In 1844 Count Adolphe Rosen obtained a concession for making railways in Sweden, and offered me half the concession, provided that I would go over to Sweden, lay out the lines, and bring the matter before the English public. I accordingly employed a Mr. Tottie, a Swede, who had been employed by Mr. Rastrick, to make the surveys of the lines laid out by me, which consisted of a main one from Gothenburg right through the kingdom to Oxhoe, as the central portion for the iron trade; from thence one branch went to the upper end of the Lake Wener, and the other to the Lake Malar, to communicate with Stockholm; the line then proceeded north by WesterÂs to Upsala, and thence to Stockholm.

The same year I went from Hull with Count Rosen to Gothenburg by steam, and spent two or three days there. The country through which I passed, though not rich, was much more so and better cultivated than I expected to find it, and the people honest, simple, and industrious, and extremely civil. The general appearance rather picturesque, and in places wild, being covered with dense forests of firs, larch, beech, &c.; large spaces had been cleared of wood and brought under cultivation. The houses were for the most part built of wood, in the Russian fashion, the logs being laid close together, dovetailed at the ends, and the joints caulked with moss, the inside being closely planked, and in every room was a stone or porcelain stove; the windows were double, and in winter the outer and inner were both shut up, and all the joints pasted with paper so as to prevent the admission of the outer air. The houses were generally very comfortable. In some of the larger towns, such as Orebro, many of the houses were solidly built of stone, others had stone foundations and wooden superstructure; most of the country churches were of stone, with a detached building of wood for the bells, which were frequently of a large size, with a very fine full melodious sound. Gothenburg is a very well and regularly built town, chiefly of stone, in the Dutch style, with canals running through the streets. Some of the houses of the principal merchants, as well as public buildings, are spacious and handsome, although the town generally has a heavy, dull, yet substantial appearance.

I resolved to visit the celebrated iron mine of Daunemora, some miles farther northward. I accordingly started off with Count Rosen, and reached it the same evening, and visited the mine next day; it consisted of a mass of rock, cropping out to the surface, of almost solid magnetic iron, containing about 75 to 80 per cent. of the finest metal. There were extensive forests round, so that there was no want of fuel; the wood was converted into charcoal, and the finest iron was extracted, the best for making steel; it fetched the highest price in the English market, where there was a great demand for it. The machinery employed was very rude and simple, the bellows for the forges being in some cases driven by manual or horse labour, in others, where it was accessible, by water power. I was anxious to go to the great mining district of Dalecarlia, about 100 miles farther north, but the season was getting late, and therefore I was obliged to return to England.

When I had got all my surveys finished, I made a report upon the whole line; but I found that the Swedish Government was not sufficiently alive to the importance of railways at that time, or rather the Government did not see its way to giving them encouragement by subscribing or rather taking a pecuniary interest in them. Though by no means undervaluing the importance of railways, yet, being naturally cautious and economical, with only moderate funds at its command, the Government doubted much whether a reasonable profit would be derived from them, but at the same time wished us every success in obtaining the money in England. I represented to them that people in England, knowing nothing of Sweden, or her capabilities, would hesitate to subscribe their money without a certain guarantee by the Government of interest of 4 or 5 per cent. upon the amount of capital expended, and that as it was quite clear that the railways would pay that, there could be no risk; in fact, the guarantee would be merely nominal, but that it would have the effect of obtaining the money in England, and thus conferring upon Sweden a great national benefit, by saving their capital without running the least risk. I was recommended to give a grand dinner, which several of the ministers and all the other notables of Stockholm attended. Everybody was enthusiastic, and a great number of speeches were made as to the importance of railways, and the great national benefit they would confer, and my health was proposed by the Minister of Commerce, Skogman, and was received with the greatest enthusiasm, but the effect was nothing, for we neither got private subscriptions nor public guarantee. However, after all we had done something; we had introduced the subject of railways into Sweden, we had shown the importance of them, and we had in some measure opened their eyes, and we trusted that in time, when they had maturely reflected upon the advantages, they would view them more favourably, and contribute liberally towards them; but as there was no use in then pressing the subject further, we returned at once to England.

In all fevers there is a climax; the railway fever had its climax like the rest, and it was then upon the decline. The vast multitude who had expected to make their fortunes found at last to their sorrow that their money was gone; but that was not the worst, for they would have been very happy if they had not had to pay more. As for any new railway speculation, that was entirely out of the question, and therefore it turned out that the Swedish railways were too late for the market; nobody would entertain the subject; the very name of railway was sufficient to drive everyone away, so that there was no help for it but to abide better times. Accordingly the Swedish railways remained in abeyance until the year 1852; by this time the Swedish Government had considered the subject maturely, and felt that, as every other European nation had adopted them, Sweden, if she desired to keep pace with other countries, must either make the railways herself, for which at the time the Government had not the money, or she must encourage others to make them by guaranteeing a sufficient interest for the capital expended. Accordingly I went there again, and was as usual very kindly received by the King and his Ministers, and I saw that they were becoming more anxious than ever that the railways should be made. I had been there in October, 1848, and had the honour of being invited to dine at the palace in Stockholm, as I had previously the honour of dining with their Majesties at the summer palace of Hoga, near Stockholm. Upon arriving at the palace I was most courteously received by King Oscar, who did me the honour of presenting me to his handsome, graceful, and intelligent queen. When her Majesty heard that the railways were to be commenced, she said that she had heard so much talk about them and nothing had been done, that she feared they never would be made, “therefore talk no more about them, but set to work and make them.” The dinner party consisted of about thirty. I had the honour of sitting next the Lord Chancellor, a very agreeable, intelligent person, who sat next to the Royal Family. We had an excellent dinner, without the least restraint, and the common topic of conversation seemed to be, who would be elected President of the French Republic, Cavaignac or Louis Napoleon, and everybody seemed in favour of Cavaignac as the proper person; they all spoke very disparagingly of Louis Napoleon. It seems curious to think how little the world knew of that extraordinary man, and how completely he disappointed all previous expectations.

