THE CHARTER—THOMAS THOMAS AND THE STATIONERS

Though it may not be clear to what extent John Siberch was officially recognised as printer to the university, it is evident that no successor to him was immediately appointed. University stationers and bookbinders, however, had been for some time established in a privileged position. As early as 1276 we find a reference to the "writers, illuminators, and stationers, who serve the scholars only," and in a note on this phrase Fuller defines the stationarii as "publicly avouching the sale of staple-books in standing shops (whence they have their names) as opposite to such circumforanean pedlers (ancestors to our modern Mercuries and hawkers) which secretly vend prohibited books."

In 1350 John Hardy, procurator of the Corpus Christi Gild, is described as "stationarius of the University" and we learn something of the stationers' duties from the prohibition by Convocation in 1408 of the use in schools of "any book or tract compiled by John Wiclif, or any one else in his time or since or to be compiled thereafter" unless first examined by the universities and afterwards approved by the Archbishop. After the book had been finally sanctioned, it was to be delivered "in the name and by the authority of the University to the stationers to be copied; and a faithful collation being made, the original should be deposited in the chest of either University, there to remain for ever."

In his edition of Grace Book A (1454-88) Sir Stanley Leathes summarises the position of the Stationaries as follows:

They were not students, nor were they exactly servants or tradesmen. They were the official agents of the University for the sale of pledges, and official valuers of manuscripts and other valuables offered as security. They seem to have received an occasional fee from the Chest.... Like the servants and tradesmen dependent on the University they were under the University jurisdiction.

Many of the stationers were binders as well and the keeping of the university chest was included in their duties; from the will of Petrus Breynans (c. 1504) it also appears that they were provided by the university with a distinctive gown[9].

At the beginning of the sixteenth century, we find the stationers involved in one of the many disputes between university and town, damaging alike to study and to business. In 1502 both parties besought the "amicable interference" of the Lady Margaret, who counselled arbitration; the result was an "indenture of covenant" executed by university and town "pursuant to the award of Sir Thomas Frowycke and the other arbitrators." One clause in the indenture runs:

Item, yt ys covenanted, accorded, and agreed bitwene the said Parties, accordinge to the said Award, that all Bedells of the said Universitie, and all Mancipills, Cooks, Butlers, and Launders of everye Colledge, Hostell, and of other places ordeyned for Scolers, Students, and places of religion in the said Universitie, and all appotycares, Stacioners, Lymners, Schryveners, Parchment-makers, Boke-bynders, Phisitions, Surgeons, and Barbers in the sayd Universitie ... shall be reputed and taken as Common Ministers and Servants of the said Universitie, as longe as they shall use eny such occupacion, and shall have and enjoye lyke privilege as a Scolers Servant of the same Universitie shall have and enjoye....[10]

In the list at the end of the award containing the names of those privileged by the university, the last entry is "Garreit Stacioner.", This "Garreit" is the stationer and binder generally known as Garrett Godfrey. When he first began business in Cambridge is not known, but more than fifty specimens of his binding, dating from 1499 to 1535, have survived. We know also that he was churchwarden of Great St Mary's in 1516 and again in 1521 and that he died in 1539[11].

Erasmus refers to him in 1516 as his "old host, Garrett the bookseller" (which suggests that he stayed in his house during his first visit to Cambridge), and in 1525 sends a message, already quoted, to Garrett and other booksellers.

Another stationer and bookbinder of the period is Nicholas Spierinck (Speryng), whose name first appears in Grace Book B under the date 1505-6. Little is known of him as a stationer. He was a Dutchman by birth and, like Garrett Godfrey, was a friend of Erasmus and a churchwarden of Great St Mary's. His will, of which he appointed Thomas Wendy, the royal physician, as supervisor, shows him to have been a man of property, since he bequeathed to Nycholas Spyrynke, his "sonnes sonne," the "howse of the Crosse Keyes"—a brewery in Magdalene Street[12]; of his work as a binder nearly fifty examples remain.

The third of the Cambridge stationers of this period whom we must consider is Segar Nicholson. He also came from Holland, and, as Mr G. J. Gray remarks, affords an early example of a member of the university engaging in business, being a pensioner of Gonville Hall from 1520 to 1523. His career has more varied features than those of his fellow-stationers.

In 1529 he was charged with holding Protestant views and further with the unlawful possession of Luther's books and other heretical works. Now Luther's books had been publicly burnt in Cambridge eight years before and the ceremony had, as we have seen, been the occasion of a notable sermon by Bishop Fisher. About this time, however, there had grown up a small society of members of the university who were sympathetic towards Lutheran doctrine. They met in secret in the White Horse inn, which stood where are now the back buildings of the Bull Hotel—a place chosen so that members might enter unobserved by the back door and nicknamed 'Germany' by the orthodox[13]. Among the heretics who frequented these meetings was Segar Nicholson.

