Oglethorpe goes to Charlestown, South Carolina, to open his Commission—Comes back to Savannah—Gives encouragement to the Planters—Returns to Frederica—Excursion to Coweta—Forms a Treaty with the Upper Creeks—Receives at Augusta a delegation of the Chickasaws and Cherokees, who complain of having been poisoned by the Traders—On his return to Savannah is informed of Spanish aggressions, and is authorized to make reprisals.

As Oglethorpe was appointed General and Commander in Chief of the military forces in South Carolina, as well as Georgia, he deemed it proper to pay a visit to Charlestown, in order to have this assigned rank duly notified to the Governor and people of the Province. He, therefore, set out for that metropolis on the 10th of March, 1739; arrived on the 15th, and, on the 3d of April, had his commission opened and read in the Assembly. In reference to the exercise of the authority which it conferred, some regulations in the military establishment were adopted. On the 11th he returned to Savannah. To encourage the industry of the planters, he proposed to those who would persevere in doing what they could in the culture of their lands, "a bounty of two shillings per bushel for all Indian corn, and one shilling per bushel for all potatoes, which they should raise over and above what the produce could be sold for after the next harvest[1]."

[Footnote 1: STEPHENS, I. 460.]

On the 18th he went to Frederica; but was obliged, in the summer, to renew his visit to Savannah; and, on the evening of the 10th of July, was received, under a discharge of cannon, by about forty of the freeholders under arms, which, he was pleased to say, was more than he expected. "His stay, being very likely to be short, many successively sought audience of him, whose affairs he despatched with his usual promptness."

"On the 17th he set off on his Indian expedition to Coweta: he proceeded up the river, in his cutter, with Lieutenant Dunbar, Ensign Leman, and Mr. Eyre, a cadet, besides attendants and servants. At the Uchee town, twenty-five miles above Ebenezer, he quitted water-conveyance, having appointed several of the Indian traders to wait his coming there, with a number of horses, as well for sumpter as riding, and also some rangers to assist."

On this journey, computed to be over three hundred miles, both he and his attendants met with many and great hardships and fatigue. They were obliged to traverse a continuous wilderness, where there was no road, and seldom any visible track; and their Indian guides led them often, unavoidably, through tangled thickets, and deep and broken ravines, and across swamps, or bogs, where the horses mired and plunged to the great danger of the riders. They had to pass large rivers on rafts, and cause the horses to wade and swim; and to ford others. During most of the way their resolute leader was under the necessity of sleeping in the open air, wrapped in his cloak or a blanket, and with his portmanteau for a pillow; or, if the night-weather was uncomfortable, or rainy, a covert was constructed of cypress boughs, spread over poles. For two hundred miles there was not a hut to be met with; nor a human face to be seen, unless by accident that of some Indian hunter traversing the woods. At length they arrived at Coweta, one of the principal towns of the Muscoghe, or Creek Indians, where the Chiefs of all the tribes were assembled, on the 11th of August. "Thus did this worthy man, to protect the settlement, which with so much pecuniary expense and devotedness of time, he had planted, now expose himself to the hazards and toils of a comfortless expedition, that would have proved unsurmountable to one of a less enterprising spirit and steady resolutions." Oglethorpe, and his suite, were received with great cordiality; and, after the necessary introduction to individuals, and a little refreshment and rest, a grand convention was formed. The assembly was arranged in due order, with the solemn introductory ceremonies prescribed for such occasions. A libation of the foskey,[1] or black-drink, followed; of which Oglethorpe was invited to partake with "the beloved men," and of which the chiefs and warriors quaffed more copious draughts. Speeches and discussions followed; terms of intercourse and stipulations of trade were agreed upon; and, after smoking the calumet, they unitedly declared that they remained firm in their pledged fealty to the King of Great Britain, and would adhere to all the engagements of amity and commerce heretofore entered into with Oglethorpe as the representative of the Trustees. They then renewed the former grants, in terms more explicit and full, confirming the session of territory on the sea-coast, with the islands, and now extending the southern boundary to the river Matteo, or St. John's. And Oglethorpe, on his part, covenanted that the English should not encroach upon, nor take up, other lands, nor intrude upon any reserved privileges of the Creeks; but would cause their rights to be respected, and the trade with them to be conducted upon fair and honorable principles. This important treaty was concluded on the 21st of August, 1739.