When at Stockholm I was presented to his present Majesty, King Charles XV., then Prince Karl, a very handsome intelligent young man. Since his accession to the throne he has done me the honour of conferring upon me the order of Knight Commander of the Order of Wasa, for what his Majesty was pleased to term the great services which I had rendered Sweden. This was the more agreeable, as it was sent to me through my personal friend Count Platen, then the Swedish representative at the Court of London. Many years ago I made acquaintance with his father, the celebrated Count Platen, who was the chief instrument in changing the dynasty from the worn-out old race, and in placing Bernadotte on the throne. My introduction to the Count arose in this manner. The Count took the utmost interest in the completion of the great Gotha Canal, which unites the river Gotha below the falls of that river and the lower end of the great Lake Werner, thus completing the navigation between the whole of the towns bordering upon that lake and Gothenburg. A canal had formerly been made between the lower end of the lake and the river Gotha (which issues from it) below the falls, and at the time a very great work it was, but the locks were so unequally distributed, and the rise of some of them so great, that the navigation was very much impeded; the Count, therefore, came over to England, after the death of my father, to consult Mr. Telford, who was then considered our first engineer, as to what was the best means of improving the Gotha Canal, so as to avoid the inconvenience complained of. Mr. Telford went over, prepared a plan, and carried it into effect, much to the satisfaction of the Swedish Government. During Count Platen’s visit to England, Mr. Telford brought him to Lynn, where we met as engineers of the Eau Brink Drainage and Navigation, and we explained to him the whole of the Eau Brink Works, with which he was much pleased. He was a very superior person, grave and dignified, with great intelligence, and of easy, affable manners. The Mayor of Lynn being informed by Mr. Telford of his visit, called upon him, and being introduced, invited him, in the name of the Corporation, to one of their civic dinners, which he accepted. He had, however, brought no dress suit with him, and indeed was perfectly indifferent about it, and would have gone to the mayor’s feast in his travelling costume, which, to say the least, was very rough. Telford consulted me about it, and we both agreed that the Count could not attend the dinner without the usual evening dress costume. Upon this being delicately explained by Mr. Telford, he took the hint and sent for a tailor, who in the course of a couple of days equipped him properly. The greatest attention was of course paid to him by all the company.

To return to my subject. As time went on, the money market got in such a bad state—no end of failures—that nothing could be done with the Swedish railway, and I began to think all my money and labour would be thrown away. The period for which Count Rosen’s concession was granted had elapsed, and it was very doubtful whether it would be renewed at all, but it certainly would not in any case be to the extent of the original concession, which comprised the whole kingdom.

Fortunately, however, in 1852, confidence in the money market had been restored, and we received a renewal of the concession for so much of the line as extended between the Lakes Malari and Werner, with a branch to the iron mines of Nora from Orebro, which was as valuable as any part of the line; and the Government gave a guarantee of 4 per cent, on the amount of capital required, namely, 420,000l., with power to raise 167,000l. more. The line was very easy, and Mr. Burge, the contractor, agreed to complete it for that sum. A company was accordingly formed, the capital was immediately subscribed, and the shares went to a premium. I went over to Sweden again; appointed Mr. Watson resident engineer, and the works began and proceeded very well for one year; unfortunately the chairman and leading man on the committee was the notorious John Sadlier, M.P., who afterwards made away with himself near Jack Straw’s tavern, Hampstead Heath, when the whole of his proceedings were made public; and, amongst others, his mismanagement of the Swedish railway. What became of the money I never could make out, for I never could account for above 60,000l. as having been expended on the works and land combined; but it is certain that accounts far beyond that were presented to me by the directors for my certificate, which they were obliged to get before they could be passed by the Government, though I never would give the certificate, because they kept everything back from me; and finding that matters were going on in such a discreditable manner, I felt that with any regard for my character I could no longer remain their engineer. I therefore resigned at once, and fortunate it was that I did so, for I afterwards was informed that they had not only spent the whole 420,000l., but also 167,000l. of debentures, and had issued 167,000l. more without authority; so that in round numbers they had expended about 700,000l., and had not completed 50 miles of single line, which required nothing more than surface formation, and one or two short lengths of embankment and cutting scarcely exceeding 20 feet high; for which 6000l. per mile complete was ample. In fact, there never was a good affair so completely mismanaged, not to use much stronger terms. The consequence was that after Sadlier’s death the whole came out, and everyone laid the blame upon him. The particulars I do not know, and thank God I got clear of it in good time, finding that it was impossible to remain with honour. I never would certify the accounts the directors presented to me, because I believed that at the least they were in error, if not something worse. All I did was to certify to the contractor, Mr. Burge (who, as I knew, behaved very honestly), to the extent, I think, of 25,000l. or 30,000l. Thus this fine concern went to the dogs from sheer mismanagement, to speak mildly, and the shares, which had stood at a premium, were worth nothing; whereas in the hands of any sensible, honest body of directors, the line ought to have been completed for the estimate, and would have paid well. The Swedish Government could not with justice pay any guarantee when no part of the line had been completed and no satisfactory accounts rendered; and I have reason to believe that they were so disgusted with the way in which this railway had been mismanaged by the Board that they would have nothing further to do with English or any other companies, but determined to make all the rest of the lines themselves—which I understand they have done—and that the cost did not exceed my estimate of 5000l. to 6000l. per mile, including stations and rolling stock.

I had previously examined several other parts of Sweden, and in November, 1850, I had gone there, undertaking to deliver on my way a confidential letter from Count Reventlow, the Danish Ambassador in London, to the Minister of Foreign Affairs at Copenhagen. We went by Hamburg and Kiel, for at this time war was again expected to break out between Schleswig-Holstein and Denmark, and both parties were watching one another with the greatest anxiety.

Schleswig-Holstein is not a rich country by any means, although there are apparently some substantial farmers. The country is generally flat, with here and there some gentle eminences, with patches of fir trees; but there are some extensive mosses which might be reclaimed and converted into valuable land if properly drained. These mosses in many cases rest upon a bed of marl, which upon being dug up and mixed with the peat forms most valuable manure. We saw many examples of this in the fens of Lincolnshire, and in the north of Denmark. I have been informed upon credible authority that there are vast tracts of moss lands lying upon marl, and small lakes which might easily be drained and become most fertile; and it is to be hoped that the Danish Government will find the means of reclaiming them, as they will well repay the expense. Rendsburg, through which we passed, is a little town, well fortified, and may be made much stronger. Kiel, situated upon a splendid bay in the Baltic, is the university of Holstein, and a very neat little thriving town, with prettily wooded environs. From here we proceeded to Schleswig, the capital of the province, its inhabitants being partly Germans and partly Danes; in the northern part of Schleswig the inhabitants are wholly Danes. The town of Schleswig is about 12 miles from the Baltic; it is well built, surrounded with a very pretty fertile country, well cultivated, and diversified with wood. There is a good deal of agricultural traffic with the surrounding country, and the place appeared very thriving and prosperous. We arrived there about six o’clock in the evening, about two hours after dark, and it began to feel very cold. We got to a very comfortable inn, and were dining, or rather had finished our dinner, when the waiter entered with a quiet, mysterious air, and said, or rather whispered, that a gentleman wished to speak to me. Knowing no one in the place, I could not conceive what he meant; he, however, repeated the whisper in my ear in the same mysterious manner. When I told him to show the stranger in, there was no person in the room but my friend, Mr. William Sim, afterwards the solicitor to the Swedish Railway Company, who had accompanied me. Immediately after the waiter’s departure the door opened, and in came a gentleman muffled up to the eyes in a blue military cloak. He cautiously shut the door, then uncovered his face, and looking stealthily round, and observing nobody but Sim and myself, advanced at once to the table, threw off his cloak, took off his cap, and saluted me as a naval officer. I motioned him to be seated, which he courteously declined, and addressing himself to me, said that he had been informed that I was the English gentleman who had brought despatches of importance from Count Reventlow to the Danish Government, and that he was a Danish naval officer, and had been sent by the commanding officer of Alsen to request that I would deliver up my despatches to him, as it was of the utmost consequence that they should be delivered to the Danish Government as soon as possible. I told him that I was perfectly unacquainted with him, and that I could not do so without a personal conference with the General commanding at Alsen, because these despatches had been confided to me by the Danish Minister in London, and as a point of honour I could not deliver them to any but an accredited officer of the Government. He then said that if I would be at Dussel, opposite to Alsen, the following morning, at eight o’clock, the General would have a boat ready to take me over to the island, and would have a war steamer in readiness to take me to Kosoa, where I could readily get to Copenhagen. I accordingly agreed to be at Dussel the following morning at eight o’clock. The officer, who was a perfect gentleman, then muffled himself up in his cloak, and requesting that we should say nothing about his arrival, quietly left the room. Sim and myself ordered a carriage with four horses to be ready the following morning at six o’clock, paid our bill, and went to bed. During the night there had been a very heavy fall of snow, and when we started there was some difficulty in moving forward. We were therefore obliged to take extra horses, and passing by the now celebrated heights of Dussel, reached the shore opposite the island of Alsen precisely at the time appointed, where we found a boat with four oars ready to take us across the Sound (which was about half a mile wide); here we were received by the General in full uniform. I then delivered him the despatches, for which he felt very much obliged, and we went on board a small war steamer, which got under way immediately, and landed us at Kosoa, not far from Copenhagen, where we slept. Next day we examined the cathedral at Roskeld, and reached Copenhagen in the evening.

