Special destination of the last Emigrants—Oglethorpe makes arrangements for their transportation to the Island of St. Simons—Follows with Charles Wesley—Arrives and lays out a Town to be called Frederica—Visits the Highlanders at Darien—Returns and superintends the building of a Fort—All the people arrive—Barracks for the Soldiers put up, and a Battery erected—Visited by Tomo Chichi, and Indians, who make a cession of the Islands—Reconnoitres the Islands and gives names to them—Commissioners from St. Augustine—Apparently amicable overtures—Oglethorpe goes to Savannah to hold a conference with a Committee from South Carolina respecting trade with the Indians—Insolent demand of the Spaniards—Oglethorpe embarks for England.
As the destination of the large number of intended settlers, which had now arrived was "for the purpose of laying out a county and building a new town near the southern frontier of Georgia," and the people were waiting to be conducted by the General to "the place of habitation," he was very active in making arrangements for their transportation, and, on the evening of the 16th of February, 1739, set out in the scout-boat,[1] through the inward channels, to meet, at Jekyl sound, a sloop that he had chartered to take on some of the more efficient men as pioneers, and to make some preparation for the reception of the emigrants.[2] He took with him Charles Wesley, who was to be his Secretary as well as Chaplain; Mr. Ingham having gone by a previous opportunity; and left John Wesley and Delamotte at Savannah.[3]
[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XVIII.]
[Footnote 2: "The Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, ordered a new town to be built in that Colony, and an embarkation to be made for that purpose."]
[Footnote 3: Many of the particulars in this chapter are taken from the Journal of THOMAS MOORE, who was present. As that work is extremely rare, I adopted its information more verbally than I should have done had I anticipated that it was so soon to be republished in the Collections of the Georgia Historical Society.]
As Oglethorpe was in haste, the men rowed night and day, and had no other rest than what they got when the wind favored their course; and "they vied with each other who should be forwardest to please the General, who, indeed, lightened their sense of fatigue by giving them refreshments, which he rather spared from himself than let them want."[1]
[Footnote 1: MOORE, p. 42.]
On the morning of the 18th they arrived at St. Simons, an island near the north mouth of the Alatamaha river, fifteen miles in length, and from two to four in breadth. Here the working men and carpenters who came in the sloop and long boats, disembarked, and were immediately set to work.
Oglethorpe not only directed and superintended, but actually assisted in the labors. They soon got up a house and thatched it with palmetto leaves; dug a cellar, and throwing up the earth on each side, by way of bank, raised over it a store house; and then marked out a fort. They next constructed several booths, each of which was between twenty and forty feet long, and twenty feet wide. These were for the reception and temporary shelter of the Colonists.
After this, the General paid a visit to the Highlanders, at their settlement called "the Darien," a distance of sixteen miles on the northern branch of the Alatamaha. He found them under arms, in their uniform of plaid, equipped with broad swords, targets, and muskets; in which they made a fine appearance. In compliment to them, he was that morning, and all the time that he was with them, dressed in their costume. They had provided him a fine soft bed, with Holland sheets, and plaid curtains; but he chose to lie upon the ground, and in the open air, wrapt in his cloak, as did two other gentlemen; and afterwards his example was followed by the rest of his attendants. This condescending and accommodating disposition not only conciliated the regards of the settlers, but encouraged them both by example and aid in going through their arduous labors, and in submitting to the exigences of their situation. Happily his constitution was framed to a singular temperament, which enabled him to require but very little sleep; and he was capable of enduring long and frequent fasting, when imposed upon him either by necessity or business, without any observable prejudice to his health, or any other inconvenience. A gentleman, who was one of the party, in a letter, dated 24th of February, 1736, declares, "What surprizes me, beyond expression, is his abstemiousness and hard living. Though even dainties are plentiful, he makes the least use of them; and such is his hardiness, that he goes through the woods wet or dry, as well as any Indian. Moreover, his humanity so gains upon all here, that I have not words to express their regard and esteem for him." He further adds, "They have a Minister here, Mr. McLeod, a very good man, who is very useful in instructing the people in religious matters, and will intermeddle with no other affairs."[1] How commendably prudent, as well as altogether proper, was this avoidance of secular topics and party discussions in preaching; and how conducive to social accordance and peace, as well as spiritual edification, was soon apparent in the lamentable effects of a different use of the ministerial function in the other settlements.
[Footnote 1: Gentleman's Magazine, 1736, p. 229.]
