is in accordance with true politeness. How say you we are uncivil?” Envoy. “If, when the ship arrived, the minister of commerce had immediately reported to the emperor the arrival of a United States’ vessel, with a special envoy on board, bearing a letter from the President to the emperor, and had requested leave for the mission to proceed forthwith to the capital, such conduct would have been open, polite, and becoming. But to profess that he dare not report to the emperor, and detain the mission here for a Dep. “Hitherto all envoys bringing letters here, from whatever country, have stated their contents and the objects of their mission, through officers deputed, like us, to receive such information. This has always been necessary before a report could be made. We have heard of you as a just, polite, and well-demeaned nation; and the minister, when he heard of your arrival, was much pleased, and desirous of bringing your business to a satisfactory conclusion, in order to establish a friendly intercourse with you. [They were here told that the minister was required to make no such request.] What answer would he be able to give, should the emperor inquire about particulars?” Here they were pointed to Mr. Crawford’s account of his mission to Siam and Cochin-China, page 269; where he received what amounted to a reprimand, for having shown to the governor of Saigon the governor-general’s letter, when the minister of elephants told him: “It is his majesty’s wish, when the governor-general writes again, that the letter may be sealed, for this is the custom of Cochin-China.” And again, “It is not agreeable to the customs of the country, that any should inspect letters addressed to his majesty, before they reach his own presence.” They did not appear, or choose not to appear, acquainted with the circumstances of Mr. Crawford’s mission, and did not want, they said, the original letter, but a translation. Envoy. “If I return, and report to the President that, when I came here to propose a friendly intercourse between our countries, the ministers of Cochin-China refused to report my arrival to the emperor; took upon themselves to treat me rudely, and, after having detained me a whole month, forced me to leave, without obtaining admission to the capital; when this is told, what, think you, will be the world’s opinion of your country? Its opinion will be, that you are an extremely rude nation. If permission be not soon given for me to proceed to the capital, I shall be necessitated to leave; for within the present year I have to go to eight or nine other places.” The latter part of this reply was intended to remove an error they seemed to have fallen into, in supposing that the ship had Dep. “Every thing in our country must be done according to etiquette. Hitherto all countries, whether far or near, have paid regard to this rule. The etiquette to be observed by ministers of government, is to report no business, until they have obtained complete knowledge of it. We have been desirous to effect for you the objects of your mission, but you have been obstinate in your determinations. Pray, what would you think of an envoy from any other country coming here, and refusing to have any thing done through the medium of officers deputed, like us, for the purpose of arranging the business of his mission, and insisting on immediate admission to the emperor’s presence? If the circumstances be told to all the world, the right and wrong will then be known. Our country has always received other nations liberally, without deriving any advantage from them. “Before,” they continued, “you said there was no translation of the President’s letter; now you say there is:—before, you said the vessel was going to no other place; now you say she is going to nine other places. What are we to understand by this?” As not the slightest hint had been given to favour either of these assertions, they were immediately contradicted. They had never been told, either that the President’s letter was not translated, or that the envoy had business in Cochin-China alone. They now stated they did not want the letter opened; they only required to know what was desired; whether land to build factories on, privileges of trade, or what? Envoy. “No favours or privileges are asked for. Our government does not build factories. Friendly intercourse alone is desired.” Dep. “Is commerce desired?” Envoy. “That is necessarily included in friendly intercourse between the two countries; which will be for the advantage, not of one, but of both.” Dep. “You have now come over an extensive ocean as an envoy. The minister has acted according to the emperor’s gracious wishes of tenderness towards foreigners. He wishes to conclude your affairs happily and satisfactorily; but you persist and determine, of your own accord, to return unsuccessful. Say not Envoy. “As you refuse our intercourse, and I cannot obtain permission to go to HuÉ, I must leave shortly. The fault lies not with me, but in the minister’s uncivil treatment. On my return, I shall have to report, that the minister had the presumption to take the business of the mission into his own hands, without making any report to the emperor. How call you such conduct ‘liberal treatment?’” Dep. “We too have been sent to bring the business of your mission to a determinate point; but your obstinacy leaves us at a loss what to do. We will return in a day or two to the