I will now proceed to a very important epoch in my life, namely, my first introduction to railways upon the locomotive system. Railways of wood were first introduced on the Tyne, for the purpose of bringing down coal from the adjacent collieries, to be shipped from Newcastle and the vicinity for exportation to London and other places. These were 4 feet 6½ inches wide from centre to centre, and the coal waggons were specially adapted to them. The wooden rails wore out rapidly, and were subsequently improved by having cast iron edge rails fixed upon the wooden ones, and the wheels of the waggons were made of cast iron also, having a flange on the inside to keep them in their places. It reduced materially the friction of the road, enabled the horses by which the waggons were drawn to take a greater load, and the expense of maintaining the ways was greatly reduced. Matters proceeded in this manner until towards the end of the last century. At that time, the celebrated James Watt began his experiments upon steam, and then turned his attention to the improvement of the steam engine, which had previously been so far perfected by Savery, Newcomen, and Smeaton, as to be used for pumping water from mines with considerable effect, by employing steam and atmospheric pressure alternately, for raising and lowering the piston in the cylinder to which the pumping apparatus was attached. The waste of fuel and the expense of working these engines were very considerable, and they were inapplicable to any other purpose but pumping. Watt saw these defects, and immediately set about devising means for remedying them. He first enclosed the steam cylinder at top and bottom, and elevated and depressed the piston by means of steam only; and instead of allowing the spent steam to escape into the atmosphere, it was discharged into a separate vessel, into which a jet of cold water was constantly playing, so that the steam was condensed there, and hence this vessel was called a “condenser.” In this condenser there was an air pump constantly working, so that to some extent a vacuum was produced, which facilitated the discharge of the steam from above and below the piston, relieved the pressure upon it both ways, and added considerably to the effect of the whole machine, as well as economizing the fuel required to work it. He also added a crank to a connecting rod at the opposite end of the beam to which the piston was attached, and by means of this crank communicated rotary motion to any machinery connected with it, adding still further to the value of the steam engine, and rendering it universally applicable. The boiler also he greatly improved, so as to produce a larger quantity of steam with less fuel. The ingenious idea of the crank was pirated from him before he could patent it, and he resorted to another invention to produce rotary motion, which he called the sun and planet wheel; this consisted of a toothed wheel attached to the lower end of the connecting rod fixed to the end of the beam, which wheel worked into another attached to the end of a horizontal shaft, upon which were fixed other wheels to give motion to any system of machinery which might be required. It should be observed that in this improved engine the connecting rod of the piston was attached to one end of the beam, the connecting rod attached to the crank, or sun and planet, was fixed to the other, and the air and cold water pumps were attached to rods connected with the intermediate part of the main beam, so that they were all worked together by the rising and falling of the piston, and thus formed one whole compact machine. He also added several minor contrivances, which it is unnecessary to mention, and which rendered the steam engine still more complete. His improvements did not end here, for he made numerous experiments upon the expansibility or elasticity and effects of steam at various temperatures, constructed a high pressure engine, and subsequently one with a condenser mounted upon a carriage supported by wheels, which was nothing more than the locomotive engine, a model of which still exists. Watt, however, as I have already observed, did not like high-pressure steam: he was fully aware of its importance; but at that time, from the backward state of the iron manufacture, he did not see his way to controlling it with safety, and he considered that his low-pressure condensing system was the best and most economical, and he therefore gave up all idea of pursuing the investigation of the locomotive engine and its applicability. Fortunately, however, everybody was not of the same opinion. Watt had clearly invented the locomotive engine, and his able and faithful assistant, William Murdock, afterwards made another working model of it on the same plan, with which he used to amuse himself by setting it in motion to run about his room. But the idea and its practicability once established, the locomotive was not to be thus abandoned. Amongst those who heard of it, and who appreciated its value, were two Cornish engineers, Trevithick and Vivian, who had been accustomed to work high-pressure steam, which was largely used in the Cornish mining engines about this time. Trevithick and Vivian soon saw that Watt’s waggon boiler was too cumbrous, and not capable of producing steam fast enough or in sufficient quantity for a locomotive engine. They therefore invented a new kind of boiler with a tube in the centre, around which the heat from the furnace circulated, so that a greater surface was exposed to its action, and, consequently, steam was generated much more quickly and in greater volume and elasticity. This boiler was, moreover, more compact, lighter, and more portable than Watt’s; the engine also was more simple; and the cylinder and piston being vertical, the latter was attached to a crank, which again was applied to the axles of the wheels, which made them revolve at every double stroke of the piston. The whole of this engine was mounted on a carriage; and this may be termed an improvement upon Watt’s engine, and the second stage of this great invention.