Having remained a few days with his favorite Highland corps, he returned to St. Simons, where he found Tomo Chichi, Toonahowi, and a party of Indians consisting of about forty men, "all chosen warriors and good hunters;" who had come down to show him what Islands they claimed as having belonged to their nation, but which had been ceded to him by treaty, and to which they would now give him the formal possession. To accomplish this, the General fitted out an expedition, to take them with him in the two ten-oared boats, with Major Horton, Mr. Tanner, and some other gentlemen as his escort; and a sufficient number of able hands both as boat-men and soldiers, and to man the periagua,[1] with Highlanders under the command of Captain Hugh Mackay. He the more readily engaged in this excursion from an impatient desire to gain intelligence of Major Richard, and the deputation to St. Augustine.
[Footnote 1: The Periagua is a long flat-bottomed boat, carrying from twenty to thirty-five tons. It is constructed with a forecastle and a cabin; but the rest is open, and there is no deck. It has two masts, which the sailors can strike, and sails like those of schooners. It is rowed, generally, with two oars only.]
They set out on the 18th of March. On the first day they visited an island in the mouth of the Alatamaha, sixteen miles long, and from one to five broad; opposite the entrance of the great Latilla river. By the Indians it was called WISSOE, Sassafras; but the Spaniards had named it San Pedro. Toonahowi, pulling out a watch that had been given him by his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland, desired that it should bear his name; saying, "He gave me this watch, that we might know how time went; and we will remember him while time goes; and this place must have his name, that others may be reminded of him." The General left Captain Mackay and the Highlanders here, with directions to build a fort on the high ground, commanding the passes of the river; which, at their desire, should be called St. Andrews. On the south-east part of this island another strong fort was afterwards built, called Fort William, which commanded Amelia Sound, and the inland passage from St. Augustine.
On their excursion, the next day, they passed the Clogothea, an arm of the Alatamaha, and went ashore on a delightful island, about thirteen miles long, and two broad, with orange trees, myrtles and vines growing on it. The wild-grape vines here, as on the borders of the Savannah, grow to the very top of the trees, and hang from limb to limb in festoons, as if trimmed and twined by art.[1] The name of this island, Santa Maria, they changed to AMELIA, in honor of her Royal Highness.
[Footnote 1: Journal of the Rev. Mr. Bolzius, who, it seems, was one of the party. See URLSPURGER, I. 845.]
On the third day they came to an island which had borne the name of San Juan; but claiming it as belonging to his Majesty, and the southernmost part of his Provinces on the sea-coast of North America, they named it GEORGE's.
As they approached the Spanish look-out, [Haser centinela] which is posted on the Florida side of the St. John's river, the Indians shewed their desire of making an assault upon it, as "some of them were related to those that had been killed, the winter before, by a detachment from St. Augustine; and one of them, Poyeechy by name, had been wounded by the Spaniards." The General, though with much difficulty, persuaded them to forbear; and prevailed upon them to return to what is called "the Palmetto ground," near to Amelia Island, in one of the scout-boats, under the care of Major Horton. When they had got entirely out of sight, he purposed to cross over and inquire of the Spanish guard what had become of his boat and the commissioner to the Governor of Florida.[1]
[Footnote 1: The district, as far as St. John's, was taken from the Spaniards in Queen Anne's time; and at the time of the Peace of Utrecht it was in the possession of the English allied Indians. Now, since by this treaty all lands in America were declared to belong to their then present owners, and the said Indians still occupy it, and having acknowledged themselves subjects to the King of Great Britain, by cession, the territory became his.]
On going ashore they found no men at the look-out, and therefore went down to the lower one, which was also deserted. They then set out on their return, and passing between the St. George and Talbot Island came to the rendezvous at the Palmetto ground. There they met Mr. Horton in the scout-boat, and some boats of Indians; but Tomo Chichi, with two boats, was gone.
Here Mr. Moore, whom I follow, narrates a serio-comic adventure, which, though it may be, to some of my readers, a twice-told tale, will bear repeating.
"About four hours in the night, their sentry challenged a boat, and Umpichi, one of those that had been in England, answered, and at the same time leaped on shore with four others, and ran up to the fires where Mr. Oglethorpe then was. They seemed in such a rage as is hardly to be described. Their eyes glowed, as it were with fire. Some of them foamed at the mouth, and moved with such bounds that they seemed rather possessed.