When I first visited Sweden, a vast quantity of brandy distilled from potatoes was consumed; so much so, that the country was, to a certain extent, demoralized, and drunkenness was very common; and the farther north you went, the worse it was. The Government therefore determined to take every means in its power to suppress it. Heavy duties were imposed on potato brandy; and since that time, I am glad to hear that drunkenness has considerably abated. The Swedes are an excellent, open-hearted, gallant, and generous people, and most amiable and hospitable. I was treated with the greatest kindness by them, for which I shall always feel grateful. Christmas is a general holiday throughout the country for a month, commencing with Christmas Eve. During that time, scarcely any business is done. There is nothing but visiting and social parties from morning to night; and it requires a strong stomach and head to go through that festive ordeal without feeling the worse for it. When once entered the house, you cannot refuse to accept their kind and profuse hospitality. As a specimen, whenever a marriage takes place, the bride not only appears before her friends, but the house is thrown open to the public, and everybody is at liberty to enter and pay his respects to the bride and bridegroom, who receive all comers in full-dress bridal costume; and refreshments of all kinds are in great profusion. When I was there a marriage took place between two noble families, to which I was invited. The bride and bridegroom were both young, and bride very handsome and splendidly dressed. I was most kindly received and entertained, and did not get home until very late in the morning. I found that I had taken as much as I could decently carry, and if I had not escaped at the time I did, I must have remained all the next day, as many of the bridegroom’s friends did.

In Sweden I made acquaintance, amongst many others, with our excellent Consul, Major Pringle, who during the last American war had the command of Washington for twenty-four hours. I was frequently a guest at his house, and I owe many thanks to him and his amiable wife and family for their great kindness and hospitality. Another excellent fellow was Mr., or Colonel, Elsworthy (as he called himself), the American Consul. He was a bachelor, and kept open house, and he was so exceedingly hospitable, and pressed his guests so strongly, that it was with the greatest difficulty you could escape sober enough to reach your quarters with safety.

The woods of Sweden were being fast cleared away, both to furnish fuel for the iron manufactory, in which a great quantity was consumed, and also that the land might be used for agriculture, so that this source of fuel for iron making is rapidly disappearing. In addition to these causes may be mentioned the great export of timber to every part of Europe for building and other purposes. It is true that large forests of fine timber still exist farther north, and also in Norway, but then the expense of transport to the iron districts will be very heavy; yet as Swedish iron is so very valuable, on account of its magnetic properties, for making steel, a large quantity must always be required for the southern markets of Europe, and with the greater cost of fuel the price of Swedish iron must increase.

The Bessemer process has considerably reduced the expense of producing good iron in England, and also for converting it into steel, still the Swedish iron is so much better that there will always be a certain demand for it.

It becomes a question, then, whether it would not be worth while to export the Swedish ore to England, where there is plenty of fuel, and where it could be converted into the best iron at the least expense. Would it not be cheaper to do this, than to manufacture the iron in Sweden, where fuel is so much dearer? and as the Swedish iron ore is very rich compared with ours, except the haematite, the extra freight would soon be recouped. I think it is by no means improbable that it will come to this at last.

About the time that the Railway guarantee was obtained from the Swedish Government, and the company was successfully started, another undertaking was proposed to me by a M. Von Alstein, a Belgian proprietor, and a man of some influence and property in that kingdom. The Dutch Government was anxious to get a more direct and constant navigation up the Scheldt, as that round by Bergen-op-Zoon was only practicable from half tide to high water, while at low water the whole channel was completely dry. It was considered, also, that the whole of the old channel might be filled up and converted into valuable land, so that the fertile island of St. Beveland might be joined to the mainland, and thus the kingdom would be greatly benefited. The Government did not, however, want to undertake the necessary works itself, but was ready to give up the whole of the old channel to any company that would construct the new canal above mentioned, as well as an embankment and road across the old channel, so as to connect the island of St. Beveland with the mainland. Accordingly upon these terms a concession was granted to M. Von Alstein and others, giving them the whole of the lands to be reclaimed, which would amount to a very considerable tract. The plan, upon due investigation, appeared to offer considerable advantages to any party who would undertake it. It was accordingly brought before the English public. A Belgian and English company was formed to carry it out. The money was duly subscribed, and Mr. Thomas Hutchings, at that time a large railway contractor, and considered to possess undoubted means, offered to take a large number of shares. He accordingly became the contractor for the work, and I was appointed the engineer-in-chief, while M. Von Alstein became the managing director, and a M. Dronker, a Dutch engineer and contractor of considerable experience, was appointed by Mr. Hutchings sub-contractor under him. I went over to Holland to examine the whole district and the works proposed, and it appeared to me that if they were properly carried into effect, it would turn out a very fair speculation, yielding considerable profit. My visit was made in December, 1851.

Things having, in 1852, been satisfactorily settled with the Government at the Hague, as soon as the weather would permit, arrangements were made for commencing the works, and in the month of June Mr. Hutchings, myself, and the English and Belgian directors being present, the first sod of the canal was turned with considerable ceremony by one of the Dutch Princes.