[Footnote 1: This is a decoction of the leaves of the YAUPON, prinus glaber, and is of an exciting, and if taken freely, an intoxicating effect. It is prepared with much formality, and is considered as a sacred beverage, used only by the Chiefs, the War Captains, and Priests ("beloved men") on special occasions, particularly on going to war and making treaties. For an account of its preparation and use, see LAWSON'S Carolina, p. 90; BERNARD ROMAN'S Natural History of Florida, p. 94; ADAIR'S History of the American Indians, p. 108; CATESBY'S Natural History of Carolina, II. 57; and BARTON'S Elements of Botany, part II. p. 16.]

Oglethorpe ingratiated himself highly with the Creeks on this occasion, by his having undertaken so long and difficult a journey to become acquainted with them, and secure their favor; trusting himself with so few attendants in a fearless reliance on their good faith; by the readiness with which he accommodated himself to their mode of living; and the magnanimity of his deportment while among them.

The chief business being finished to mutual satisfaction, the General, with his attendants, set out on their return; and, after enduring the like hardships, exposures, and fatigue, arrived, on the 5th of September, at Fort Augusta, an outpost on the Savannah, where he had placed a garrison on his first expedition to Georgia; and under the protection of which, a little settlement was now formed, inhabited mostly by Indian traders. There he was waited on by the chiefs of the Chickasaws, and the chiefs of the Cherokees;[1] the last of whom came with a heavy complaint that his people had been poisoned by the rum which had been brought to them by the traders. At this they expressed high resentment, and even threatened revenge. As this was an affair of quite an alarming nature, the General made strict inquiry into it; and ascertained that some unlicensed traders had, the preceding summer, carried up the small pox, which is fatal to the Indians; and that several of their warriors, as well as others, had fallen victims to the distemper. It was with some difficulty that he convinced the Indians that this was the real cause of the calamity. At the same time he assured them that such were the precautions and strict examination used, before any applicant for leave to trade could obtain it, that they need not apprehend any danger from such as came to them with a license. With this explanation and assurance they went away satisfied.

[Footnote 1: By some early writers of Carolina these chiefs are called "Caciques." Whether this be the same as Mico, I know not; but the title, though often used so, does not seem to be appropriate. Where justly applied, it is the title of the legislative chief, in distinction from the war chief.]

On the 13th of September, while yet at this place, an express arrived from Savannah to acquaint him that a sloop from Rhode Island had brought the intelligence, that the Governor of that Colony had, by orders from Great Britain, issued commissions for fitting out privateers against the Spaniards. This was not a little surprising to him. He could not conceive how a distant Colony should have any such orders, before they were sent to him who was most in danger of being attacked, in case of any rupture with Spain. However, he deemed it expedient to hasten his return, in order to obtain more direct information. On the 22d he reached Savannah, where he received and published his Majesty's orders for reprisals. In consequence of these, a stout privateer of fourteen guns, was immediately fitted out by Captain Davies, who had suffered by having had a ship and cargo, to the value of forty thousand pieces of eight, captured and most unjustly condemned by the Spaniards; and, therefore, felt that he had a right to avail himself of the present opportunity for obtaining redress.[1]

[Footnote 1: London Magazine, for 1757, page 592.]

For several years, the British trade to America, particularly that to the West Indies, had suffered great interruption and annoyance from the Spanish guarda-costas, which, under various pretences, seized the merchant ships, and carried them into their ports, where they were confiscated. This piratical practice had increased to such a degree that scarcely any vessels were safe in those seas; for the Spaniards pretended that wherever they found logwood, cocoa, or pieces of eight on board, the capture was legal. Now, the first two of those commodities were the growth and produce of the English islands, and the last was the current specie of all that part of the world; so that there was hardly a ship homeward bound but had one or other of these on hoard.

These depredations were also aggravated by circumstances of great inhumanity and cruelty; the sailors being confined in loathsome prisons, at the Havana, and at Cadiz; or forced to work with irons on their legs; with no sustenance but salt fish, almost putrid, and beds full of vermin, so that many died of their hard captivity[1].

[Footnote 1: History of the Colonies planted by the English on the Continent of North America, by JOHN MARSHALL. 8vo. Philadelphia, 1824. Chap. X.]

The increasing complaints of the merchants, and the loud clamors of the nation, at length forced the British minister to abandon his pacific system; and war was declared against Spain on the 23d of October, 1739. A squadron, commanded by Admiral Vernon was detached for the West Indies, with instructions to act upon the defensive; and General Oglethorpe was ordered to annoy the settlements in Florida.[1]

[Footnote 1: Historical Review of the Transactions of Europe, from the commencement of the War with Spain, in 1739, to the Insurrection in Scotland, in 1745, by SAMUEL BOYSE. 8vo.. Dublin, 1748. Vol. I. p. 27.]