"Mr. Oglethorpe asked Umpichi what the matter was. He said 'Tomo Chichi has seen enemies, and has sent us to tell it, and to help you.' Being asked why the Mico did not come back himself, he said, 'He is an old warrior, and will not come away from his enemies, who hunt upon our lands, till he has seen them so near as to count them. He saw their fire, and therefore sent to take care of you, who are his friends. He will make a warrior of Toonahowi, and, before daylight, will be revenged for his men whom they killed whilst he was gone to England. But we shall have no honor, for we shall not be there.' The rest of the Indians seemed to catch the raging fits, at not being present. Mr. Oglethorpe asked if he thought there were many. He said 'Yes! he thought the enemies were a great many, for they had a great fire upon a high ground, and the Indians never make large fires, but when they are so strong as to despise all resistance.'
"Mr. Oglethorpe immediately ordered all his people on board, and they rowed very briskly to where Tomo Chichi was; being about four miles distant.
"They found him, with his Indians, with hardly any fire, only a few sparks behind a bush, to prevent discovery; who told them that they had been to see the fire, and had discovered seven or eight white men, but the Indians, they believed, had encamped further in the woods, for they had not seen them; but Tomo Chichi was going out again to look for the Indians, whom, as soon as he discovered, he intended to give the signal to attack both the parties at once; one half creeping near, and taking each their aim at those whom they saw most awake; and, as soon as they had fired, to run in with their hatchets, and at the same time those who had not fired to run in with their loaded arms; that if they knew once where the Indians were, they would be sure of killing all the white men, since they, being round the fire, were easily seen, and the same fire hindered them from seeing others.
"Mr. Oglethorpe tried to dissuade them from that attempt, but with great difficulty could obtain of them to delay a little time; they thinking it argued cowardice. At last they got up and resolved to go in spite of all his endeavors; on which he told them, 'You certainly go to kill them in the night, because you are afraid of seeing them by day. Now, I do not fear them. Stay till day, and I will go with you, and see who they are.'
"Tomo Chichi sighed, and sat down, and said, 'We do not fear them by day; but if we do not kill them by night, they will kill you to-morrow.' So they stayed.
"By daybreak Mr. Oglethorpe and the Mico went down with their men, and came to the fire, which they thought had been made by enemies, which was less than a mile from where the Mico had passed the night. They saw a boat there, with a white flag flying, and the men proved to be Major Richard, and his attendants, returned from Augustine.
"The Indians then seemed ashamed of their rage, which inspired them to kill men before they knew who they were."
The meeting, under these circumstances, was doubly joyous. After mutual congratulations, he was informed by Major Richard that "he was cast away before he could get to St. Augustine; that part of the baggage was lost; but the boat and men saved. That, having scrambled through the breakers, and walked some leagues through the sands, they were met by Don Pedro Lamberto, a Captain of the horse, and by him conducted to the Governor, who received them with great civility; and that the reason of his long stay was to get the boat repaired." He brought letters from Don Francisco del Morale Sanchez, Captain General of Florida, and Governor of St. Augustine. These commenced with compliments, thanking him for the letters brought by Charles Dempsey, Esq. and Major Richard; which, however, were followed by complaints that the Creek Indians had assaulted and driven away the Spanish settlers on the borders of the St. Mattheo,[1] and intimations of displeasure at the threatening appearance of the forts which he was erecting, and forces which manned them. Major Richard said that the Governor expected an answer in three weeks, and desired him to bring it. He added, that despatches had been sent to the Havana to apprize the Government of the arrival of the new settlers, and of the position which they had taken.
[Footnote 1: The St. John's.]
"The same day they returned toward St. Andrew's; but not having depth of water enough through the narrows of Amelia, the scout-boats were obliged to halt there; but the Indians advanced to the south end of Cumberland, where they hunted, and carried venison to St. Andrews."
By the directions and encouragements of the General, the works at St. Simons were carried on with such expedition, that, by the middle of April, the fort, which was a regular work of tabby, a composition of oyster shells and lime, was finished; and thirty-seven palmetto houses were put up, in which all the people might be sheltered till they could build better.
About the centre of the west end of the island, a town was laid out, which he called FREDERICA, with wide streets, crossing each other at right angles. These were afterwards skirted with rows of orange trees.
The ground being properly divided, "the people, who had now all arrived, having been brought in a little fleet of periaguas, were put in possession of their respective lots, on the 19th of April, in order that each man might begin to build and improve for himself. But the houses that had been built, and the fields that had been tilled and sown, were, as yet, to be in common for the public benefit."
At the south end of the island he caused to be erected a strong battery, called Fort St. Simons, commanding the entrance to Jekyl sound; and a camp of barracks and some huts.