Whilst the canal was proceeding, the company was empowered to enclose as much of the land of the old channel as was considered advisable by a jury of Dutch experts, without whom nothing could be done. M. Von Alstein, the manager of the company, attended, and the jury marked out a space in the old channel of the Scheldt, which was always covered to a considerable extent at high water of spring tides, and even neap tides, including the green marsh as well as the sands. The Dutch jury marked a space of 3000 acres, which included about one-third of green marsh and two-thirds of sand—part of which was clayey; when this was done, I went over to examine it, and was much surprised to find that so large a space had been decided upon. I said to M. Von Alstein, the director, that I thought it was far too much to be taken in at once; that it would cost a great deal of money; that the sands were not worth the expense; and that I thought it would be far better to confine the intake to the green marshes for the present year, and that before the sands were taken in they ought to be worked up so as to become green marshes. For, in fact, in England, where I had reclaimed many thousand acres, I never thought of enclosing bare sands. The manager, however, told me that was totally contrary to the Dutch system, and as the jury had decided upon taking the sands as well as the green marshes to the extent above mentioned, it must be done, and he would not listen to my recommendation of taking in a less quantity. The Dutch engineers also fixed the dimensions and form of the embankments, which I did not approve of. In fact, I disapproved of the whole plan, and told M. Von Alstein my opinion, and that I could not take upon myself the responsibility. The manager said that the works must be carried into effect as decided by the Dutch jury and the Dutch engineers. I was therefore obliged to be silent, particularly as Mr. Hutchings, who was the contractor and also the leading shareholder, had consented to it. The works accordingly began under M. Dronker, Mr. Hutchings’ sub-contractor; and Mr. Brown, one of Mr. Hutchings’ partners, was sent over to superintend the works on the part of Hutchings, Brown, and Wright. I remained some time on the spot, and had a boat fitted up to live in at Barth, for there were no lodgings to be had. I soon saw by the manner in which M. Dronker was carrying on the works that they could not succeed, and I wrote repeatedly to Mr. Hutchings to come over, otherwise he would be ruined, as his partner—Brown—knew nothing about it, and allowed Dronker to proceed as he liked. It appeared to me as if it was nothing more nor less than throwing away money by handfuls, no adequate amount of work being done for it. I never saw such gross mismanagement in my life. There were from twelve to thirteen hundred men employed at 3s. to 4s. a day, with a number of assistants, and they were not doing work enough for half that number. I also expostulated with Dronker, the Dutch contractor, but he would not listen to me, and said that he would do as he liked. The works continued to proceed in this manner, and I wrote almost every post to Hutchings to come over himself without delay, or to stop the works, for it was impossible to complete them for any reasonable sum in the manner in which they were being carried on. I told him, moreover, that it was in vain to attempt to reclaim 3000 acres at once, and the better plan would be to confine his operations, in the first instance, to taking in the green marsh, which was about 1000 acres, and to wait until the sands were worked on the outside, which would be done much more rapidly when once the green marsh was enclosed. I told the manager and Dronker the same; however, they would not listen. At length, after great difficulty, I got them to divide the enclosure into two parts, each consisting of 1500 acres, and I hoped that I should be able to induce them to subdivide these two again into 750 each. By this means the green marsh in each division would have been reduced to about 500 acres, which would easily have been enclosed at a considerable profit, leaving the sands to be dealt with hereafter according to circumstances.

However, nothing would do but they must continue pushing on the outer bank over the sands, which I saw was impracticable at any cost within reason. At last, Hutchings came over himself, and when he visited the works held up his hands in astonishment, and saw that he was a ruined man. By this time money ran short, the workmen rebelled for wages and threatened destruction to Hutchings and all concerned; and the Dutch Government, being applied to, sent three hundred soldiers and two armed cutters to keep order. The men were paid, great numbers were discharged, and the works went on upon a much better system, and considerable progress was made, but still they would not confine themselves to the enclosure of the green marsh. After a great deal of difficulty they nearly succeeded in enclosing 1500 acres near to Barth; but before this could be done Hutchings’ funds were exhausted, and he was obliged to stop payment. If my advice had been followed this never would have occurred. Some fresh parties then joined the concern, and, adopting my advice, confined themselves to enclosing the 1000 acres of marsh land.

At certain times of the year, particularly at the end of summer and in the autumn, it is difficult to conceive a more unwholesome district, as at those times the marsh fever invariably makes its appearance with the most deadly effect. I had several fine, strong, healthy young men as assistants with me, living in my ship, and at dinner it was by no means uncommon to see one taken ill and fall off his chair. The only remedy was to give him a strong stimulant of wine or brandy, wrap him up in blankets, and send him off as quietly as possible. Fortunately I had been so thoroughly cured of my fever when at Naples, as before mentioned, that I had become as it were acclimatized and never experienced the least attack. The island of St. Beveland, where these works were carried on, is one of the most rich, and fertile districts imaginable, teeming with luxurious vegetation of every kind, and abounding in beautiful little villages, the very models of cleanliness and comfort; but amongst them the fever lurks in the most insidious form. Mr. Brown, a fine, powerful man of about forty-five, whilst superintending these works for his partners and himself, had an excellent house in the village of Yersike, about four miles distant, supplied with every English comfort both of furniture and provisions; but after a time he caught the fever, which stuck to him for a considerable time, and ultimately he was obliged to leave the place, as otherwise he must have succumbed. The Dutch never go out in the morning without taking a cup of coffee and a dram of bitters, composed of gentian, quinine, and gin, and a pipe, which is scarcely ever out of their mouths, and they repeat the dose at night and not unfrequently during the day. In the English fens and lowlands we do pretty much the same, and good port wine and quinine are considered a specific; but I do not think that the fever is so bad with us as in Holland; the cause may be that these Dutch islands being surrounded by the sea, the tide leaves a large surface of mud exposed to the action of the sun, and thus a considerable amount of malaria is engendered; this I have always found to prevail most densely where there are trees, which prevent it from being dissipated; so that it is always safer to be in a boat, or in a house without any trees near it, so as to be exposed to the free circulation of the air, also to sleep at least 20 feet above the ground.

The whole of the seaboard of Holland requires to be remodelled. The numerous channels through which the tidal and fresh waters pass occupy a considerable surface which is comparatively useless, and only serve to deteriorate the main channels of the rivers, and thus prevent them from discharging their waters effectually, and so keeping them open, in the best state for drainage and navigation. If these superfluous channels were filled up, and the islands which they surround were united to the mainland, a great quantity of valuable land would be gained to the State; the extensive embankments which are now necessary to prevent these islands from being submerged, and which entail a great and constant tax upon the kingdom, would be considerably reduced; the main rivers and harbours would be materially improved, and the general surface of the water in the interior would be lowered; the drainage also might be improved in the same manner, so as to render a considerably less amount of artificial drainage power necessary, which would in turn cause a corresponding reduction of the taxes; while the land would be greatly improved, because the present general body of water is too near the surface, so that it is impossible to carry on agriculture to the greatest advantage; also the risk of breaking the banks would be greatly reduced. I think, moreover, that the vast multitude of shoals which skirt the coast might, by the adoption of proper means—and those not expensive, compared to the object to be obtained—be raised sufficiently so as to be converted into valuable land, and be added to the kingdom with considerable profit, while the navigation along the coast and in the interior might be greatly improved. Further, the whole of the Zuyder Zee, which is said to have been under cultivation in early times, might be reclaimed. As extraordinary spring tides seldom rise high along these coasts, and as vegetation generally takes place at the level of high water of neap tides, the lands on the coast, if properly managed, should not be above 4 or 5 feet below the level of high water of spring tides, although I believe it is a fact that many tracts in the interior are much lower, and this arises from their having been embanked too soon.