It now became necessary for Oglethorpe to take the most prompt and effective measures for the protection of the Colony; and, as his settlement had, from the beginning, been opposed by the Spaniards at St. Augustine, and would now have to encounter their resentful assaults, he must put into requisition all his military force, and see to their adequate equipment. He immediately took measures for raising a troop of thirty rangers, to prevent the Spanish horse and Indians at St. Augustine from making incursions into the Province; and likewise to intercept the runaway negroes of Carolina, on their way through the country to join the Spaniards. At the same time he summoned four hundred Creeks, and six hundred Cherokee Indians to march down to the southern borders. He then viewed the arms of the militia, to ascertain that they were all in good order, and gave directions that powder, balls, and flints, should be issued out of the magazine, for supplying each member with a proper quantity. But aware that all this would be too inconsiderable for effectual resistance, he perceived it to be expedient to seek the protection of the West India fleet, and to apply to the Assembly of South Carolina for coÖperation in a cause, in the event of which their own safety was involved. Accordingly he immediately sent up to Charlestown to desire assistance, and to consult measures with the commanders of the men of war then on the station, in order immediately to block up St. Augustine before the Spaniards could receive supplies and reinforcements from Cuba; which, if properly executed, the place would, in all probability, be soon reduced.[1] This application was laid before the General Assembly, and, on the 8th of November, a Committee was appointed to take the same into consideration. Their Report was discussed in both Houses of Assembly; but no decision was obtained.

[Footnote 1: See his letter in the History of the Rise and Progress of Georgia, HARRIS'S Voyages, II. p. 338, dated 21st of September, 1739.]

Having taken these preparatory measures, he returned to Frederica to make all the arrangements which the exigences of the case required, in the equipment of his own forces, and by calling upon his Indian allies; waiting, with impatience, however, the result of his application to the sister Colony.

Towards the middle of November a party of Spaniards landed in the night time upon Amelia island, and skulked in the thicket till morning, when two Highlanders, unarmed, went into the woods for fuel; upon whom the Spaniards fired, first five and then ten shot; which was heard by Francis Brooks, who commanded the scout-boat upon the coast. He immediately made a signal to the Fort, which was then garrisoned by a detachment of General Oglethorpe's regiment. Upon this a party instantly went out, but they arrived too late, for they found their comrades dead, and that the assassins had taken to their boat, and put out to sea. The bodies of the soldiers were not only rent with shot, but most barbarously mangled and hacked. The periodical publication from which this account is taken, has the following remarks:[1] "Whence it was apparent that the Spaniards had first, out of cowardice, shot them, and then, out of cruelty, cut and slashed them with their swords. If they had not been most scandalous poltroons, they would have taken the two unarmed men prisoners, without making any noise; and then they might have lurked in the wood till they had found an opportunity of getting a better booty, or at least of making more prisoners. And, if they had not been most barbarously cruel, they would have been satisfied with simply killing these unresisting men, (which might have been without such a volley of shot,) and not have so mangled their bodies after they were slain. From such cowardly and cruel foes no mercy can be expected; and every one sent against them must despair if he finds himself in danger of being overpowered, and wrought up to desperation and revenge when he finds himself any thing near upon an equal footing."

[Footnote 1: Annals of Europe, for 1739, p. 410.]

Upon being informed of this outrage, Oglethorpe fitted out and manned a gun boat, and pursued them by water and land, above a hundred miles; but they escaped. By way of reprisal, however, he passed the St. John's into Florida; drove in the guards of Spanish horse that were posted on that river; and advanced as far as a place called the Canallas; at the same time sending Captain Dunbar with a party to find out the situation and force of the fort at Picolata, near the river, upon what were then called "the lakes of Florida," eighty miles from the mouth of the river. They attacked the garrison, but were repulsed, having no artillery. They accomplished, however, the intentions of Oglethorpe, as they reconnoitred both that place and another fort called St. Francis.

In January he returned to Frederica, where he met with Captain Warren,[1] who had lately arrived with the Squirrel man of war. When their consultation was concluded, Captain Warren went and cruised off the Bay of St. Augustine, while Oglethorpe, with a detachment of troops on board of the boats, and some artillery, went up the Lakes of Florida, rowing by day, and sailing by night, so that he attacked the two forts Picolata and St. Francis, took both the same day, and made the soldiers in the garrisons prisoners of war.

[Footnote 1: Afterwards Sir PETER WARREN, an excellent naval officer.]

Captain Hugh Mackay, in a letter to Colonel Cecil, dated Frederica, 24th of January, 1740, says, "The General escaped very narrowly being killed by a cannon ball at Fort St. Francis, or, as the Spaniards called it, 'San Francisco de Papa.'"