[Illustration: Map of the Coast, Sea-Islands and early settlements of Georgia.]
In point of situation, a better place for a town, a fortress, and a harbor, could hardly be wished in that part of the country; lying, as it does, at the mouth of a very fine river. The surface of the island was covered with oak and hickory trees, intermixed with meadows and old Indian fields; the soil was rich and fertile, and in all places, where they tried, they found fresh water within nine feet of the surface.[1]
[Footnote 1: See "History of the Rise, Progress, and Present State of the Colony of Georgia," in Harris's Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. II. p. 330, 2d ed. Lond. 1764. The best history, up to the date of publication, extant.]
On the 25th, Oglethorpe and his men, and Major Richard and his attendants, got back to Frederica. On the next day the Indians arrived, the purpose of whose intended visit had been announced by Tomo Chichi. Having encamped by themselves near the town, they prepared for a dance; to which Oglethorpe went with all his people.
"They made a ring, in the middle of which four sat down, having little drums, made of kettles, covered with deer skins, upon which they beat, and sung. Round these the others danced, being naked to their waists, and having round their middle many trinkets tied with skins; and some had the tails of beasts hanging down behind them. They had painted their faces and bodies; and their hair was stuck with feathers. In one hand they had a rattle, in the other the feathers of an eagle made up like the caduceus of Mercury; they shook there plumes and the rattle, and danced round the ring with high bounds and antic postures, looking much like the figures of the Satyrs.
"They showed great activity, and kept just time in their motions; and at certain times answered, by way of chorus, to those that sat in the middle of the ring. They stopt; and then one of the chief warriors stood out, who sang what wars he had been in, and described by motions as well as by words, which way he had vanquished the enemies of his country. When he had done, all the rest gave a shout of approbation, as knowing what he said to be true."[1]
[Footnote 1: MOORE.]
The Indian Mico then explained the object of their embassy in a long speech. After this, an alliance was concluded, and presents exchanged; which consisted, on the part of the Indians, of dressed skins; and, on that of Oglethorpe, of guns, red and blue cloth, powder, bullets, knives, and small whetstones; and, among the women he distributed linen and woolen garments, ear-rings, chains, beads, &c.
This business being despatched, the General called the freemen together, and communicated to them the contents of the letters which he had received from the Governor of St. Augustine; and this he did to prevent the ill impression that vague conjecture and idle reports might occasion, and then, in compliance with the requisition of the Governor of St. Augustine that hostile intrusion on the Spanish settlements might be prevented, he immediately fitted out a periagua and the marine boat, with men and provisions for three months; together with arms, ammunition, and tools, to sail to the southward, and cruise along the English side of the St. John's, in order to detect and prevent any lawless persons from sheltering themselves there, and thence molesting his Catholic Majesty's subjects, and to restrain the Indians.
This expedition was conducted by Captain Hermsdorff, who was to leave Major Richard and Mr. Horton his attendant, at some place on the Florida shore, whence they could proceed to St. Augustine to wait on the Governor with the despatches. The purport of these was to acquaint him, that, "being greatly desirous to remove all occasions of uneasiness upon the frequent complaints by his Excellency of hostile incursions upon the Spanish dominions, armed boats had been sent to patrol the opposite borders of the river, and prevent all passing over by Indians or marauders. The gentlemen were also directed to render him the thanks of General Oglethorpe for his civilities, and to express his inclination for maintaining a good harmony between the subjects of both crowns."[1]
[Footnote 1: MOORE'S Voyage, p. 79.]
On the 22d of May, 1736, a respectable deputation of the Uchee Indians, from the neighborhood of Ebenezer, waited upon the General at St. Simons. They had painted themselves with various colors, and were dressed in their richest costume. Being introduced to him in the large apartment of the magazine store, the Indian King made a long speech; after which an alliance was entered into, and pledge presents interchanged.[1] This treaty was a very important one, because the Uchees claimed the country above Augusta to the border of the Creeks, and a portion below adjoining the Yamacraws; because they were an independent tribe, having no alliance with the others; and because they had been a little dissatisfied with the Saltzburgers at Ebenezer.
[Footnote 1: URLSPURGER, I. 844, and Appendix No. XIX.]