Foxe, in his Acts and Monuments, gives a sad account of the treatment of Nicholson: "The handling of this man," he says, "was too too cruel." After his release from prison, Nicholson remained a stationer till the age of 60, when he was ordained deacon by the Bishop of London.

In the meantime the university had taken steps to ensure the suppression of heretical books. In 1529 a petition was presented to Cardinal Wolsey, begging:

that for the suppression of error, there should be three booksellers allowed in Cambridge by the King, who should be sworn not to bring in or sell any book which had not first been approved of by the censor of books in the University, that such booksellers should be men of reputation and gravity, and foreigners, (so it should be best for the prizing of books,) and that they might have the privilege to buy books of foreign merchants[14].

It was, no doubt, as a result of this petition that five years later Cambridge printing was formally established by royal charter on 20 July, 1534, when Henry VIII by letters patent gave licence to the Chancellor, masters, and scholars

to assign and elect from time to time, by writing under the seal of the Chancellor of the University, three stationers and printers, or sellers of books, residing within the University, who might be either aliens or natives, and hold either their own or hired houses. The stationers or printers thus assigned, and every of them, were empowered to print all manner of books approved of by the Chancellor or his vicegerent and three doctors, and to sell and expose to sale in the University or elsewhere within the realm, as well such books as other books printed within or without the realm, and approved of by the Chancellor or his vicegerent and three doctors. If aliens, these stationers or printers were empowered to reside in the University, in order to attend to their business, and were to be reputed and treated as the King's faithful subjects and lieges, and to enjoy the same liberties, customs, laws, and privileges; and to pay and contribute to lot, scot, tax, tallage, and other customs and impositions as the other subjects and lieges of the King. Provided, that the said stationers or printers, being aliens, paid all customs, subsidies, and other monies, for their goods and merchandizes imported or exported, as other aliens[15].

This is the Magna Carta of Cambridge printing and Fuller quotes with quiet pride the opinion of Sir Edward Coke that "this University of Cambridge hath power to print within the same 'omnes' and 'omnimodos libros' which the University of Oxford hath not."

We should now expect to see a steady continuance of university printing. But, in spite of the King's letters patent, the history of Cambridge printing for nearly fifty years is a blank. It is true that the university immediately availed itself of the privilege conferred upon it, and the "three stationers and printers or sellers of books residing within the university" who were appointed were Nicholas Speryng, Garrett Godfrey, and Segar Nicholson, whose careers have been sketched above. That two of these were bookbinders and churchwardens, that one owned a brewery, and that one took holy orders we have evidence, but of printing there is no trace. The strangest appointment is that of Nicholson, since the aim of the university in petitioning Wolsey for the control of printing and bookselling was the suppression of those Lutheran doctrines for which Nicholson had recently been imprisoned.

But it is clear that, for a time at any rate, the university, while showing no desire to encourage the art of printing, was quick to establish its control and censorship of books.

Some idea of a university bookseller's stock at this time may be obtained from the will of Nicholas Pilgrim[16], appointed in 1539 as successor to Garrett Godfrey, from whom he inherited a "furryd gown and iij presses with a cuttynge knife." Of the 717 books of which an inventory is given in Pilgrim's will 216 were bound and 501 unbound, the whole stock being valued at £26 11s 6d. Most of the books are either editions of the classics or theological works, but there are a few on medical and botanical subjects.

But like Richard Noke, appointed in 1540, and Peter Sheres (1545-6) Pilgrim appears to have been university printer only in name.

At the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, when all unlicensed printing was prohibited, the powers of the chancellors of the universities to license books were duly recognised and in 1576, when John Kingston was appointed as printer, the university seems definitely to have contemplated the establishment of a printing-press:

On the 18th of July, Lord Burghley wrote from Theobalds to Dr Goad Vicechancellor and the Heads, with reference to their intention of bringing the exercise of printing into the University, for which purpose they had engaged one Kingston of London, whom they purposed to protect with the University privilege to print Psalters, Books of Common Prayer, and other books in English, for which the Queen had already granted special privileges to William Seres, Richard Jugge, John Day, and others. His Lordship disapproved of any attempts to prejudice the Queen's grants, but thought they might employ an artificer for printing matters pertaining to the schools &c.[17]

In the light of this pronouncement it is easy to understand why John Kingston, who was well-known as a London stationer, printed no books in Cambridge.

At last, in 1583, we come to the name of a university printer who in fact printed books at Cambridge: Thomas Thomas, Fellow of King's College, was appointed University printer by grace of 3 May, 1583, and in the same year began to print a work by William Whitaker.