Trevithick and Vivian being convinced of success, took out a patent for the tubular boiler and the engine, for its application to common roads and railways; and foreseeing that if the wheels were applied to the smooth surface of a railway, the adhesion of their surface, combined with the weight of the whole machine, would be sufficient to impel it forward when worked by the engine, proposed that the peripheries of the wheels should be smooth; but in other cases, where more grip or action might be necessary, they proposed to add bosses or cogs to the peripheries of the wheels. What they now required was to apply the invention to practice. They accordingly were either invited or went to the Merthyr Tydvil Iron Works, where iron tramways were in extensive use, and there proposed an engine for drawing the waggons, instead of manual and horse labour. The invention was greatly approved of, and the proprietors of the mines determined to give it a fair trial. A locomotive engine was then made by Trevithick and Vivian and placed on the railway. Waggons laden with ten tons of iron and coal were attached to the engine, and, to the surprise of all, it drew them at the rate of six miles an hour. This was in the year 1802.

One would have thought that the principle, practice, and value of the invention having been thus fairly demonstrated, the wealthy and enterprising ironmasters would at once have adopted it and have brought it into general use. Indeed, it is difficult to conceive why this was not so. It is true that the machine was still cumbrous and difficult to manage, and the cast-iron tramways were probably too light and badly laid, so that they were frequently broken; still sufficient must have been proved to show that these were defects that might easily be remedied, and that continued practice would enable the inventors to render both the locomotive and the railway more perfect. In almost all new inventions, nothing is made perfect at first, and it requires constant trials and much perseverance to remove obstacles which cannot be foreseen, and the existence of which can only be proved by experience, when the proper remedy can be applied. The attempt to introduce locomotives on railways was not, however, for the time prosecuted further at Merthyr Tydvil.

It may be asked, why did not Trevithick and Vivian pursue the matter further elsewhere? I believe the answer to this is simply that they had not the means; they had already expended so much in prosecuting the invention that their resources were exhausted, and unless fresh pecuniary aid came in they must necessarily abandon it, at least for the time. Nothing is more difficult than to introduce a new invention, however plausible it may appear at first sight. We become by habit so wedded to our old ways that we are apt to regard anything new with indifference. When it has succeeded, the more simple it is the more we are astonished that we should not have perceived its value before; hence, unfortunately, we so frequently find that many able men, who have made brilliant discoveries and inventions which have conferred so much benefit upon mankind, have exhausted their all, and have died of starvation, just at the very moment when they have succeeded. Then some lucky one steps in and derives all the advantage. Such was the fate of poor Trevithick, who may be said to have been the inventor of the modern railway system. Even Watt himself would have probably shared the same fate, if he had not met with the great Matthew Boulton, who appreciated his inventions, and furnished the means for carrying them into effect. The same may be said of Cort, who introduced puddling, the simplest mode of converting cast into wrought iron. Bessemer himself told me that he was nearly ruined before his great discovery succeeded. In fact, numberless examples might be adduced of this melancholy truth; but to my story.