On the first of June intelligence was received that Major Richard and Mr. Horton, instead of being received as commissioned delegates, had been arrested and made prisoners at St. Augustine. Not explaining to the satisfaction of the Governor and his Council the situation of the forts and the design of the military force that was stationed in them, they were detained in custody, till Don Ignatio Rosso, Lieutenant Colonel of the garrison, with a detachment of men had made personal investigations; who, after an absence of five days, returned and reported that the islands were all fortified, and appeared to be filled with men; and that the shores were protected by armed boats. A council of war was then held, and it was resolved to send back Major Richard and Mr. Horton, and their suit, and with them an embassy, consisting of Charles Dempsey, Esq., Don Pedro Lamberto, Captain of the Horse, and Don Manuel D'Arcy, Adjutant of the garrison, with intimations that this formidable array was unnecessary. By private information, however, Oglethorpe was led to infer that, notwithstanding the fair professions that had been made by the Spaniards, there were evidently measures concerted to increase their forces, to procure guns and ammunition, and to arm the Florida Indians.[1]
[Footnote 1: MOORE'S Voyage, p. 79.]
In consequence of these and other indications that the Spaniards were commencing preparations for dislodging the English settlers, the General took all possible precautionary measures for repelling them. The fort and works on St. Simons were completed in the best manner, and a battery was erected on the east point of the island, which projects into the ocean. This commanded the entrance of Jekyl sound in such manner that all ships that come in at this north entry must pass within shot of the point, the channel lying directly under it.
St. Andrew's fort, on Cumberland Island, with its munition of ordnance and garrison of well-disciplined soldiers, was much relied upon as a mean of defence; and even the outpost at St. George's, on the north side and near the mouth of St. John's river, was deemed of no inconsiderable importance as a check, at least, upon any attempted invasion by the Spaniards, and as serving to prevent their going through the inner passages.
In the month of July the General visited Savannah, to attend to affairs there, and to hold a conference with a Committee of the General Assembly of South Carolina respecting the Indian trade, which they charged him with aiming to monopolize, to the disallowance of their traders.
It may be necessary here to state, that, as the boundaries of Georgia separated the Indians on the west side of the Savannah river from the confines of South Carolina, they must be admitted as in affinity with the new Colony. At any rate, Oglethorpe deemed it so expedient to obtain their consent to the settlement of his people, and their good will was so essential to a secure and peaceful residence, that his earliest care had been to make treaties of alliance with them. That these treaties should include agreements for mutual intercourse and trade, seemed to be, not only a prudential, but an indispensable provision; particularly as Tomo Chichi and the Micos of the Creeks, who went with him to England, had requested that some stipulations might be made relative to the quantity, quality, and prices of goods, and to the accuracy of weights and measures, in what was offered for the purchase of their buffalo hides, and deer-skins and peltry.[1] Whereupon the Trustees proposed certain regulations of trade, designed to prevent in future those impositions of which the Indians complained. To carry these into effect, it was thought right that none should be permitted to trade with the Indians but such as had a license, and would agree to conduct the traffic upon fair and equitable principles. The Carolina traders, not being disposed to apply for a permit, nor to subject themselves to such stipulations and restrictions, were disallowed by the Georgia Commissary, who held a trading house among the Creeks.[2] This was resented by them, and their complaints to the Provincial Assembly led to the appointment of the Committee just referred to, and whose conference with Oglethorpe was held at Savannah on the 2d of August, 1736.[3] In their printed report they lay down these fundamental principles. "The Cherokee, Creek, Chickasaw, and Catawba Indians, at the time of the discovery of this part of America, were the inhabitants of the lands which they now possess, and have ever since been deemed and esteemed the friends and allies of his Majesty's English subjects in this part of the Continent. They have been treated with as allies, but not as subjects of the crown of Great Britain; they have maintained their own possessions, and preserved their independency; nor does it appear that they have by conquest lost, nor by cession, compact, or otherwise, yielded up or parted with, those rights to which, by the laws of nature and nations, they were and are entitled."
[Footnote 1: McCALL, Vol. I. p. 46.]
[Footnote 2: Capt. FREDERICK McKAY, in a letter to THOMAS BROUGHTON, Esq., Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina, dated July 12,1735, written to justify his conduct as Indian Commissary, in turning out four traders who would not conform to the rules stipulated in the licenses, has the following remarks on the difficulties which he had to encounter: "It was impracticable to get the traders to observe their instructions, while some did undersell the others; some used light, others heavy weights; some bribed the Indians to lay out their skins with them, others told the Indians that their neighboring traders had heavy weights, and stole their skins from them, but that they themselves had light weights, and that their goods were better."]