The Stationers' Company of London quickly seized his press and declared that his attempt was an infringement of their rights. In a letter to Burghley, dated 1 June, 1583, the Bishop of London wrote:

There was alsoe found one presse and furniture which is saide to belonge to one Thomas a man (as I heare) utterlie ignoraunte in printinge, and pretendinge that he entendeth to be the printer for the universitie of Cambridge.

The Vice-Chancellor and Heads, however, took up the cause of their printer and in reply to a letter from Burghley suggesting a conference with the Stationers, wrote as follows:

Our most humble duties to your honour remembred.

Whereas we understand by your honours letters, that certain of the company of the stationers in London have sought to hinder the erecting of a print within the university of Cambridg, and to impugne that antient privilege, granted and confirmed by divers princes for that purpose, to the great benefit of the university and augmentation of learning: these are in most humble manner to desire your honour, not so much in respect of Mr Thomas, who hath already received great injury and dammage at their hands, as in behalf of the university; which findeth itself very much aggrieved with the wrongful detaining of those goods, wherewithal, as we are persuaded, in right and equity they ought not to meddle, to continue our honorable patron, and to direct your favourable warrants to the warden of the stationers, that he may have his press delivered with speed; lest that by their means, as he hath been disappointed of Mr Whitakers book, so by their delays he be prevented of other books made within the university, and now ready for the press.

As for the doubts which they caused, rather in respect of their private gain and commodity, and to bring the universities more antient privileges in this behalf than theirs under their jurisdiction at London, than for any other good consideration, the deciding or peril whereof also pertaineth not to them; we dare undertake, in the behalf of Mr Thomas whom we know to be a very godly and honest man, that the press shall not be abused, either in publishing things prohibited, or otherwise inconvenient for the church and state of this realm. And this we promise the rather, for that his grace (whereof we have sent a copy to your honour by himself) was granted unto him upon condition that he should stand bound from time to time to such articles as your honour and the greatest part of the heads of colleges should ty him unto.

And for the conference, whereunto your honour moveth us, if it shall be your honours pleasure, wee, as desirous of peace and concord, (the premisses considered,) shall be ready to shew our willingness thereunto, if it shall please the company of stationers in London to send hither some certain men from them with sufficient authority for that purpose. Thus most humbly desiring that the press may no longer be stayed, and hoping that your honour will further our desire herein, we do in our daily prayer commend your lordship to the blessed tuition of the Almighty.

From Cambridge, this 14th of June[18].

This letter has been quoted in full partly because it is the first of a long series of protests, partly because it is a good example of the attitude consistently adopted by the university in regard to printing—a dutiful desire not to abuse their privilege coupled with a dignified determination not to be bullied by the Stationers.

As a result of the appeal contained in the letter, the charter of 1534 was submitted to the Master of the Rolls, who concurred in the opinion that it was valid; and on 24 July, 1584, Thomas entered into a recognizance in 500 marks before the Vice-Chancellor.

Books now began to issue from Thomas's press and some of them quickly excited the odium theologicum; when, for instance, a work by Walter Travers in support of Presbyterianism was printed, the greater part of the edition was confiscated.

Ever sens I hard that they had a Printer in Cambridg (wrote Archbishop Whitgift to Lord Burghley), I did greatlie fear this and such like inconveniences wold followe, nether do I thingk that yt wyll so stay, for althowgh Mr Vicechancellor that now ys, be a verie careful man and in all respectes greatlie to be commended, yet yt may fawle owt hereafter, that some such as shal succeade hym wyll not be so well affected, nor have such care for the publike peace of the Church, and of the state, but whatsoever your Lordship shall thingk good to be done in this matter ... I wyll performe yt accordinglie. I thingk yt verie convenient that the bokes should be burned, beeing verie factius and full of untruthes: and that (yf printing do styll there continew) sufficient bonds with suerties shold be taken of the printer not to print anie bokes, unlesse they be first allowed by lawfull authoritie, for yf restrante be made here and libertie graunted there, what good can be done....[19]

From this time forward, indeed, Cambridge printing was for many years continually harassed by two disturbing forces—theological suspicion and by commercial jealousy. Thus, in 1585, when it was discovered that London printers had printed various books already printed by the universities, a grace was passed forbidding Cambridge booksellers to sell, and Cambridge students to buy, "any book printed at London or elsewhere in England, which had been or thereafter should be printed at Cambridge or Oxford," always provided that the university printers did not sell their books at a higher price than that fixed by the Vice-Chancellor and the others named in Thomas's articles.