The next example we find of the employment of the locomotive engine was that of Blenkinsop, of Leeds, which was similar to, but more compact and lighter than that of Trevithick and Vivian, and was applied to draw the waggons laden with coal from Middleton Colliery, near Leeds, to that town; I saw it at work in the year 1814. It then drew 20 tons at the rate of seven miles an hour, at which I was much astonished. Although quite a lad, I thought to myself, “Something more will come out of this hereafter.” But the most singular thing connected with this was, that the principle of adhesion to the rails by the smooth tired wheels, and the fact of the power of a locomotive being in its weight, as laid down by Trevithick, was completely forgotten, and the locomotive was propelled forward by means of a toothed wheel driven by the engine, acting on a corresponding toothed rack laid alongside the rails; this was nothing more than Trevithick’s idea of bosses or teeth attached to the wheels, but intended to be applied in a different way. Still the invention was making its way. Blenkinsop’s engine excited great interest in the north, especially in the neighbourhood of the Tyne and Wear, and numbers of engineers, scientific men, and others went to see it, and being convinced of its value, determined to introduce it into that district. Amongst others, Mr. Blackett, of Wylam Colliery, who had seen Blenkinsop’s engine and railway, perceived the error of attempting to propel the locomotive by means of the toothed wheel and ratchet, and determined to revert to Trevithick’s original design of the smooth tired wheels. Whether he had heard of Trevithick’s invention or not, does not appear, although, as the subject had become generally known, and numerous intelligent minds had been directed towards it, it is very probable that he had. However, be that as it may, he has the credit of reintroducing Trevithick’s invention, and a locomotive, with improvements, leaving out the toothed wheel and ratchet, was applied to a railway at Wylam with complete success.

Amongst others who visited Blenkinsop’s railway and locomotive engine was Mr. James, a general land agent and surveyor, at Newcastle, who was in large practice, and had a respectable fortune. He was a man of enlarged mind and great intelligence, and although not a practical mechanician, he was so much struck with the effect of Blenkinsop’s engine and railway, that he at once said it was a new mode of conveying passengers and goods which must supersede all others, and become universal. In his enthusiasm he wrote a long letter, addressed to the Prince Regent, on the subject, in 1815, pointing out the value of this new mode of transport, the saving which it would effect in manual and horse labour, the ease and expedition with which goods and passengers would be conveyed, and the vast benefits which would be conferred upon the country by the general introduction of the railway system.

Immediately he set to work and devoted his whole energies and time, regardless of his own business, to the promotion of this new mode of transit. The celebrated George Stephenson, who up to this time had been a working collier, began to emerge from his obscurity and exhibit his genius to the world. James got acquainted with him, and being greatly taken by his talent, imparted his views about the introduction of railways, and, it is said, supplied money towards aiding him in prosecuting the work. Be this as it may, Stephenson, who had seen Blackett’s engine, was fully convinced of the soundness of the system, and that it must become universal; and therefore, with his usual indomitable energy and talent, he applied himself to promote and develop the new scheme by every means in his power. He became acquainted, and ultimately entered into partnership, with Mr. Lord, and established a manufactory for locomotive engines at Newcastle, which maintains its celebrity at the present day. He first made a locomotive of a new and improved construction, which worked with considerable success upon the Hetton Colliery railways. Next he was employed on the Stockton and Darlington, for which he made several locomotives, all of which, be it observed, were employed solely for carrying goods at the rate of about eight miles an hour; and it was by no means anticipated that they would be able to exceed that, or that they could calculate much upon general passenger traffic. However, the success that had already attended their efforts, made Stephenson confident that the railway system could be equally well applied wherever there was a large traffic. James and Stephenson then entered into a kind of partnership, and first proposed to make a railway, in 1817, from Manchester to Liverpool, for between those towns the traffic was so enormous that the Duke of Bridgewater’s Canal and the Mersey could not accommodate it properly, and great dissatisfaction was expressed at the delays and high charges. Nothing, however, was done at the time, and it was not until the year 1825 that the project was so far matured as to enable a company to be formed to carry it into effect. This company was principally composed of gentlemen from Manchester, Liverpool, and Newcastle; and George Stephenson was their chief engineer. They went to Parliament in the year 1825, but were so ill prepared to encounter the violent and powerful interests by which they were opposed, particularly that of the Bridgewater Canal, which enjoyed a very large portion of the traffic, that they lost their Bill.

The late Earl of Lonsdale, then Lord Lowther, one of the Lords of the Treasury, a very able and intelligent young man, knowing me from my connection with London Bridge, and with the Whitehaven Harbour, of which I was the engineer (where his father was the chief owner of all the great collieries round the town), asked my opinion about the proposed new system, and whether I thought that it was likely to succeed. I told him frankly that I thought it would. His lordship replied, “I think so, too;” and he offered me the post of engineer to the Manchester and Liverpool Railway, adding, “Although it will be greatly opposed, I think we shall carry it.” I replied that my brother and myself would be happy to undertake it, provided that we did not interfere with Mr. Stephenson or any other engineer who had been previously employed. Lord Lonsdale said that he would arrange all that with the Company, and my brother and myself were accordingly appointed engineers-in-chief.