capital, and make a report of the circumstances.” This was said by the two who had arrived on the twenty-sixth. In reply, they were told that the envoy could have nothing to do with their movements; that when quite ready he would leave; but that, when he did so, he would write a protest against the manner in which he had been treated, and would send a copy of such protest to the emperor, and copies to other princes also. At first, not seeming to understand what was meant, they desired that it should be sent to the minister instead of the emperor; but this, they were told, was out of the question. January twenty-ninth. Some gentlemen who had been on shore in the course of yesterday, having been asked when the ship would sail, Mr. Morrison visited the deputies this morning, with the following written communication:— “I hear that you inquired last evening when our ship would sail. I am directed by the envoy to tell you, that if, within six days, the imperial permission be not received for the mission to go to HuÉ, the vessel will then sail. “The envoy does not act inconsiderately, as deeming this an affair of a trivial nature: but he is necessitated to leave, because the business confided to him, in other places, will not admit of a long delay. “Nor does he consider it a thing of small import, that the minister of commerce, &c., refuses to report his arrival to the emperor, or to afford him the means of presenting the letter.” In reply, the two deputies who had first arrived, (for the other They were told it was useless talking thus, as the determination of the envoy had already been communicated to them. Should the envoy go to HuÉ, on his arrival there, the minister might receive a copy of the President’s letter, and what explanations he might desire as to the objects of the mission. Similar conversation was kept up for a few minutes, during which the deputies received a written paper from the other two, who were within. They then wrote, that “the President, being elected and promoted by the people, and not possessing the actual title of king, it behooved him to write in a manner properly decorous and respectful; on which account it was requisite for the translation to be examined, in order to expunge improper words.” In reply to this insulting language, they were told that the President was inferior to no king or emperor, and were then left. DEPUTIES’ FALSEHOODS. In consequence of the insult thus offered to the President, Mr. Morrison again went on shore in the afternoon, in company with Mr. Fowler, for the purpose either of obtaining an apology, or of handing the deputies, for the information of the minister, a protest from the envoy against the adoption of such language. They now withdrew what they had said in the morning; and, having previously torn up the paper on which they had written, they denied that they had said what was attributed to them. “The other day,” said they, “you told us that your President is elected by the people; we asked, therefore, whether he was really a king or not: and letters, we said, should be humble and decorous.” Had there been any doubt (which there was not) of the real sense of what they said in the morning, the total incoherency of what they now advanced would afford strong presumption against its truth; for who could write in one sentence, the question, “Whether or not the President is a real king;” and the assertion that “letters should be humble and decorous,” with other than the insulting views attributed to them in the morning? But, as they This point being set to rest, a list of the refreshments, which had been received from them at different times, was handed to them, with a request that they would say whether it was correct or not. They were then told, that if the business of the mission were to end unsuccessfully, the refreshments they had sent could not be accepted as presents, but must be paid for. This they strenuously resisted, saying, repeatedly, that the things were of small value. “Nothing,” they were answered, “of the smallest value, could be accepted, if the mission ended without going to HuÉ. Should the mission proceed thither, they would be accepted as tokens of a friendly disposition between the two countries; but otherwise, no friendly intercourse being established, every thing must be paid for.” As the feast, when brought on board, had been represented as coming from the emperor, it was now asked how that could be the case, since the emperor was not yet apprized of the vessel’s arrival? The deputies replied, that it was customary to present such refreshments to foreign vessels on their arrival; therefore it was considered as coming from the emperor, although prepared by the provincial officers, at the direction of the minister. They were then asked what the minister’s object was in thus delaying the business of the mission, and refusing to report to the emperor. They replied, as usual, that their wish was to expedite, not to retard the business of the mission; which was hindered, they said, only by the envoy’s refusal to act according to their advice. It was argued, that if any one had business with them, he would not stay to explain his business to their servants, but would require to speak with themselves at once. Arguments, however, proved useless. They either could or would not comprehend them. The two deputies, who were returning to HuÉ, had not left, but were to start the same evening. ENVOY’S