Now that these lands have been brought into cultivation at vast expense, it would be difficult to raise them without rendering them useless for a considerable time. Still, in all contemplated new enclosures, the lands should be raised by warping, that is, accumulating the alluvial matter, which can always be done if properly managed up to the level of high water of neap tides. In fact, I repeat, a considerable extent of Holland has been embanked too soon, and what has been done it would be extremely difficult, perhaps not advisable, to disturb; although, if any of these very low lands are not sufficiently fertile, it would be well to warp them up with fresh soil. They might thus be sufficiently raised to do away with the greater part of the artificial power now required to keep them dry, and be rendered very fertile; thus a double advantage would be gained. This subject is well worthy of the serious attention of the Dutch Government and its able staff of hydraulic engineers, who, nevertheless, go too much upon the old routine, and prefer patching up the old system in preference to striking out a new course. Probably this is not the fault of the engineers, as they would naturally attempt any new course whereby they might distinguish themselves. The Government, also, would most likely be induced to adopt any new method, provided that it could see its way to bettering the condition of the country. But, on the other hand, the Government feels great disinclination to depart from an old system which, it may be said with some reason, has continued so many years, has answered its purpose very well, and has rendered Holland, under the circumstances, one of the most extraordinary countries in the world. This is very true; but then it must be recollected that hydraulic science has advanced like other sciences, and what would be considered good practice some centuries back would not be thought so now. The Dutch introduced their system into England in the reign of Charles I., when Vermuyden was considered the first hydraulic engineer of the time. He certainly was considerably in advance of the English engineers of that period; but at the present time his method would be wholly inadequate to deal with the circumstances to be encountered, and it was abandoned long ago. The combination system, and comparatively narrow channels, combined with warping the land, is what is required in Holland as in all other countries similarly situated.

In 1855 I went to Portugal, at the request of the Government, to make arrangements for a general system of railways and other works. As we passed the Fort Belem, at the entrance of the Tagus, the view gradually opened out, until you obtained a coup d’oeil of the whole, which really is very fine and striking. Fancy a range of streets, houses, palaces, and churches rising rapidly from the water’s edge until they crown the summits of the hills on which they are built, backed by the picturesque outline of the Cintra hills, and extending for upwards of three miles. We landed at the custom house, close by the Plaza, commonly called by the English Blackhorse Square, from the fine equestrian figure of the Marquis of Pombal in the centre. This is certainly a handsome square, surrounded by all the public offices, terminated in the centre, on the south, by a fine triumphal archway, which leads by a spacious street to the square of Dom Pedro. Beyond this are the public gardens, very tastefully laid out.

I was introduced to Dom Fernando, the husband of the late Dona Maria, Queen of Portugal, and at that time Regent during the minority of his son. He was of the House of Coburg, and brother to the late Prince Consort. He received me very graciously, and spoke English very well, although with a peculiar accent. His Royal Highness afterwards invited me to a ball and supper, at the Palace of Belem, which was extremely well managed, without magnificence or ostentation. I was there introduced to the Minister of Finance, Signor Mello de Fontes, a young man of great talent and an excellent orator. On the following day I attended a launch at the dockyard, which was honoured by the presence of the Prince Regent, and here I was introduced to the Duke de Saldanha, President of the Cabinet; the Duke de TerÇeira and his amiable wife; Viscount de Bandiera, together with the distinguished men of all parties.

Before proceeding to Oporto I was obliged to remain several days until I could get my official instructions as to what they required. I employed the interim in visiting the different objects in Lisbon most worthy of the traveller’s notice. I first went to the great aqueduct, which is really a very grand and magnificent work, the finest of the kind in Europe, and every part is readily accessible. It enters at the highest part of the northern portion of the town, and conveys the water to a large artificial reservoir, whence it is distributed by pipes to fountains situated in different parts of the town, and from these fountains it is carried to the various houses by means of carriers and water-carts. These carriers are chiefly Gallegoes or Spaniards from the Biscayan Provinces, who are allowed to charge so much per barrel.

It is singular to see them travelling about from one part of the town to the other with cries of “Agua,” and it is more singular still that this practice should have been allowed to continue so long, to the great and unnecessary tax upon the inhabitants, where, if pipes were only laid to the houses, the water might be distributed at probably one-tenth of the cost. The Gallegoes are a hard-working, temperate race, who save every penny they can, and as soon as possible retire to their own country to enjoy the hard-earned fruits of their labours.

The water before it reaches the city is collected in reservoirs distributed about the valleys, at the base of the Cintra hills, but these reservoirs are upon too small a scale, and in dry seasons the water is very scarce. A Portuguese company has since been formed to enlarge the works, increase the supply, and deliver it direct to the houses, but, like most Portuguese companies of the kind, has failed from the want of understanding the subject and from mismanagement.

I visited the fine old Cathedral of Belem, built in honour of Prince Henry, the Portuguese navigator. The style is a species of richly florid Gothic, and the interior is spacious and imposing. There was an hospital for invalid sailors attached to it, which is now converted into a naval academy.

I also visited the Castle of Belem close by, where all ships coming to Lisbon are obliged to stop and show their papers and get pratique before they are allowed to proceed. The castle itself is a very small fortress, built in the Moorish style, and mounts a few light brass guns, and is manned by about fifty artillerymen. It is a very pretty object to look upon, but as a fortress it is good for nothing. There is another fort, called St. Julian, about five or six miles lower down, on the same side, which commands the channel passing close to it, but it also was in a dilapidated condition, with a few light guns. It is certainly much stronger than that of Belem, but wholly unfit to prevent the passage of any large vessel of war, or to resist a land attack. There is another small fort near the bar at the entrance of the southern channel. This fort is circular, and called the Bugia. In the centre is a lighthouse, with a revolving light. This also as a fort is good for nothing. I accompanied Dom Fernando and his ministers to examine the entrance of the Tagus, which was said to be deteriorating. In the northern channel, during the heavy south-west gales, which are very prevalent, there is a very heavy broken sea, which at times cannot be passed without great danger. The strength of these gales when at their utmost is extraordinary. The waves break with tremendous violence on the shore, and carry the sand in vast masses to a considerable distance inshore, so as to render the soil perfectly barren on the north side of the entrance. These sands extend for several miles, and the whole coast is covered with it. At low water, in some places, they are dry during the ebb for a mile and upwards.