As we were left entirely to our own discretion to adopt the old or to choose an entirely new line, we selected the present energetic and talented engineer, Mr. Charles Vignolles, to make the necessary surveys for Parliament. After examining the old line and the surrounding country, we finally decided upon adopting the present one, which passes over Chatmoss. Whilst we were proceeding with the survey, my brother George and Mr. Vignolles met Mr. Bradshaw, who was the sole and independent manager of the Duke of Bridgewater’s Canal, on Chatmoss, not far from the line, and near his own residence. He went up to my brother and introduced himself as the manager of the Duke’s Canal, and my brother at once mentioned his name. Mr. Bradshaw shook him by the hand very cordially, and said that he was glad to make the acquaintance of the son of his old friend, Mr. Rennie, for whom he had the greatest respect and friendship; and knowing what we were about, said that he, on the part of the Duke’s Canal and the other water carriers, would oppose the railway by every means in their power, and he felt pretty confident that they could throw out the Bill a second and even a third time, if it were attempted. At the same time he expressed the most friendly feeling towards my brother, and invited him and Mr. Vignolles to his house, where he received them most hospitably, and conversed, amongst other subjects, about the Bridgewater Canal, and the great difficulties they had to overcome in completing it. Pointing to a little whitewashed house, near the Moss, about half a mile distant, he said to my brother: “Do you see that house? Many a time did the late Duke of Bridgewater, Brindley, and myself spend our evenings there during the construction of the canal, after the day’s labours were over; and one evening in particular we had a very doleful meeting. The Duke had spent all his money, had exhausted his credit, and did not know where to get more, and the canal was not finished. We were all three in a very melancholy mood, smoking our pipes and drinking ale, for we had not the means to do more, and were very silent. At last the Duke said: ‘Well, Mr. Brindley, what is to be done now?’ Brindley said: ‘Well, Duke, I don’t know; but of this I feel as confident as ever: if we could only finish the canal, it would pay well, and soon bring back all your Grace’s money.’” After remaining a little longer, the party broke up in melancholy silence, and each went his way. It happened shortly afterwards that the Duke managed to get money enough to complete the canal, and Brindley was a true prophet, for the canal has paid well, and has been mainly the making of the great houses of Sutherland and Ellesmere.

The surveys for the line over Chatmoss were completed and deposited in due time, and the usual notices were given. The Bill was read a first time in the Commons, and after the second reading was referred to a committee. Certainly Bradshaw had not exaggerated the opposition, for the Bill was most energetically contested, the leading counsel against the Bill being the late able and amiable Baron Alderson. The Bill, however, passed the Commons, and ultimately the Lords, after an equally strong contest; but Lord Lowther and his friends were indefatigable, and to his lordship’s great exertions the success may be mainly attributed. At the time I was so completely prostrated by the effects of the fall which I had met with at London Bridge, as previously mentioned, that I was unable to take any very active part, which therefore chiefly devolved upon my brother and Mr. Vignolles. After the passing of the Bill, my brother and myself prepared working drawings and estimates for carrying the work into effect, and we naturally expected to be appointed the executive engineers, after having with so much labour and anxiety carried the Bill through Parliament. The Executive Committee of the Company behaved extremely ill to us. Stephenson, although he had failed in carrying the first Bill, still possessed considerable influence with the Executive Committee, who proposed that Mr. Stephenson should be united with us. We said that we had no objection to Mr. Stephenson taking the locomotive department, which should be distinct from the other works. This, however, the Committee declined, and at once appointed Mr. Stephenson the chief engineer, and Mr. Vignolles the resident.

My brother and myself designed that the width of gauge should be 5 feet 6 inches from centre to centre of the rail, and if this had been adopted we should never have heard of any other. This was the proper gauge for which an engine could have been made of the most powerful description, without being too long. Moreover, the centre of gravity being lower, it would have been more steady, being better adapted to going round sharp curves. The same advantages would have been gained by the passenger and goods carriages. Unfortunately, Mr. Stephenson was of a different opinion: he thought that the old colliery waggon gauge of 4 feet 8½ inches from centre to centre of the rail was ample, and it was adopted. Hence all the enormous litigation and expense which afterwards ensued. Brunel subsequently, on the Great Western Railway, feeling confident that Stephenson’s gauge was too narrow, proposed and ultimately adopted 7 feet as the proper gauge. Now this was as much too wide as Stephenson’s was too narrow. Stephenson’s party have ultimately prevailed, and the narrow gauge has been generally adopted, much to the efficiency and economy of railways.

