[7.1] See the accounts collected and translated by Eugene Burnouf. Introduction to the History of Indian Buddhism, i. p. 137, and following pages, and particularly pp. 198, 199.

[7.2] See Life of Jesus.

[7.3] Acts ii. 45; iv. 34, 37; v. 1.

[7.4] Acts v. 1, and following verses.

[7.5] Ibid. ii. 45; iv. 35.

[7.6] Ibid. vi. 1, &c.

[7.7] See chapter vi.

[7.8] Acts xxi. 8.

[7.9] Phil. i. 1; I. Timothy iii. 8, and following.

[7.10] Romans xvi. 1, 12; I. Tim. iii. 11; v. 9, and following. Pliny Epist. x. 97. The Epistles to Timothy are most probably not from the pen of Saint Paul; but are in any event of very ancient date.

[7.11] Rom. xvi. 1; I. Cor. ix. 5. Philemon 2.

[7.12] I. Tim. v. 9, and following.

[7.13] Constit. Apost. vi. 17.[7.14] Sap. ii. 10; Eccl. xxxvii. 17; Matthew xxiii. 14; Mark xii. 40; Luke xx. 47; James 27.

[7.15] Mischna, Sota, iii. 4.

[7.16] Talmud of Babylon, Sota 22 a; Comp. I. Tim. v. 13.

[7.17] Acts vi. 1.

[7.18] Ibid, xii, 12.

[7.19] I. Tim. v. 9, and following. Compare Acts ix. 39, 41.

[7.20] I. Tim. v. 3, and following.

[7.21] Ecclesiastes vii. 27; Ecclesiasticus vii. 26, and following; ix. 1, and following; xxv. 22, and following; xxvi. 1, and following; xiii. 9, and following.

[7.22] For the costume of the widows of the Eastern Church, see the Greek manuscript No. 64 in the BibliothÈque Imperiale (old building), fol. 11. The costume to this day is very nearly the same the type, the religious female of the East, being the widow, as that of the Latin nun is the virgin.

[7.23] Compare the “Shepherd” of Hermas, vis. ii. ch. 4.

[7.24] ?a?????a, the name of the religious females or nuns of the Eastern Church. ?a??? combines the significance of both “beautiful” and “good.”

[7.25] See Note 7.16.

[7.26] I. Cor. xii. entire.

[7.27] The Pietist congregations of America, who are to the Protestants what convents are to the Catholics, resemble in many points the primitive churches. Bridel, Recits Americains. (Lausanne, 1861.)

[7.28] Prov. iii. 27, and following; x. 2; xi. 4; xxii. 9; xxviii. 27; Eccl. iii. 23, and following; vii. 36; xii. 1, and following; xviii. 14; xx. 13, and following; xxxi. 11; Tobit, ii. 15, 22; iv. 11; xii. 9; xiv. 11; Daniel iv. 24; Talmud of Jerusalem; Peah. 15, b.

[7.29] Matthew vi. 2; Mischna, Schekalim, v. 6; Talmud of Jerusalem, Demai, fol. 23, b.

[7.30] Acts x. 2, 4, 31.

[7.31] Ps. cxxxiii.

[7.32] Acts ii. 44–47; iv. 32–35.

[7.33] Ibid. ii. 41.

[7.34] See chapter vi.

[7.35] Acts vi. 5; xi. 20.

[8.1] Acts iv. 6. See Life of Jesus.

[8.2] Acts iv. 1–31; v. 47–41.

[8.3] See Life of Jesus.[8.4] Acts v. 41.

[8.5] Ib. iv. 5–6; v. 17. Comp. James ii. 6.

[8.6] G???? a???e?at????, Acts i.; a???e?e?? in Josephus Ant. xx. viii. 8.

[8.7] Acts xv. 5; xxi. 20.

[8.8] Let us add that the reciprocal antipathy of Jesus and the Pharisees seems to have been exaggerated by the synoptical Evangelists, perhaps on account of the events which, at the time of the great war, led to the flight of the Christians beyond the Jordan. It cannot be denied that James, brother of the Lord, was pretty nearly a Pharisee.

[8.9] Acts v. 34, and following. See Life of Jesus.

[8.10] Acts vi. 8; vii. 59.

[8.11] Probably descendants of Jews who had been taken to Rome as slaves, and then freed. Philo, Leg. ad Caium, § 23; Tacitus, Ann. ii. 85.