The port of Lisbon properly speaking is at the custom house, which immediately adjoins Blackhorse Square. It consists of nothing more than an open roadstead, where all the mercantile vessels lie at their anchors, and are loaded and unloaded by means of lighters, at great delay and cost, and with frequent interruptions from heavy gales of wind; but it rarely happens that the vessels suffer any material damage, as the mouth of the river, although about seven miles wide, is never seriously agitated. Docks or landing jetties might be made here with considerable advantage to the trade. At the request of the Government, I prepared some plans upon a moderate scale. Docks also might have been made in the bay to the westward, although it would have involved the removal of the custom house, which would, however, be a great improvement. The naval dockyard and Admiralty are close by, and, in fact, form part of the west side of Blackhorse Square. It is a miserable place, and consists of a dry dock, two or three building slips, with a ropery, and some warehouses, all in the most antique fashion, and supplied with cranes, tools, &c., of the last century. In fact, it required to be wholly remodelled and removed to the bay above mentioned. The Government has since then parted with this bay to a private company, which has nearly filled it up, and propose to convert it into building ground. As the Great Eastern and Northern Railway terminates on the east side of the custom house, docks in connection with it might be made between it and the custom house, and as these are so obviously wanted, it is not improbable that they will be made some time hence; but, unfortunately, from some cause or another, the railways have been mismanaged, and the Government has no funds to undertake any great works itself.

The roadstead for large foreign vessels of war is situated about a mile and a half lower down, nearer to the southern shore, where there is ample depth of water, and where they are completely out of the way of the merchant vessels.

The channel, from the entrance at Belem to Blackhorse Square, is about three miles long, and from two to two and a half miles wide. It then branches out to about seven miles wide, and continues more or less of about the same width for nine or ten miles, when it contracts to a mile, so that it may be readily imagined that the harbour is one of the finest and most spacious in Europe, always excepting that of Vigo.

At Lisbon I visited the collection of royal state carriages, which, without doubt, is the finest and most extensive anywhere. I think I counted nearly fifty, gilt and decorated with the royal arms in the most elaborate manner. Upon the panels are very beautiful paintings executed by first-rate artists. Some of these carriages are above two centuries old; and it is curious to observe, that whilst the decorations are most elegant and finished in the highest style of art, the ironwork, springs, &c., in many of these are of the rudest description.

The Sunday after my arrival there was a grand bull fight, which Dom Fernando and some of the royal princes honoured with their presence. These bull fights are totally different from those of Spain. Here the bulls have their horns capped with large bosses of wood, so that they can do no harm, whilst, on the other hand, they are never killed. Instead of being tortured with barbed arrows and spears by a host of banderilleros and picadores, and when thoroughly exhausted and worn out killed by the matador, they are encountered by about a dozen stout and most active men, accustomed to the fight. These grapple with the bull, and master him by main force, and pin him down to the ground, and some of the most powerful and skilful will, of a sudden, seize the bull by the horns, and throwing their whole weight upon the animal, completely roll him over, when he becomes perfectly helpless. This is a great feat, and is most enthusiastically applauded. But notwithstanding their strength and activity, the bull-fighters frequently get knocked about a good deal, and receive heavy falls and bruises, but they never get tossed, and are seldom severely hurt. The sight is by no means disgusting, cruel, or barbarous, like those of Spain. Indeed, there is a good deal of fun in it, and at times you cannot help laughing heartily, and generally go away much pleased. After every fight, the men came forward, and were handsomely rewarded by Dom Fernando and the audience.

There still exist the remains of many fine convents and churches; of some the building had never been finished. When monastic institutions were abolished these buildings became the property of the State, and have since been sold to the public and converted to different purposes; some to manufactories, others to barracks, others to domestic residences. The inmates have been dismissed, with moderate pensions, and thrown out upon the world. The property brought little to the State; and as they were in a great measure founded by the charity of private individuals, to which the State had no right, it would have been better to have allowed them to die a natural death. Religion has gained nothing, the State little or nothing, while gross superstition has degenerated into scepticism and infidelity. All violent changes have an opposite result to that desired. The roots of old institutions once torn up, it is difficult to substitute a new plant to succeed them. It would be better if such important changes could be made gradually, but, unfortunately, the old generation, strong in possession, and forgetful of the times in which they live, will listen to no alteration, and cling firmly to the past, as if it must endure for ever. The new generation, born under different circumstances, have no respect for old institutions, and regardless of what is good in them, will listen to no compromise, and are never satisfied until they have rooted them out altogether.

There can be no doubt that the institution of convents and monasteries was of great service to the world in the middle ages—in preserving the learning of past times, in teaching the ignorant, in distributing alms amongst the poor, and in healing the sick. They curbed the ambition, and controlled the violent passions of the barbarous feudal lords, who considered that the world was made for them alone, and gratified their lusts at the expense of the unfortunate people over whom they ruled. No power but that of religion could have controlled them. They felt its wondrous influence, and were told in stern, unmistakable language that there was a hereafter, and that the great God who governed the world would surely visit their sins with condign punishment, unless they sincerely repented of their wickedness, and prayed for His forgiveness. We must therefore be grateful for the services which religion, under its peculiar forms and ceremonies, rendered in those days; and although abuses by degrees crept in, yet these might have been remedied by much milder measures. The monasteries and convents, however, served their purpose; but now they are gone, and it is to be hoped that as the world becomes wiser and more enlightened the great Creator will be worshipped in a purer and simpler manner.

Having heard so much of the filthiness of Lisbon, I was most agreeably disappointed to find it so much the reverse. With the exception of the old part of the town, to the westward of Blackhorse Square, and which was filthy enough, few cities, certainly not London, were cleaner than Lisbon at the time of my first visit in 1855. The streets were broad and straight, well lighted and watered, and the buildings regular and handsome. The police certainly was not the most effective, but still the town was safe.

I left Lisbon about four o’clock in the afternoon, in a fast steamer, full of passengers, and after a fine passage of sixteen hours, with only a moderate swell ahead—which, however, made most of the passengers sick—we arrived off the bar of the Douro at six the following morning, when a pilot came on board, and we crossed the bar and proceeded up to the town quay, about two miles from the entrance of the river; I was recommended to the Peninsular Hotel, situated in the higher part of the town. This was entirely a Portuguese establishment and extremely rough, where you boarded and lodged at so much per day. At the table d’hÔte I made acquaintance with a fine old Peninsular veteran, Colonel Owen, formerly attached to the Duke of Wellington’s army, where he was constantly employed on outpost duty, and he necessarily saw a great deal of hard service. He was a fine-looking man, six feet high, and seventy years of age, with a determined countenance, and full of fire and energy even at that advanced age. He possessed a good deal of talent, had studied much, spoke the Portuguese like a native, and was an excellent writer both in that language and his own. I found him a very agreeable, intelligent companion, and we soon became well acquainted with each other, which was the more agreeable as he knew well and had frequently served with Colonel Somers Cocks, a distant connection of mine, who was a distinguished officer and favourite of the Duke of Wellington. Colonel Cocks, much to the regret of the Duke, was killed at the siege of Burgos Castle. Owen knew his whole history, and at my particular request wrote a complete and very interesting memoir of him, which I privately printed. Owen was almost my constant companion, and having long resided at Oporto, knew all the principal merchants in the place, both English and native, and was much liked and respected. He introduced me to several, but being upon public business, namely, the improvement of the port, which all desired, I had no need of introductions, for the principal inhabitants called upon me and invited me to their houses; amongst others may be mentioned Messrs. Lambert, Sandeman, Herries, and others, the principal wine merchants of the place, who paid me the greatest attention and hospitality.