In the next year the archbishop was again growing anxious; in June, 1586, it was laid down by a Star Chamber ordinance that no book was to be printed without either his own or the Bishop of London's approval, and a few months later Whitgift wrote to his very loving friend the Vice-Chancellor:

Salutem in Christo. I understand that there is now in printing by the printer of that university, a certain book, called Harmonia Confessionum Fidei, in English, translated out of Latin; which book, for some special causes, was here [i.e. in London] rejected, and not allowed to be printed. These are therefore to require you, that presently upon receipt hereof you cause the said book to be stayed from printing any further; and that nothing be don more therein, until you shall receive further direction from me. And whereas there is order taken of late by the lords of the council, that from henceforth no book shall be imprinted either in London or in either of the universities, unless the same shall be allowed and authorized by the bishop of London or my self, I do likewise require you to take special care, that hereafter nothing be imprinted in that university of Cambridge but what shall be authorised accordingly. And so not doubting of your diligent circumspection herein, I commit you to the tuition of Almighty God[20].

As the Harmony of Confessions was duly published in the same year, it would appear that it eventually received the archbishop's approval; Macaulay's view of Whitgift as a "narrow-minded, mean, and tyrannical priest" would certainly have been confirmed had he considered him in the light of his censorship of Cambridge books.

Thomas Thomas's greatest achievement, perhaps, was the compilation and printing of his Latin Dictionary and when the London stationers began to publish editions of this and other Cambridge books, the university made another long protest to the Chancellor, pointing out that it was a "verie hard matter" either for the university to maintain its privilege or for the printer to do any good by his trade and begging of him "to become a meanes to her highnes in this behalf ... to graunt a speciall lycence to this our Universitie."

As the Star Chamber decree of 1586, to which reference has been already made, ordained that "none of the printers in Cambridge or Oxford for the tyme being shal be suffered to have any moe apprentices then one at one tyme at the most," it is not to be expected that the output from Thomas's press should be very large. But we know that before his death at the early age of 35 he printed at least twenty books[21]. Many of these reflect the theological controversies of the time as, for instance, Two Treatises of the Lord His holie Supper ... written in the French tongue by Yues Rousseau and Iohn de l'Espine ... translated into English ("a very elegant type, and as carefully printed," according to Herbert) and Antonii Sadeelis viri clarissimi vereque Theologi de Rebus Grauissimis controuersis Disputationes accuratae Theologice et scholastice Tractatae, both printed in 1584. In the inventory of his will it is interesting to note that, with one exception, Thomas had stock, at the time of his death, of all books printed by himself; he left, too, 39 Reames of pott paper in the garret (£8) and 8 skynnes of parchment ruled with read ynck (2s 8d). His serviceable type, consisting of long primer, pica, and brevier (Roman and Italique), together with some "greeke letter," amounted to 1445 lb and was valued at 3d a lb. In his "necessaries for pryntinge" are included "one presse with the furneture" (66s 8d), "iiij^or payer of chases" (13s 4d), "ij great stooles" (12d), "iiij^or gallies" (16d) and "the wasshing troufhe" (12d)[22].

But it is on his Latin Dictionary that the fame of Thomas Thomas chiefly rests. "In hoc opere" he writes on the title-page, "quid sit praestitum ad superiores ?e??????af??? adjectum, docebit epistola ad Lectorem" and in the epistola we learn how the work came into being:

Precibus enim Ludimagistrorum ac studiosorum victus, quibus accessit etiam amicorum frequens postulatio, ex immenso Lexicorum pelago nostrum contraxi, quod trivialibus saltem ludis inserviret.

The last words of this same address to the reader show that, like Johnson's, the dictionary was not compiled "in the soft obscurities of retirement, or under the shelter of academick bowers":

Cantebrigiae ex nostris aedibus, carptim inter operarum susurros, Tertio Nonas Septembres, Anno salutis per Christum Dominum partae, 1587.

In the eleventh edition, printed by Thomas's successor in 1619, the following tribute is paid to him in the dedication to Francis Bacon:

He was about 30 years ago a famous Printer among your Cantabrigians; yes something more than a Printer such as we now are, who understand the Latin that we print no more than Bellerophon the letters he carried, and who sell in our shops nothing of our own except the paper black with the press's sweat. But he, a companion of the Stephenses and of the other, very few, printers of the true kind and best omen, was of opinion that it was men of learning, thoroughly imbued with academic studies, who should give themselves to cultivating and rightly applying that illustrious benefit sent down from heaven and given to aid mankind and perpetuate the arts. Accordingly what more fit than that when he had wrought what was worthy of type, he should himself, needing aid of none, act as midwife to his own progeny.

Thomas's printing-office was in the Regent Walk, immediately opposite the west door of Great St Mary's; his death is said to have been hastened by the labours of the dictionary, and in 1588 he was buried in the churchyard of Great St Mary's.

i51