[8.12] See Life of Jesus.

[8.13] Matt. xv. 2, and following; Mark vii. 3; Gal. i. 14.

[8.14] Compare Gal. iii. 19; Heb. ii. 2; Jos. Ant. XV. v. 3. It was supposed that God Himself had not revealed Himself in the theophanies of the ancient law, but that he had substituted in his place a sort of intermediary, the maleak Jehovah. See the Hebrew dictionaries on the word ????.

[8.15] Deut. xvii. 7.

[8.16] Acts vii. 59; xxii. 20; xxvi 10.

[8.17] John xviii. 31.

[8.18] Josephus, Ant. XVIII. iv. 2.

[8.19] Ib., Ib., XV. xi. 4; XVIII. iv. 2. Compare XX. i. 1, 2.

[8.20] The whole trial of Jesus proves this. Compare Acts xxiv. 27; xxv. 9.

[8.21] Suetonius, Caius, 6; Dion Cassius lix. 8, 12; Josephus Ant. XVIII. v. 3; vi. 10; 2 Cor. xi. 32.

[8.22] Ventidius Cumanus experienced quite similar adventures. It is true that Josephus exaggerates the misfortunes of all those who are opposed to his nation.

[8.23] Madden, History of Jewish Coinage, p. 134, and following.

[8.24] Jos. Ant. XVIII. iv. 3.

[8.25] Ib., XVIII. v. 3.

[8.26] Acts viii. 2. The words ???? e??a?? designate a proselyte, not a pure Jew. See Acts ii. 5.

[8.27] Acts viii. 1, and following; xi. 19; Acts xxvi. 10, would even lead to the belief that there were other deaths than that of Stephen. But we must not misconstrue words in our versions of a style so loose. Compare Acts ix. 1–2 with xxii. 5 and xxvi. 12.

[8.28] Compare Acts i. 4; viii. 1, 14; Gal i. 17, and following.[8.29] Acts ix. 26–30 prove, in fact, that in the mind of the author the expressions of viii. I had not a meaning so absolute as might be supposed. [Except that after the first panic was over some of the disciples, at first wholly scattered, may have returned by the time of Saul’s arrival.—Tr.]

[8.30] This happened in the case of the Essenians.

[8.31] This happened to the Franciscans.

[8.32] I. Thess. ii. 14.

[8.33] Acts viii. 3; ix. 13, 14, 21, 26; xxii. 4, 19; xxvi. 9, and following; Gal. i. 13, 23; I. Cor. xv. 9; Phil. iii. 6; I. Tim. i. 13.

[8.34] Gal. i. 14; Acts xxvi. 5; Phil. iii. 5.

[8.35] Acts ix. 13, 21, 26.

[9.1] Acts viii. 1, 4; xi. 19.

[9.2] Acts viii. 5, and following. That it was not the apostle is evident from a comparison of the passages, Acts viii. 1, 5, 12, 14, 40; xxi. 8. It is true that the verse, Acts xxi. 9, compared with what is said by Papias (in Eusebius His. Ecc. iii. 39), Polycrates (ib. v. 24), Clement of Alexandria (Strom, iii. 6), would identify the Apostle Philip, of whom these three ecclesiastical writers are speaking, with the Philip who plays so important a part in the Acts. But it is more natural to admit that the statement in the verse in question is a mistake, and that the verse was only interpolated to contradict the tradition of the churches of Asia and even of Hierapolis, whither the Philip who had daughters prophetesses retired. The particular data possessed by the author of the 4th Gospel (written, as it seems, in Asia Minor), in regard to the Apostle Philip are thus explained.

[9.3] See Life of Jesus, ch. xiv. It may be, however, that the habitual tendency of the author of the Acts shows itself here again. See Introd., and supra.

[9.4] Acts viii. 5–40.

[9.5] Jos. Ant. XVIII. iv. 1, 2.

[9.6] At this day JÎt, on the road from Nablous to Jaffa, an hour and a half from Nablous and from Sebastieh. See Robinson Bib. Res. ii. p. 308, note; iii. 134 (2d ed.), and his map.