I lost no time after my arrival in proceeding to examine the port, and to consider what was best to be done. I soon discovered its defects, which were the exposed and dangerous nature of the bar at the entrance of the Douro, the depth of water over it being scarcely 10 feet at low water of spring tides, the tides rising only from 6 to 7 feet; the conformed and circuitous channel both within and without the bar, in which there were several rocks; and the prevalence during three-fourths of the year of strong westerly winds from south-west to north-west. Moreover, during heavy floods the outgoing current was so strong that it carried all before it, frequently tearing vessels from their anchors, driving them to sea, or wrecking them in the harbour. From these different causes the bar could only be attempted during the flood or ebb for entering or departing during the most moderate weather, and then only by vessels drawing 12 to 14 feet at spring tides. From all these combined causes the harbour of Oporto might be said to be hermetically sealed for three-fourths of the year, and frequent instances have occurred of vessels having made the passage to the Brazils and back again, whilst others have been beating about the offing waiting for a favourable opportunity to cross the bar; and equal time was lost by those vessels that were waiting, laden in the port, to go to sea. And the mails for Oporto, the second city in the kingdom, frequently had to be delivered at Vigo, 60 miles farther north, and to be transported thence by land, which occasioned the loss of one or two days. In consequence of these serious disadvantages the trade naturally suffered materially.

In order to remedy these defects, I drew up a plan by which I proposed to carry out two piers—one on the ridge of rocks on the south side, and another on the north—in such a direction that the entrance between them, which was to be 500 feet wide, should be least exposed to the prevailing storms; and the space between the piers on the inside of the entrance should be wider than the entrance itself, so that any swell which might enter would diminish as it proceeded up the harbour. I also proposed to remove the rocks both inside and outside, and to strengthen the channel. By this means I expected that the bar would be lowered about 5 feet; so that at high water of spring tides there would be about 20 feet, and a vessel drawing 18 feet could enter at springs, and 16 feet at neaps. The expense of these works was estimated at about 400,000l. This no doubt would have been a very great improvement, and worth the money, although at times even with this expenditure the bar would not be approachable either way.

Under these circumstances, I explored the adjacent coast in order to ascertain whether another and better place for a harbour could not be found, and at Mattozenhas, about three miles farther, I found that there was a detached reef of rocks, 2000 feet long, lying about a quarter of a mile distant from the shore, and between it and the shore there was a depth of from 25 to 50 feet at low water. This reef had been observed by others before me, and it had struck them that an excellent harbour might be made. As this also lay within my instructions, I made a design for a harbour; but upon maturely considering the subject, I thought it would be scarcely safe to make a close harbour at this point, as, from the great quantity of sand which lay along the coast, there was a chance of its filling up. I therefore proposed to make it open: that is to say, to construct a breakwater along the line of the rocks as far as they reached, and as much farther each way as might be considered advisable. In fact, this breakwater might be extended so as to make a magnificent asylum harbour for the largest vessels of any class; and by making an open landing pier within the breakwater, vessels could take in and deliver their cargoes, and send them to Oporto by rail, when vessels could not pass over the bar of the Douro.

As there was plenty of fine granite on the spot, and labour could be obtained comparatively cheap, I considered that for the sum of 500,000l. an excellent harbour might be made here with a double entrance, and as there would be a free passage for the current both ways, no sand would lodge within the breakwater. In fact, the current, being confined, would force out the sand and make the harbour deeper, so that at low water (spring tides) there would never be less than from 25 to 30 feet in the shallowest part of the northern entrance, and above 50 feet at the southern. This place appeared, and, in fact, was so much better and more advantageous in every respect than Oporto, that, considering the increased cost would not exceed 100,000l., I strongly recommended it in preference to expending 400,000l. on the old entrance. Still, if the Government thought it advisable to improve the entrance of the Douro, to some extent this might be done advantageously by the expenditure of about 150,000l. Both the King and the Government approved of my plan for the breakwater and landing pier at the Secars Rocks, near Mattozenhas, and the Finance Minister—Fontes—gave me an order in writing to provide the necessary apparatus, and to commence the work immediately. But soon after, the Government being changed, the whole was stopped, and nothing material has been done since, although, I believe, some attempts have been made by the Portuguese Board of Works to blow up the rocks at the entrance of the Douro, with very little effect; and as funds are very scarce, it is probable that nothing of consequence will be effected for a long time, which is the more to be regretted, as meanwhile the trade of Oporto suffers most materially.

Having completed my investigation of Oporto harbour, I prepared to return direct to Lisbon, and report to the Government the results of my examination, when I received a telegraphic message saying that the Government wished me to examine the harbour of Viana, some thirty miles farther north, also that of Aveiro, twenty miles farther south, and that of Figuera, the mouth of the Mondego, about twenty miles south of Aveiro; and that they would send a small vessel of war to take me to those places. I therefore determined to await the arrival of the war-steamer, which came two days afterwards. It was not above 200 tons, mounting three or four small guns, and commanded by a lieutenant of the Portuguese navy, having with him about thirty men. I embarked and proceeded at once to Viana, which we reached about three o’clock in the afternoon. There being a heavy swell, we could not enter the port, and a pilot boat with six rowers was therefore sent out to take us ashore, where we were received by the authorities. As our time was limited, I immediately proceeded to examine the harbour, which was formed by the river Scina, the entrance to which was at times very dangerous, from the same causes as those already described as existing at the bar of the river Douro, namely, a shallow, much-exposed bar, little tide, tortuous channel, and exposure to a heavy swell during the prevailing westerly winds. I observed, however, that there was a long reef of rocks running parallel to the channel nearly as far as the bar, and that by erecting a breakwater upon the reef, for which there was plenty of stone adjacent, the current, instead of spreading over the rocks and losing its force, might be confined, and thus act more effectively upon the bar and deepen it several feet; and, further, by this means the entrance channel would be protected, and very little swell could get in. Thus the principal defects of the entrance would be remedied; and the small depth of water at the quays could be increased by dredging. I consulted the pilots and the practical men of the place, as I always do (for from experience they generally have a knowledge of the subject), and it was satisfactory to know that their opinions entirely coincided with mine. I accordingly made my notes, and returned on board the vessel in the evening about eight o’clock.

The days being long, and low water in the harbour, it gave me a very good opportunity of examining it.

I had occasion to visit Viana subsequently. It is a very pretty little commercial town, surrounded by a rich, thriving country; it does a good deal of trade, and is therefore very prosperous, there being some wealthy merchants and a good deal of property in the place. The valley through which the Scina flows is very beautiful and fertile, surrounded by mountains varying from 2000 to 7000 feet high. The large village of Scina, about twelve or fourteen miles above Viana, is particularly picturesque. It is situated in a delicious country, abounding in corn, wine, and oil, and apparently wanting in nothing.