LETTER. January thirtieth. The deputies appearing to act under specific orders, from which they could not deviate in the least, the Letter from Edmund Roberts, Esq., special envoy from the United States of America, to the Cochin-Chinese minister of foreign affairs, commerce, &c.:— “Edmund Roberts, special envoy from the United States of America, desires to inform your excellency, that he wrote, on the eighteenth of the present month, acquainting your excellency with the wish entertained by the President of the United States to open a friendly intercourse with the emperor of Cochin-China; and with his consequent appointment of myself to be the bearer of a letter which I am to present to his majesty; having, at the same time, full powers to treat, on behalf of the President, for the important objects which he has in view. “I have now the pleasure to enclose copies of the original, and a translation in Chinese, of the President’s letter to the emperor, for your excellency’s inspection. The important objects of the President, mentioned in the letter, are solely to ascertain, if the emperor is willing to admit the American commercial intercourse on the same terms as those of the most favoured nations; or on what conditions he will admit it, and into what ports. No exclusive privileges are asked for. And the envoy is not charged with any other matter or thing, excepting to establish a suitable commercial treaty between the two nations. These are the only objects of the mission. “Had your excellency sent a written answer, requesting the above information, the envoy would have given these particulars previously; but certain persons inquired the object of the vessel’s coming, and asked for a copy of the President’s letter, to whom this information could not be given, as they could show no document or authority from your excellency. “The envoy has already been here some time, and will be unable to delay much longer. He therefore requests your excellency to provide the means for himself, and others who are to accompany him, to proceed to HuÉ speedily. For unless, within seven days, “Signed and sealed on board the U.S. ship-of-war Peacock, in the roadstead of Vung-lam, in the province of Fooyan, this thirtieth day of January, A.D., 1833, and of independence, the fifty-seventh. (Signed,) “Andrew Jackson, President of the United States of America, to his majesty the emperor of Cochin-China:— “Great and good friend— “This will be delivered to your majesty by Edmund Roberts, a respectable citizen of these United States, who has been appointed special agent, on the part of this government, to transact important business with your majesty. I pray your majesty to protect him in the exercise of the duties which are thus confided to him, and to treat him with kindness and confidence; placing entire reliance upon what he shall say to you in our behalf, especially when he shall repeat the assurances of our perfect amity and good will towards your majesty. I pray God to have you, great and good friend, under his safe and holy keeping. “Written at the city of Washington, the twentieth day of January, A.D. 1833, and in the fifty-sixth year of independence. “Your good and faithful friend, (Signed) “By the President. (Signed) “The foregoing is a true copy of the original now in my possession. (Signed) INCREASING DEMANDS. These documents being completed, the packet was sealed up, and taken on shore by Mr. Morrison; but now a new and unexpected difficulty arose. The letter (which, they were told, though addressed to the minister, was intended to be seen by the emperor) must be opened, submitted to their inspection, and corrected entirely according to their taste, ere they would receive or forward it. This unheard-of and arrogant requisition was strongly objected to. “What is the cause,” they were asked, “of such behaviour? With the deputies, however, nothing that could be said was of any use. They acted apparently on specific and peremptory orders, and evinced a total disregard for every thing but a complete concession to all their demands. On the present occasion they refused to write an answer to what was said to them. Through the interpreter they repeated the same language they had before so often used, respecting their own and the minister’s anxiety to conclude the business of the mission satisfactorily; the necessity of conforming to the customs and etiquette of the country, and the obstinacy of the envoy, &c. “Were a letter,” they were asked, “sent to you, would a copy be first shown to your servants?” “No,” they replied, “but the case is not parallel. Your envoy is like one standing at the door of a house.” “Admitting that, suppose me coming to the door of your house, on business with you, should I have to inform your servants what my business was before I could enter?” The quick little interpreter, Miguel, said that this was agreeable to reason, a point which the deputies were less ready to admit. They could not allow the comparison. “Such,” said they, “are our laws. They must be implicitly obeyed.” “Had there been an imperial order,” it was resumed, “or a written answer from the minister, then the business of the mission might be communicated to you; but how can it be communicated to persons of whose names and rank we are ignorant? The objects of the mission have, therefore, been stated in the letter, which it will be well for you to forward. This obstinacy in