[9.7] The accounts relative to this personage, given by the Christian writers, are so fabulous that doubts may be raised even as to the reality of his existence. These doubts are all the more specious from the fact that in the Pseudo-Clementine literature “Simon the Magician” is often a pseudonym for St. Paul. But we cannot admit that the legend of Simon rests upon this foundation alone. How could the author of the Acts, so favorable to St. Paul, have admitted a doctrine the hostile bearing of which could not have escaped him? The chronological series of the Simonian School, the writings which remain to us of it, the precise facts of topography and chronology given by St. Justin, fellow-countryman of our thaumaturgist, are inexplicable, moreover, upon the hypothesis of Simon’s having been an imaginary person. (See especially Justin Apol. ii. 15, and Dial. cum Tryph. 120.)

[9.8] Acts viii. 5, and following.

[9.9] Ib. viii. 9, and following.

[9.10] Justin, Apol. i. 26, 56.

[9.11] Homil. Pseudo-Clem. xvii. 15, 17; Quadratus, in Eusebius Hist. Ecc. iv. 3.

[9.12] Acts viii. 25.

[9.13] Ib. viii. 26–40.

[9.14] I. Macc. x. 86, 89; xi. 60, and following. Jos. Ant. XIII., xiii. 3; XV. vii. 3; XVIII. xi. 5; B. J., I. iv. 2.

[9.15] Robinson Bib. Res., II. p. 41 and 514, 515 (2d ed).

[9.16] Talm. of Bab. Erubin 53 b and 54 a; Sota, 46 b.

[9.17] Isaiah liii. 7.

[9.18] At this day MÉrawi, near to Gebel-Barkal (Lepsius, DenkmÆler i pl. 1 and 2 bis.) Strabo XVII., i. 54.

[9.19] Strabo, XVII, i. 54; Pliny VI, xxxv. 8; Dion Cassius liv. 5; Eusebius Hist. Ecc. ii. 1.

[9.20] The descendants of these Jews still exist under the name of FalÂsyÂn. The missionaries who converted them came from Egypt. Their translation of the Bible was made from the Greek version. The FalÂsyÂn are not Israelites by blood.

[9.21] John xii. 20; Acts x. 2.

[9.22] See Deut. xxiii. 1. It is true that e??????? might be taken by catachresis to designate a chamberlain as functionary of the Oriental Court. But d???st?? was sufficient to render this idea; e??????? ought then to be taken here in its proper sense.

[9.23] Acts viii. 26, 29.

[9.24] To conclude thence that all this history was invented by the author of the Acts seems to us rash. The author of the Acts insists with satisfaction upon the facts which support his opinions; but we do not believe that he introduces into his narrative facts purely symbolical or deliberately invented. See Introd.

[9.25] For the analogous state of the first Mormons, see Jules Remy, Voyage au pays des Mormons (Paris, 1860), i. p. 195, and following.

[9.26] Acts viii. 39–40. Compare Luke iv. 14.

[9.27] Acts ix. 32, 38.

[9.28] Ib. viii. 40; xi. 11.

[9.29] Ib. xxi. 8.[9.30] Jos. B. J. III. ix. 1.

[9.31] Acts xxiii. 23, and following; xxv. 1, 5; Tacitus Hist. ii. 79.

[9.32] Jos. B. J. III. ix. 1.

[9.33] Jos. Ant. XX. viii. 7; B. J. II. xiii. 5; xiv. 5; xviii. 1.

[9.34] Palm. of Jerusalem, Sota, 21 b.

[9.35] Jos. Ant. XIX. vii. 3–4; viii. 2.

[9.36] Acts xi. 19.

[9.37] Ib. ix. 2, 10, 19.

[10.1] This date resulted from the comparison of chapters ix., xi., xii. of the Acts with Gal. i. 18; ii. 1, and from the synchronism presented by Chapter xii. of the Acts with profane history, a synchronism which fixes the date of the incidents detailed in this chapter at the year 44.

[10.2] Acts ix. 11; xxi. 39; xxii. 3.

[10.3] In the Epistle to Philemon, written about the year 61, he calls himself an “old man” (v. 9); Acts vii. 57, he calls himself a young man.

[10.4] In the same way that those named “Jesus” often called themselves “Jason;” the “Josephs,” “Hegesippe;” the “Eliacim,” “Alcime,” etc. St. Jerome (De Viris Ill. 5) supposes Paul took his name from the proconsul Sergius Paulus (Acts xiii. 9). Such an explanation seems hardly admissible. If the Acts only give to Saul the name of “Paul,” after his relations with that personage, that would argue that the supposed conversion of Sergius was the first important act of Paul as apostle of the Gentiles.