[Footnote 3: "Report of the Committee appointed to examine into the proceedings of the people of Georgia, with respect to the Province of South Carolina, and the disputes subsisting between the two Colonies." 4to. Charlestown, 1736, p. 121.
This tract was printed by Lewis Timothy. There was no printer in Carolina before 1730, and this appears to have been one of the earliest productions of the Charlestown press, in the form of a book. RICH's Bibliotheca Americana Nova, p. 53.]
"The Committee cannot conceive that a charter from the crown of Great Britain can give the grantees a right or power over a people, who, to our knowledge, have never owned any allegiance, or acknowledged the sovereignty of the crown of Great Britain, or any Prince in Europe; but have indiscriminately visited and traded with the French, Spaniards, and English, as they judged it most for their advantage; and it is as difficult to understand how the laws of Great Britain, or of any Colony in America, can take place, or be put in execution in a country where the people never accepted of, nor submitted to, such laws; but have always maintained their freedom, and have adhered to their own customs and manners without variation or change."
Hence the Committee inferred that the Regulations which were passed by the Trustees, could not be binding upon the Indians, nor serve to effect any exclusive trade with them. Oglethorpe acknowledged this independency of the Indians; and asserted that, in perfect consistency with it, they had entered into a treaty of alliance with the Colony of Georgia; and, having themselves indicated certain terms and principles of traffic, these were adopted and enjoined by the Trustees; and this was done, not to claim authority over the Indians, nor to control their conduct, but to indicate what was required of those who should go among them as traders.
In answer to the allegations that the Carolina traders had been excluded, he declared that, in granting licenses to trade with the Indians, he refused none of the Carolina traders who conformed to the Act, and gave them the same instructions as had been given by the Province of Carolina.[1] He also declared that he had given, and should always continue to give, such instructions to the Georgia traders, as had formerly been given by the Province of South Carolina to theirs; and in case any new instructions given by the Province of South Carolina to their traders shall be imparted, and appear to him for the benefit of the two Provinces, he would add them to the instructions of the Georgia traders; and, finally, that, pursuant to the desire of the Committee, he would give directions to all his officers and traders among the Indians, in their talk and discourses to make no distinction between the two Provinces, but to speak in the name and behalf of his Majesty's subjects[2].
[Footnote 1: "To protect the natives against insults, and establish a fair trade and friendly intercourse with them, were regulations which humanity required, and sound policy dictated. But the rapacious spirit of individuals could be curbed by no authority. Many advantages were taken of the ignorance of Indians in the way of traffic." RAMSAY's History of South Carolina, Vol. I. p. 48. For other particulars stated by him, respecting the trade with the Indians, see p. 89,104.]
[Footnote 2: Report of the Committee, &c., p. 106, 107.]
It seems, however, that the Committee were not satisfied; primarily because licenses were required, and especially that they must come through the hands of the Governor of Georgia.
In a few days after this conference Oglethorpe returned to Frederica. On the latter part of September he renewed the commission of the Honorable Charles Dempsey, impowering him to state to the Governor of St. Augustine terms for a conventional adjustment of the misunderstanding between the two Provinces. This he eventually effected, and a treaty was concluded on the 27th of October following, much more conciliatory, on the part of the Spaniards, than he had expected. This, however, proved ineffectual, and the pleasing anticipations of restored harmony which it seemed to authorize, were shortly frustrated by a message from the Governor of St. Augustine to acquaint him that a Spanish Minister had arrived from Cuba, charged with a communication which he desired an opportunity of delivering in person. At a conference which ensued, the Commissioner peremptorily required that Oglethorpe and his people should immediately evacuate all the territory to the southward of St. Helena's Sound, as that belonged to the King of Spain, who was determined to vindicate his right to it. He refused to listen to any argument in support of the English claim, or to admit the validity of the treaty which had lately been signed, declaring that it had erred in the concessions which had been made. He then unceremoniously departed, with a repetition of his demand, accompanied with menaces.
Perceiving that the most vigorous measures, and a stronger defensive force than the Province could supply, would be necessary to overawe the hostile purposes displayed by Spain, or repel them if put in execution, Oglethorpe resolved to represent the state of affairs to the British Ministers, and straightway embarking, set sail for England.[1] He arrived at the close of the year; and, presenting himself before the Board of Trustees, "received an unanimous vote of thanks, as he had made this second, as well as his first expedition to Georgia, entirely at his own expense."[2]
[Footnote 1: HEWATT, II. 47, and GRAHAM, III. 200, totidem verbis.]
[Footnote 2: London Magazine, October, 1757, p. 545.]