Before leaving this part of the subject, it may be right to remark that the opposition endeavoured to make a strong case against our line crossing Chatmoss, which they said was utterly impracticable at any reasonable expense. This we knew from our own experience to be simply ridiculous, and so it was found to be during the execution; it has now proved to be the best part of the line, and the easiest to keep in repair. All that was required was to drain the surface by moderate-sized drains, so as to get rid of the superfluous water, then the foundation for the rails would be sufficiently solid to bear anything; moreover, it possesses a certain degree of elasticity which prevents the concussion or jolting that is usually found on a hard unyielding road. In 1828 the line was so far advanced that the Company determined to advertise for locomotives, and to give a premium of 1000l. for the best one that was produced. Amongst the competitors were Messrs. Stephenson and Lord, Messrs. Braithwaite and Ericsson, and Mr. T. Hackworth.

The competition took place at Rainhill. The Company restricted the weight of the engines to seven tons, which shows how little the subject was at that time understood, for the power of a locomotive engine is in proportion to its weight and the steam generated to work it; hence it was quite clear that in restricting the weight they restricted its power. Notwithstanding this, the engines performed wonders, and attained the speed of 28 to 29 miles an hour. This was so contrary to the general expectation, for even the makers did not expect above 8 or 10 miles an hour, that everybody was astonished, and from that time forward the glorious career of railways was established, and the old road system for goods and passengers was condemned as a thing of the past. The shares, which had been at a discount, now rose to a premium, and numerous new lines were in contemplation. Stephenson’s engine, the ‘Rocket,’ gained the premium, as it complied with all the required conditions, although that of Messrs. Braithwaite and Ericsson was in other respects considered the best.

The rails used upon this line were what is technically called the edge rail. These were of cast iron, weighing 30 lb. per yard, and they were cast on lengths 3 feet long, resting upon blocks of stone about 12 inches thick and 2 feet square, like the old tramways. Here is another example of the little that was known upon the subject; for it was forgotten that the old tramways were worked by horses, which seldom exceeded the speed of 2½ miles, and, consequently, the vibration upon a tolerably well made road was scarcely sensible, although it prevailed to a certain extent; but when the velocity was increased to above 20 miles an hour, the case was totally different, as should have been anticipated; yet the line was opened for traffic on the old principle, until it was found that the concussion and vibration produced by the rigidity of the road were so serious as to cause considerable trouble. On account of its elasticity, the Chatmoss section was found to be the easiest and best part of the road, yet it is singular that this did not occur to the Company. They continued to use stone blocks more or less up to the year 1837, when they discovered their error, and replaced the blocks with wooden sleepers, and large hillocks of these stone blocks may still be seen lying along the Manchester and Liverpool, and Birmingham lines.

But to return to the edge rail, which was certainly a great improvement upon the old flange rail. This edge rail was, I believe, first invented by William Jessop, a celebrated man of his time, and tried under Smeaton, who proposed it for the Leicester and Loughborough Tram Railway. The flange was transferred from the rail to the inner edge of the waggon wheel; and the edge rail having no flange occasioned less friction to the shaft. As the rails were manufactured of cast iron, they could not be made longer than 3 feet without materially increasing their liability to break; but there were so many joints that it was very difficult to make a smooth road and keep it in order, particularly when the speed of travelling increased. Hence the use of stone blocks had not been abandoned. This difficulty was at length overcome by the substitution of wrought-iron rails, which were first proposed by Buckenshaw. These were laid on wooden sleepers, and this was another great improvement; but the numerous joints were still a great difficulty in the way of making a smooth road and keeping it in order. This was at last overcome by making the rails in one single piece on rollers patented for the purpose.

Rails have now been increased from 30 to 80 lb. per foot, and have been fished at every joint; that is, a plate has been fixed on each side with sufficient room in the connecting bolt-holes to allow for expansion and contraction.