requiring to know our objects is insulting.” Mr. Morrison was now pressed to return to the ship, to receive the envoy’s permission for them to see the contents of the packet, and correct the phraseology of the letters. Finding them determined not to receive it as it was, he accordingly left, after having In the evening Mr. Morrison again went on shore, with Chinese copies of the President’s letter to the emperor, and the envoy’s letter to the minister. Having required that the crowd of attendants, who usually stood round, listening to the conversation, should be dismissed, the envoy’s letter was shown to the deputies. They immediately proceeded to criticise every word and sentence, making several alterations and corrections, which, though of small importance, and generally unobjectionable, occupied considerable time. During the conversation, which the remarks, made on various parts of the letter, occasioned, the interpreter Miguel, apparently of his own accord, though probably prompted by his employers, remarked, that the President was equal to a king; but that the emperor was superior to a king. The natural inference, that the emperor of Cochin-China is superior to the President of the United States, he left to be deduced by others. The remark arose from an endeavour, on the part of the deputies, to have the President’s title placed lower than that of the emperor; not, they would have it believed, from an idea of inequality, but on account of the humbler style, which they insisted, the writing party must adopt in speaking of themselves. The envoy, it was answered, had taken that station, which courtesy to the person he addressed, required; but to place the President lower than the emperor, was a point of a different nature—a point which courtesy did not require, and which, the President and emperor being in every respect equal in rank, could never be complied with. Having at length concluded with the letter to the minister, every correction which could be considered derogatory or mean having been rejected, the deputies now desired to see a copy of the President’s letter. This was for some time objected to; and the impropriety of the demand, as well as the unpleasantness of compliance pointed out. They were resolved, however, to see it, and at length it was shown to them; but as they were proceeding to make alterations in it also, they were stopped, and told that the President’s letter could They still insisted on correcting the President’s letter. Mr. Morrison therefore returned, about nine, P. M., leaving the sealed package, addressed to the minister, in charge of the deputies. REMONSTRANCE. January thirty-first. Mr. Morrison, having made a copy of the envoy’s letter to the minister, with the corrections which were last night agreed to, as being immaterial, repaired on shore, in the forenoon, with authority to make such trivial alterations, in the translation of the President’s letter, as the deputies might desire. He first inquired if the packet that was left on shore had been sent to the minister; and was answered, that, not being corrected, it could not be forwarded. The deputies then repeated their unchanging expressions of a desire, on the part of the minister who had sent them, to arrange matters speedily, and on a friendly footing. Such conversation being little likely to lead to any good result, it was avoided; and they were requested, as they would not forward the packet, to return it. This was accordingly done; and the envelope being removed, the translation of the President’s letter was laid before them, accompanied with a remonstrance against their conduct, in insisting that it should be altered before they would forward it. About two hours were now spent in objecting to particular words and sentences, either as being improper and contrary to etiquette, or as being unintelligible. They also made particular inquiries respecting the original letter, whether it was sealed or not, and whether the Chinese translation was signed by the President. They put some questions, also, respecting the signature of the Secretary of State, what was his rank, &c.; and asked if the original letter was kept on board; and if the one shown to them was only a copy. When told, “of course,” they said, “that is right.” Among other points, they professed not to understand the expression, “Great and good friend;” and they interpreted it according to their preconceived ideas, as a “request for a friendly intercourse.” The expression was explained to them, and shown to be perfectly intelligible, (for it was only their astonishment at such familiar language, that prevented their understanding it.) But still they considered it quite inadmissible; the common word yew, a friend, was unsuitable and improper between two great powers. The only thing that would satisfy such hairbreadth distinguishers, was to say, “Your country and mine have amicable intercourse.” Wherever the simple and common word I (wo) occurred, it became necessary to substitute some other word, having a similar meaning, (as pun.) And for he or him, (ta,) referring to the envoy, they required in substitution of kae-yuen, “the said officer.” Where the President says, “I pray your majesty to protect him, and to treat him with kindness and confidence,” they wished to introduce a request for “deep condescension” on the part of the emperor, which was rejected; and, to satisfy them, a slight change was made in