[10.5] Acts xiii. 9, and following. The closing phrases of all the Epistles; II. Peter iii. 15.

[10.6] The Ebionite calumnies (Epiphan. Adv. hÆr. xxx. 16, 25) should not be seriously taken.

[10.7] St. Jerome, loc. cit. Inadmissible as the present St. Jerome, though this tradition appears to have some foundation.

[10.8] Rom. xi. 1; Phil. iii. 5.

[10.9] Acts xxii. 28.

[10.10] Acts xxiii. 6.

[10.11] Phil. iii. 5; Acts xxvi. 5.

[10.12] Acts vi. 9; Philo, Leg. ad Caium, § 36.

[10.13] Strabo XIV. x. 13.

[10.14] Ibid. XIV. x. 14, 15; Philostratus Vie d'Apollonius, 1, 7.

[10.15] Jos. Ant., last paragraph, Cf. Vie de JÉsus.

[10.16] Philostratus, loc. cit.[10.17] Acts xvii. 22, etc.; xxi. 37.

[10.18] Gal. vi. 11; Rom. xvi. 22.

[10.19] II. Cor. xi. 6.

[10.20] Acts xxi. 40. I have elsewhere explained the sense of the word ??aÏst?. Hist. des Langes SÉmit. ii. 1, 5; iii. 1, 2.

[10.21] Acts xxvi. 14.

[10.22] I. Cor. xv. 33, Cf. Meinecke. Menandri fragm. p. 75.

[10.23] Tit. i. 12; Acts xvii. 28. The authenticity of the Epistle to Titus is very doubtful. As to the discourse in chapter xvii. of the Acts, it is the work of the author of the Acts rather than of St. Paul.

[10.24] The verse quoted from Aratus (PhÆnom. 5) is really found in Cleanthes (Hymn to Jupiter, 5). Both are doubtless taken from some anonymous religious hymn.

[10.25] Gal. i. 14.

[10.26] Acts xvii. 22, etc. Observe note 23.

[10.27] See Vie de JÉsus, p. 72.

[10.28] Acts xviii. 3.

[10.29] Ibid. xviii. 3; I. Cor. iv. 12; I. Thess. ii. 9; II. Thess. iii. 8.

[10.30] Acts xxiii. 16.

[10.31] II. Cor. viii. 18, 22; xii. 18.

[10.32] Rom. xvi. 7, 11, 21.

[10.33] See above all the Epistle to Philemon.

[10.34] Gal. v. 12; Phil. iii. 2.

[10.35] II. Cor. x. 10.

[10.36] Acta Pauli et TheclÆ 3, in Tischendorf, Acta Apost., apocr. (Leipzig, 1851), p. 41, and the notes (an ancient text perhaps, the original spoken of by Tertullian); the Philopatris, 12 (composed about 363); Malala Chronogr. p. 257, edit. Bonn; Nicephore, Hist. Eccl. ii. 37. All these passages, above all that of Philopatris, admit that these were ancient portraits.

[10.37] I. Cor. ii. 1, etc.; II. Cor. x. 1, 2, 10; xi. 6.

[10.38] I. Cor. ii. 3; II. Cor. x. 10.

[10.39] II. Cor. xi. 30; xii. 5, 9, 10.

[10.40] I. Cor. ii. 3; II. Cor. i. 8, 9; x. 10; xi. 30; xii. 5, 9, 10; Gal. iv. 13, 14.

[10.41] II. Cor. xii. 7–10.

[10.42] I. Cor. vii. 7, 8, and the context.

[10.43] I. Cor. vii. 7, 8; ix. 5. This second passage is far from being demonstrative. Phil. iv. 3, would imply the contrary. Comp. Clement of Alexandria, Strom. iii. 6, and Euseb. Hist. Eccl. iii. 30. The passage I. Cor. vii. 7, 8 alone has any weight on this point.

[10.44] I. Cor. vii. 7–9.

[10.45] Acts xxii. 3; xxvi. 4.[10.46] Ibid. xxii. 3. Paul does not speak of this matter in certain parts of his Epistles where he would naturally mention him (Phil. iii. 5). There is an absolute contradiction between the principles of Gamaliel (Acts v. 34, etc.) and the conduct of Paul before his conversion.

[10.47] Gal. i. 13, 14; Acts xxii. 3; xxvi. 5.