With regard to locomotives, numerous improvements have been made. We have first Watt’s idea of making a steam engine, with its boiler complete, upon an independent carriage, mounted upon wheels, so that it could move in any direction and propel itself; as well as a weight attached to it, mounted upon wheels also. As the tramways of cast iron were then established, this locomotive machine could have readily been applied to it, so that, in fact, to Watt may be attributed the first practical idea of the locomotive engine, although there are some doubts about this, for a M. Cugnot is said to have made a working model of a locomotive engine upon a considerable scale, at Paris, in the year 1783. Be this as it may, they were both made so nearly about the same time that it is difficult to decide which had the priority. At all events, Watt is justly entitled to the merit of having been the first to invent it in England.

Hackworth’s (of Darlington) engine was made about the same time, and was similar to Stephenson’s.

The next improvement consisted in placing the cylinders of the engine horizontally instead of vertically, so that the piston acted directly upon the axle upon which the driving wheels were placed, instead of by the intervention of a double crank; this made the engine more compact.

The next was the multitubular boiler, by means of which the generation of steam was greatly accelerated, in consequence of the increased surface exposed to the action of the heat.[4]

I will now revert to 1826, the time when I was asked my opinion as to the value of railways, and I said, in the most decided terms, to Lord Lowther, that I thought very highly of them, that they must succeed and eventually supersede every other mode of transport for passengers and goods. Being quite convinced of this, with which opinion my brother George cordially agreed, I set about projecting lines to those places where I thought they were most applicable; that is, where there was actually a large and constant traffic, and where a more facile means of locomotion would be attended with an increased trade. Next to the Liverpool and Manchester, I selected the London and Birmingham line, whilst my brother, in company with the late Jonas Jessop and William Chapman, chose a direct line, from the termination of mine at Birmingham, to Liverpool, so that the two lines together would have considerably reduced the distance between London, Birmingham, and Liverpool. My line proceeded by Aylesbury, Banbury, Bicester, Kenilworth, and Warwick, to the higher part of Birmingham; and my brother’s from thence by Stafford and Runcorn—with a bridge across the Mersey at that place—to Liverpool. Thus London, Birmingham, and Liverpool, the three largest and most important commercial towns in the kingdom, would have been connected together in the shortest possible distance and with the least expensive works practicable. The project, upon the whole, was well received, but the public were not quite prepared for such an undertaking; in fact, it was in advance of the time, and for a while fell to the ground. Canals had not fallen into disrepute, and Mr. Telford, who succeeded my father in carrying into effect the great improvements proposed by him for the Birmingham Canal, suggested a continuation of this (through the very district which my brother, Jessop, and Chapman had proposed to carry their railway), to connect it with the Bridgewater and Mersey canal to Liverpool; this was accordingly executed, and, as regards a commercial speculation, failed entirely, as it was soon superseded by railways. The fact was, that Telford, having been bred in the old school, and having seen the triumph of canals, could not, or would not, believe in the efficacy of railways, or that they would ever succeed; and, indeed, he laughed heartily when he had succeeded in supplanting my brother’s line of railway from Birmingham to Liverpool by a canal. He had a strong prejudice against railways, which he maintained until his death, in 1835. He had just finished his great work the Holyhead Road, with the great connecting suspension bridges of Conway and Bangor, and of which, with good reason, he was justly proud, and could not bear the idea of their being superseded by any other system of locomotion. Although an able engineer in many respects, he was not much of a practical mechanic, and very likely conscientiously thought that railways would not succeed. He had done his work well in his own department, and was too old to learn anything new. He died at a good old age, much respected and beloved by those who knew him, and leaving numerous monuments behind him of his engineering talents.