As soon as I got on board the vessel weighed anchor. The night was fine, so that we reached the offing of Figuera, at the mouth of the Mondego, about noon the next day. I was met on landing by the captain of the port, who had received intelligence of our coming, and on account of the heat we were obliged to take refuge in his house, where he exhibited all his plans, and the measures which had been taken to improve the bar at the entrance, which, upon the whole, as far as they went, were satisfactory. After a couple of hours’ rest we took a boat and sounded the bar, upon which the water was very shallow. There was a very extensive reservoir for tidal and fresh water within, which, under proper management I considered might be rendered very valuable in deepening and scouring out the entrance, and in lowering the bar; but at low water there was a narrow channel, which was constantly changing, so that there was no good entrance, and consequently neither the fresh nor tidal waters could be either admitted or properly discharged; thus the quantity of water was reduced, and the effect upon the bar considerably diminished. I therefore saw at once that it was necessary to confine the low water channel to some extent by slight works, composed of osiers and faggots, extending from two to three feet above the low water level, so that it should be confined always to the same course; thus the low water line would be lowered, more tidal water would be admitted and discharged, the surrounding lowlands, which were frequently flooded, would be better drained, and the bar improved. I observed also that the channel at the entrance was too wide, and that consequently it was much exposed to the swell during westerly gales. I therefore proposed to reduce the width of the entrance to a certain extent; by this means a greater quantity of water would be admitted and discharged, the bar would be reduced, the drainage improved, and a less quantity of swell would be admitted; when I explained my views to the captain of the port, who was a very intelligent person, he quite agreed with me.

Having finished my examination here, we embarked at sunset and proceeded to Lisbon, which we reached on the following morning, when I took my leave of the commander of the vessel and his officers, who had treated me most kindly, for which I felt very grateful; I wanted to make a present of some champagne, but this was most politely declined. I therefore renewed my thanks, and went on then to the Braganza hotel. I next day called upon the Finance Minister, Fontes, and Vicomte de Luz, the chief officer of the Board of Works, reported generally what I had done, and said that I would proceed to England at once, and send my plans, estimates, and reports as early as possible. I accordingly left two days afterwards, and reached England in the middle of June, after an absence of between six and seven weeks.

When I was in Portugal I had a good deal of conversation with M. Fontes about their railways. He said that they had already given a concession for them to an English company, Messrs. Shaw, Waring, and Co., of whom the Government was now desirous if possible of getting quit. M. Fontes also talked to me about their financial affairs, and said that they had had a good deal of trouble with our Stock Exchange. I did not know the precise cause of this at the time, but it was afterwards explained to me that the English Stock Exchange would not allow their funds to be quoted in the English money market in consequence of the Portuguese Government having reduced the interest of the last Portuguese loan without the consent of the subscribers, so that unless this was remedied, it would not be possible to raise another loan in England. I saw the full force of this, and told the minister frankly my opinion, which he appeared to take very well, for he then said that he wished me to lay out a line between Coimbra and Oporto, and gave me instructions accordingly.

In the month of August, Dom Pedro, the heir apparent to the throne, and his brother, Dom Louis, paid a visit to our Queen at Osborne House, Isle of Wight, and Count Lavradio, the Portuguese minister in London, recommended me to go there to pay my respects to his future majesty. I therefore went, and was honoured with an audience on board Her Majesty’s yacht, which was lying off Osborne, and in which Dom Pedro and his brother were living at the time, as the Queen did not wish them to be on shore, on account of the prevalence of the smallpox in the vicinity. Dom Pedro and his brother received me very courteously, and we had a great deal of conversation about Portuguese affairs, particularly concerning the various engineering works that he wished to see carried into effect, such as railways, harbours, docks, &c., and he said that until these were done Portugal could not be on a par with other nations. He also very kindly invited me over to Portugal again. I took my leave and returned to Southampton, where I dined with Count Lavradio at Radley’s hotel, and then returned to London. It should be added that Dom Pedro attained his majority on the 15th of September, when he was crowned.

As soon as I got my harbour plans and reports ready, I determined to go over and present them in person after the coronation. As I had been commissioned by the Government to make the surveys and estimates for the proposed railway between Coimbra and Oporto, and consult two other English contractors about making railways in Portugal, I went to Messrs. Peto and Betts, who said that they would be happy to undertake them, provided that they could make proper arrangements with the Government, and that they did not interfere with any other contractors or companies who were then employed; and that in order to ascertain the Government views, they would send over their agent, Mr. Giles, with me. As I had previously agreed with Mr. Cheffins to make the survey of the line between Coimbra and Oporto, he preceded me with his staff, while Mr. Giles went to Lisbon with me in the Royal Mail Company’s vessel the ‘Trent,’ leaving Southampton on the 9th September, 1855.

After a fine passage we reached Lisbon on the morning of the 14th of September. I immediately presented myself to M. Fontes, the Finance Minister, and the Duke de Saldanha, President of the Cabinet, and delivered my plans, which were well received, and tickets were sent to us to visit the various ceremonies of the coronation.

It happened just before our arrival that the Government and the English contractors of the Great Eastern Railway from Lisbon to Santarem, who had been quarrelling for some time past, came to an open rupture, and the Government took possession of the whole of the works and all the materials, machinery, and plant, with an armed force, turned the Company adrift, and would have nothing further to do with them. The contractors complained to the British representative, Mr. Ward, ChargÉ d’Affaires, who was very indignant at this summary mode of treating his countrymen; and M. Fontes was equally indignant at the way in which the Company had behaved; but more of this hereafter. In the meantime the coronation took place, and a very pretty sight it was. We had the usual demonstrations of fÊtes, reviews, illuminations, salvos of artillery, &c. To heighten the spectacle a British fleet of five line-of-battle ships was sent over to do honour to the occasion. These fÊtes lasted for three days, and no business was done; but in the mean time I had the honour of being presented to the king at the great palace of the Ajude; and when M. Fontes returned to his office again, I called upon him and presented Mr. Giles, Messrs. Peto and Betts’s agent. Afterwards, when Mr. Giles had left, M. Fontes commenced talking to me about their dispute with Shaw, Waring, and Co. He spoke very temperately on the subject, and said that justice should be done to them. I said that I did not wish for a moment to defend them; in fact, I did not know the merits of the case on either one side or the other. At the same time, I said that it would be far better to arrange with them amicably; and if they could not agree, they should settle accounts and dissolve the agreement; as until this matter was satisfactorily concluded, it would be impossible to get any fresh English contractors of respectability to finish the works, or form a new English company, or indeed to raise any money in England, which the Government at that time wanted to do. Moreover, it was desirable above all things to arrange matters with the English Stock Exchange, and until the affair of Shaw, Waring, and Co. had been settled this could not be done. These arguments appeared to have much weight with the minister, who replied, that he would think them over; that he was desirous of coming to an amicable settlement; that he had very little doubt but it would be ultimately arranged properly; and that when Mr. Griles and I returned from our examination of the country, he would be glad to see us again.