[10.48] II. Cor. v. 16, does not implicate him. The passages Acts xxii. 3, xxvi. 4, give reason to believe that Paul was at Jerusalem at the same time as Jesus. But it does not follow that he saw him.

[10.49] Acts xxii. 4, 19; xxvi. 10, 11.

[10.50] Ibid. xxvi. 11.

[10.51] High-Priest from 37 to 42; Jos. Ant. XVIII. v. 3; XIX. vi. 2.

[10.52] Acts ix. 1, 2, 14; xxii. 5; xxvi. 12.

[10.53] See Revue Numismatique, new series, vol. iii. (1858), p. 296, etc.; 362, etc.; Revue ArchÉol., April, 1864, p. 284, etc.

[10.54] Jos. B. J. II. xx. 2.

[10.55] II. Cor. xi. 32. The Roman money at Damascus is wanting during the reigns of Caligula and Claud. Eckhel, Doctrina num. vet., part 1, vol. iii. p. 330. Damascus money, stamped “ArÉtas Philhellenius” (ibid.), seems to be of our HÂreth (communication of M. Waddington).

[10.56] Jos. Ant. XVIII. v. 1, 3.

[10.57] Comp. Acts xii. 3; xxiv. 27; xxv. 9.

[10.58] Acts v. 34, etc.

[10.59] See an analogous trait in the conversion of Omar. Ibn-Hiseham. Sirat errasoul, p. 226 (WÜstenfeld edition).

[10.60] Acts ix. 3; xxii. 6; xxvi. 13.

[10.61] Acts ix. 4, 8; xxii. 7, 11; xxvi. 14, 16.

[10.62] It is here that the tradition of the middle ages locates the miracle.

[10.63] This results from Acts ix. 3, 8; xxii. 6, 11.

[10.64] Nahr el-Aroadj.

[10.65] The plain is really more than seventeen hundred feet above the level of the sea.

[10.66] Acts xxvi. 14.

[10.67] From Jerusalem to Damascus is over eight days' journey.

[10.68] Acts ix. 8, 9, 18; xxii. 11, 13.

[10.69] II. Cor. xii. 1, etc.

[10.70] I experienced a crisis of this kind at Byblos; and with other principles I would certainly have taken the hallucinations that I had then for visions.

[10.71] We possess thirteen accounts of this important episode: Acts ix. 1, etc.; xxii. 5, etc.; xxvi. 12, etc. The differences remarked between these passages prove that the apostle himself varied in the accounts he gave of his conversion. That in Acts ix. itself is not homogeneous, as we shall soon see. Comp. Gal. i. 15–17; I. Cor. ix. 1; xv. 8; Acts ix. 27.[10.72] With the Mormons, and in the American trances, almost all the conversions are also induced by nervous excitement, producing hallucinations.

[10.73] The circumstance that the companions of Paul saw and heard as he did may be legendary, especially as the accounts are on this point, being in direct contradiction. Comp. Acts ix. 7; xxii. 9; xxvi. 13. The hypothesis of a fall from a horse is refuted by these accounts. The opinion which rejects entirely the narration in the Acts, founded on ?? ??? of Gal. i. 16, is exaggerated, ?? ??? in this passage, has the sense of “for me.” Comp. Gal. i. 24. Paul surely had at a fixed moment, a vision which resulted in his conversion.

[10.74] Acts ix. 3, 7; xxii. 6, 9, 11; xxvi. 13.

[10.75] This was my experience during my illness at Byblos. My recollections of the evening preceding the day of the trance are totally effaced.

[10.76] II. Cor. xii. 1, etc.

[10.77] Acts ix. 27; Gal. i. 16; I. Cor. ix. 1; xv. 8; Hom. Pseudo-Clem, xvii. 13–19. Comp. the experience of Omar, Sirat errasoul, p. 226, etc.

[10.78] Acts ix. 8; xxii. 11.

[10.79] Its ancient Arabic name was Tarik el Adhwa. It is now called Tarik el Mustekim, answering to ??? ???e?a. The eastern gate (BÂb Sharki) and a few vestiges of the colonnades yet remain. See the Arabic texts given by Wustenfield in the Zeitschrift fÜr vergleichende Erdkunde of LÜdde for the year 1842, p. 168; Porter, Syria and Palestine, p. 477; Wilson, The Lands of the Bible, II., 345, 355–52.

[10.80] Acts xxii. 11.