Another important line of railway which I proposed at this time was one between London and Brighton, and I employed two very experienced and competent surveyors, Messrs. Edward Grantham and Jago, who had frequently been employed by my father to make surveys in various parts of England, particularly in the region between London and Portsmouth, and the Weald of Kent, so that they had a thorough knowledge of the district. After examining the country myself, I directed that the line should commence at Kennington Common, and proceed from thence by Clapham and Streatham to the lower end of Croydon; from thence up Smitham Bottom valley to the hill at Merstham, which was to be pierced by a tunnel; from thence to Redhill, Horley, and the valley to the Cinder Banks at the base of the ridge of hills called Tilgate Forest, where there was to be another tunnel; from thence, skirting the left side of the valley near Balcombe, to the valley of the Ouse, which was to be crossed by a viaduct, and thence to Hayward’s Heath, between Lindfield and Cuckfield, where it passed through another ridge of hills by a deep cutting; it then proceeded direct to the Southdown hills, near Clayton Hill, which was to be pierced by a tunnel; thence down the valley to Brighton, where it terminated at the upper end of the town on the right side of the valley. This line extended from Kennington Common to Brighton. The country is very rugged, having three lofty ridges of hills running east and west, which it was necessary to pass through, as there are no leading valleys or gaps to facilitate the passage without going a long way round, which would have defeated my object. This line might have been shortened nearly a mile by going direct from Tilgate Forest to Cuckfield, but the works would have been much heavier, and could scarcely have been justified at the time, as the public were not prepared for such expensive operations. I also employed Mr. Vignolles to survey another line from Nine Elms, Vauxhall, by Dorking, Horsham, and Shoreham; from thence along the coast to the west end of Brighton. This line, upon the whole, was easier of execution than the other, but it was five miles longer, which I considered objectionable, as my object was to lay down the shortest possible line between the two termini, so as to render all future competition out of the question. By this time I was so fully convinced of the ultimate success of railways, both for speed and economy, that I announced in the prospectus, that when the railway system had been introduced into France, the journey from London to Paris might be made by this route in twelve hours; however, at this period no passenger railway had been completed, and therefore my statement was considered only as a rough guess, which might never come to pass, and therefore a company could not be formed. At the same time I employed competent persons to make the survey for a coast line from Brighton to Worthing, Arundel, Chichester, Havant, Portsmouth, Southampton, Salisbury, and thence to Warminster, with the intention of extending it hereafter to Bristol.

The Manchester and Liverpool Railway was opened with great ceremony, when the Duke of Wellington, then Premier, and Mr. Huskisson, the President of the Board of Trade, attended. Unfortunately, the latter most able Minister was killed, by being run over by one of the locomotives. Poor Huskisson was standing between the two lines of rails, with the Duke and several others, when the engine came up unexpectedly; he lost his presence of mind, and took a wrong step, which ended in a death universally deplored by the nation, as well as by his numerous friends.

The success of the Manchester and Liverpool railway having been established, the next thing was to extend the line to Birmingham, and a company was immediately formed for the purpose, with Mr. George Stephenson as engineer. About the same time another line was projected by his son Robert, from London to Birmingham, pursuing pretty nearly the line of the old Grand Junction or Paddington Canal; this line was longer than mine, led over much more difficult country, and did not pass through the same number of towns and population, although it touched the important city of Coventry.

My line commenced at Blackwall, and pursued the route of the Regent’s Canal, nearly similar to the line of railway which my father had formerly laid down.

There were two strong parties, one of which supported Stephenson’s line, and the other mine; but ultimately Stephenson’s party was the strongest, he carried his line by one or two votes, and the present London and Birmingham railway was executed.

The route to Liverpool was unnecessarily long, and therefore a new line was started to shorten the distance, called the Trent Valley Line, which commenced at Rugby, and joined the Birmingham line at Stafford, thus cutting off the angle at Birmingham, and saving a considerable distance. This line was strongly opposed, but was carried, it is said, by the influence of the late Sir R. Peel, and was executed, I believe, at the cost of three millions. If my own and my brother’s line had been carried out, this would have been unnecessary, as a branch to Stafford would have sufficed for that and other towns, and Birmingham would have been upon the main line. It is singular, also, that Telford’s canal, which supplanted our line, has been absorbed by the adjacent railways.

Having now, in a rather rambling manner, brought my professional diary so far, I must revert again to some incidents connected with my private life. On the death of Sir Joseph Banks, Sir Humphry Davy was unanimously elected President of the Royal Society in the year 1820, and I had the honour of being elected Fellow, 1823.