the phraseology of the translation, but without permitting any thing servile. The President’s letter concludes with this expression:—“I pray God to have you always, great and good friend, under his safe and holy keeping.” This they wished to change into a prayer to “imperial heaven, for the continual peace of your majesty’s sacred person.” In opposition to this proposed change, which would present the President in the light of an idolater, the Christian notion of the Deity, as “one God, the Supreme Ruler of heaven and earth, of the nations and their sovereigns,” was explained to them; and the divinity of heaven and earth, believed by the Chinese and Cochin-Chinese, was denied. They then proposed, by another change of the term used to express the Deity, to make the President pray to the “Gods of heaven.” But this point they were obliged also to give up. Having thus gone over the whole letter, without the admission of any degrading terms, though some expressions which they wished to have adopted were still of a doubtful nature, they were informed, that if, after consideration, it should appear right to make the proposed alterations, a copy would be taken on shore in the evening. As they insisted on having the packet closed before their eyes, it was agreed that the despatch should then be sealed up, FRESH INTERROGATORIES. Shortly after Mr. Morrison had reached the ship, he was followed by one of the deputies, the other being kept back probably by his liability to sea-sickness. The former came furnished with written directions, to which he at times referred, having neglected to gain satisfactory knowledge of two important points, viz.:—whether there were any presents for the emperor, “as a token of sincerity;” and whether the envoy was prepared to submit to the etiquette of the court, at an audience of the emperor—this point being rendered very doubtful by the previous resistance shown to their numerous requisitions. In reply to the first question, the deputy was told, that as the subject was not mentioned in the letter from the President, it was unnecessary to refer to it, before the conclusion of a treaty. Should the emperor desire any thing particular, it might be sent at his request. Deputy. “The emperor’s coffers are full and overflowing, well provided with every thing curious and valuable; how can he desire any thing from you? But you have come to seek trade and intercourse. Although the emperor is tender and kind to strangers, and willing to admit them—yet, consider, if it appears well to come without presents and empty handed.” Envoy. “My country asks no favours or ‘tenderness’ from any; but I desire to know how the emperor is willing to admit our merchants to trade; whether on the same footing as the Chinese, &c., or not. Our ships are found every where, but we seek favours from none.” Dep. “I have heard that it is customary among the nations of the west, to send presents, when seeking intercourse with the dominions of others. On this account I ask the question, not because the emperor wants any thing.” Envoy. “As the emperor does not want presents, why do you speak of them? Should a treaty be concluded, this is a minor matter, which can then be spoken of; but which does not require any previous attention.” To this the deputy assented. The ceremony of presentation was easily dismissed, by informing the deputy, that nothing beyond a bow, as to the President, would be performed. The ceremony of the country was then asked. He said, that it was to make five prostrations, touching the ground with the forehead; and asked if five distinct bows would be acceded to without the prostrations. To this the envoy replied, yes; he would make five, ten, or as many bows as they desired; but the kneeling posture is becoming only in the worship of the Creator. FARTHER DELAYS. The deputy now urged the necessity of proper regard being paid to the elevation of the words emperor, Cochin-China, &c., and to the use of “humble and decorous expressions.” To this advice he endeavoured to give greater force, by saying, that in the correspondence held by the kings of An-nam, before the assumption of the present title of emperor, such humble phraseology was made use of. This argument would imply inferiority in the President, to one who bears the high title of emperor, and was, therefore, instantly repelled as insulting. The deputy denied its being insulting, maintained the propriety of his argument, and insisted on the use, at the commencement of the President’s letter, of one or other of the derogatory terms already mentioned, viz.: that the letter was sent with “silent awe,” or that it was presented with “uplifted hands.” He was admonished not to repeat so insulting a demand; for that the President stands on a footing of perfect equality with the highest emperor, and cannot, therefore, use any term that may make him appear in the light of one inferior to the In reply, he said, that unless this requisition was complied with, he and his fellow-officers dare not forward the despatch, enclosing the copy of the President’s letter, nor dare they, he added, forward the letter to the minister, without the President’s letter, although the mention made in it of the latter should be erased. As this determination left no alternative, but complete failure or dishonourable concessions, he was required to repeat the refusal, which he did more than once, and then returned to the shore. |