[10.81] The account given in Acts ix. appears to have been formed from two mingled narratives. One, the more original, comprises vv. 9, &c. The other more developed, containing more dialogue and legend, includes verses 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18. The 12th verse belongs neither to that which precedes nor to that which follows it. The account in chapter xxii. 12–16, is more conformed to the above-mentioned texts.

[10.82] Acts ix. 12. It should read ??d?a ?? ???at? according to manuscript B. of the Vatican. Comp. verse 10.

[10.83] Acts ix. 18; comp. Tobit, ii. 9; vi. 10; xi. 13.

[10.84] Acts ix. 18; xxii. 16.

[10.85] Gal. i. 2, 8–9, 11, &c.; I. Cor. ix. 1; xi. 23; xv. 8, 9; Col. i. 25; Ephes. i. 19; iii. 3, 7, 8; Acts xx. 24; xxii. 14–15, 21; xxvi. 16; HomiliÆ Pseudo-Clem., xvii. 13–19.

[10.86] Gal. i. 17.

[10.87] ??a?a is “the province of Arabia,” principally composed of the Hauran

[10.88] Gal. i. 17, &c.; Acts ix. 19, &c.; xxvi. 20. The author of the Acts believes that this first sojourn at Damascus was short, and that Paul shortly after his conversion, came to Jerusalem and preached there. (Comp. xxii. 17.) But the passage of the epistle to the Galatians is peremptory.

[10.89] Insc. discovered by Waddington and De VogÜÉ (Revue ArchÉol., April, 1864, p. 284, &c., Comptes Rendus de l'Acad. des Inscr. et B. L., 1865, p. 106–108).

[10.90] Dion Cass. lix. 12.

[10.91] I have discussed this in the Bulletin ArchÉologique of Langperier and De Wette, September, 1856.

[10.92] Gal. i. 16, with following verses, prove that Paul preached immediately after his conversion.

[10.93] Jos. B. J., I., ii. 25; II., xx. 2.

[10.94] Acts ix. 20–22.

[10.95] Gal. i. 16. It is the sense of ?? p??sa?e???? sa??? ?a? a?at?.

[12.1] Acts xi. 19.

[12.2] Josephus, Wars of the Jews, ii. 4. Rome and Alexandria were the two chief ones; compare Strabo xvi. ii. 5.

[12.3] Compare Otfried MÜller, Antiochian Antiquities, GÖttingen, 1839, p. 68. John Chrysostom, on Saint Ignatius, 4 (opp. t. ii. p. 597, edit. Montfaucon): On Matthew, Homilies lxxxv. 4. (vol. viii. p. 810). He estimates the population of Antioch at two hundred thousand souls, without counting slaves, infants, and the immense suburbs. The present city has a population of not more than seven thousand.

[12.4] The corresponding streets of Palmyra, Gerasium, Gadara, and Sebaste, were probably imitations of the grand Corso of Antioch.

[12.5] Some traces of it are found in the direction of BÂb Bolos.

[12.6] Dion Chrysostome, Orat. xlvii. (vol. ii. p. 229, edit. Reiske), Libanius, Antiochicus, p. 337, 340, 342, 356 (edit. Reiske), Malala, p. 232, et seq., 276, 280, et seq. (Bonn, edition.) The constructor of these great works was Antiochus Epiphanes.

[12.7] Libanius, Antioch. 342, 344.

[12.8] Pausanias, vi. ii. 7; Malala, p. 201; Visconti Mus. Pio-clemen., vol. iii. 46. See especially the medals of Antioch.

[12.9] Pierian, Bottian, Penean, Tempean, Castalian, Olympic games, Jopolis (which was referred to Io). The city pretended to be indebted for its celebrity to Inachus, to Orestes, to Daphne and to Triptolemus.

[12.10] See Malala, p. 199; Spartian, Life of Adrian, p. 14; Julian, Misopogon, p. 361, 362; Ammian Marcellin., xxii. 14; Eckhel, Doct. num vet. part i. 3, p. 326; Guigniaut, Religions de l'Ant. planches No. 268.

[12.11] John Chrysostom, Ad pop. Antioch. homil. xix. 1; (vol. ii. p. 189.) De sanctis martyr. i. (vol. ii. p. 651.)

[12.12] Libanius, Antioch., p. 348.[12.13] Act. SS. Maii, v. p. 383, 409, 414, 415, 416; Assemani, Bib. or., ii. 323.