I was elected member of the Travellers’ Club, 1822. This club was formed in the year 1818, for the express purpose of associating travellers together, and for promoting travelling. It was enacted that no person was eligible to become a member unless he had travelled on the Continent, in a direct line, 500 miles from London, and great things were expected from it; but although it was the first travelling club established in London, and contained amongst its members the most distinguished travellers, it shortly degenerated into an ordinary club, and nothing has ever emanated from it towards extending our knowledge of the globe, or in publishing the travels of the numerous able men who belonged to it. Sir Arthur de Capel Brooke, who was a member of it, and who travelled a good deal himself, particularly in the north of Europe, going as far as the North Cape, and who published an interesting account of his journey, spoke to my brothers, myself, and numerous other travellers on the subject, proposing to establish a new club, composed of none but distinguished travellers; he suggested that this, in the first instance, should be nothing more than a dining club, to meet once every month, saying that travellers meeting together in this social manner would communicate to each other their various voyages, and would stimulate each other to further discoveries; that although a mere social club in the first instance, in time some good would result, and that in the end a regular scientific society might be established for the promotion of geography. He accordingly collected together all the distinguished travellers of the day, naval, military, and civil, and a most delightful society it was; the result clearly proved Sir Arthur Brooke’s sagacity, for from the Raleigh Club was originated the Royal Geographical Society. I am not quite certain with whom the idea first originated, but I recollect that at one meeting, when, amongst others, the late distinguished traveller and Secretary to the Admiralty, Sir John Barrow, was present, an animated conversation took place, to the effect that the Raleigh Club had been in existence many years, and a very agreeable club it was; but, except amusing each other with our adventures, we had done nothing towards promoting our original intention, which was to stimulate discovery in foreign lands, and to extend the knowledge of geography throughout the world. I think Sir John Barrow then said, “Why cannot we establish a real geographical society, and read papers, and publish transactions, like other scientific societies?” The idea caught at once: the whole of the members then present applauded it, and resolved to carry it into effect. A committee was appointed, and every member, I think, of the club joined. A general meeting was then called, members soon joined, and Sir John Barrow was appointed first president; a council and vice-presidents were chosen, a house was taken in Waterloo Place, Colonel Jackson was chosen secretary, a royal charter was applied for and obtained, and the society was duly instituted, under the name of the Royal Geographical Society. This society, like all others in their infancy, had a good deal to contend with; it went on well for a time, but at length it began to languish. It required some man of weight and influence to devote his time to it, to enlist the Government heartily in the cause, and to make it understand that it was its interest, on the part of the public, to promote the Society by every means in its power. Fortunately, at that time the Society had in Sir Roderick Murchison the very man most competent to undertake this arduous office. He worked hard; he convinced the Government of the utility of the Society, and the many advantages that would be afforded by its existence, as it could collect information upon all geographical subjects, at far less expense than could be obtained by any Government establishment; it would, moreover, stimulate travellers to increased exertions, and accumulate a fund of geographical information—knowledge that is so important to a commercial country like our own.

The then head of the Government was so much struck by the representations made to him of the value of the Society and of the advantage it would be to the Government, that he resolved in the House of Commons to grant 500l. a year in aid of its funds. This at once revived the members’ spirits; they started, as it were afresh; the Society became exceedingly popular, and there was no end of applications to be enrolled as members, both from ladies and gentlemen, and ever since then it has been one of the most, if not the most, popular societies of the day.

The old Raleigh Club, from which the Geographical Society originated, having done its duty, and most of its original members having succumbed to time, there was no longer any necessity for its existence; but as all scientific societies have their dining clubs, which meet on the days of the societies’ meetings, it was resolved to merge the Raleigh into the Geographical Club.

In the year 1824, John Wilson Croker, Esq., originated the AthenÆum Club, for men distinguished in science, literature, and art, and asked me to become a member. I was only too happy to be associated with such a company as he collected together.

Sir Humphry Davy, in the year 1825, originated the Zoological Society, and asked me to join, which I did most willingly, and perhaps it has been the most popular and successful of any modern society of that kind. It commenced operations by purchasing the well-known Cross collection of Exeter ’Change, in which in my early days I took an especial delight; for, considering all things, it was a very wonderful collection, and it is difficult to understand how, in such a confined and unhealthy spot, it could have been maintained in such good condition. The only other exhibition of the kind in London was at the Tower; the collection of animals there consisted of presents from the sovereigns of different countries. These were afterwards lent to the Zoological Society, who established their museum in the Regent’s Park, and, taking it altogether, it is probably the finest and best maintained in the world.