[12.14] Juvenal Sat., iii. 62, et seq.; Stacc. Silves, i. vi. 72.

[12.15] Tacitus Ann. ii. 69.

[12.16] Malala, p. 284, 287, et seq.; Libanius, De Angariis, p. 555, et seq.; De carcere vinctis, p. 445, et seq.; ad Timocratem, p. 385; Antioch, 323; Philost., Vit Apoll. i. 16; Lucian, De Saltatione, 76; Diod. Sic. fragm. lib. xxxiv. No. 34 (p. 358, ed. Dindorf); John Chrysos. Homil. vii. in Matt. 5 (vol. vii. p. 113); lxxiii. in Matt. 3 (ibid. p. 712); De consubst. contra Anon., 1 (vol i., p. 501); De Anna, 1 (vol. iv. p. 730), De David et SaÜle iii. 1 (vol. iv. 768, 770); Julian Misopogon, p. 343, 350, edit. Spanheim; Actes de Sainte ThÈcle, attributed to Basil of Seleucia, published by P. Pantius (Auvers, 1608) p. 70.

[12.17] Philostr. Apoll. iii. 58; Ausonius, Clar. Urb., 2; J. Capitolin Verus, 7; Marcus Aurelius, 25; Herodian ii. 10; John of Antioch in the Excerpta Valesiana, p. 844; Suidas, at the word ???a???.

[12.18] Julian Misopogon, p. 344, 365, etc.; Eunap. Vie des Soph., p. 496, edit. BoissÒnade (Didot); Ammien Marcellin xxii. 14.

[12.19] John Chrysos. De Lazaro, ii. 11 (vol. 1. p. 722, 723).

[12.20] Cic. pro. ArchiÂ, 3, making allowance for the usual exaggeration of an advocate.

[12.21] Philostratus Vie d' Apollonius, iii. 58.

[12.22] Malala, p. 287, 289.

[12.23] John Chrysos., Homil. vii. On Matt. 5, 6. (vol. vii. p. 113); See O. MÜller, Antiq. Antioch., p. 33 note.

[12.24] Libanius, Antiochichus, p. 355–366.

[12.25] Juvenal, iii. 62 et seq. and Forcellini, in the word ambubaja, where he observes that the word ambuba is Syriac.

[12.26] Libanius, Antioch p. 315; De carcere vinctis, p. 455; Julian Misopogon, p. 367, edit. Spanheim.

[12.27] Libanius, Pro rhetoribus, p. 211.

[12.28] Libanius, Antiochichus, p. 363.

[12.29] Libanius, Antiochichus, p. 354 et seq.

[12.30] The actual enclosure, which is of the time of Justinian, presents the same particulars.

[12.31] Libanius, Antioch., p. 337, 338, 339.

[12.32] The lake Ak Denir, which forms on this side the actual limit of the territory of Antakieh, had, as it appears, no existence in olden times. See Ritter, Erdkunde, xvii. p. 1149, 1613 et seq.

[12.33] Josephus Ant., xii. iii. 1; xiv. xii. 6; Wars of the Jews, ii. xviii. 5; vii. iii. 2–4.

[12.34] Josephus, against Apion, ii. 4; Wars of the Jews, vii. iii. 2–4.

[12.35] Malala, p. 244, 245; Jos., Wars of the Jews, vii. v. 2.

[12.36] Acts vi. 5.

[12.37] Ibid. xi. 19, et seq.[12.38] Compare Josephus, Wars of the Jews, ii. xviii. 2.

[12.39] Acts xv. 20, 21. The proper reading is ?????a? ??????sta? comes from a false agreement with ix. 29.

[12.40] Malala, p. 245. The narrative of Malala cannot, indeed, be exact, Josephus says not a word respecting the invasion of which the chronographer makes mention.

[12.41] Malala, p 243, 265–266. Compare “Memoirs of Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres,” session of 17 August, 1865.

[12.42] S Athanasius, Tomus ad Antioch. (Opp. vol. i. p. 771, edit. Montfaucon); S. John Chrysostom, Ad pop. Antioch, Homil. i. and ii. beginning (vol. ii. p. i and xx.); In Inscr. Act. ii. beginning (vol. iii. 60); Chron. Pasch., p. 296 (Paris); Theodoret, Hist. Eccl., ii. 27; iii. 2. 8. 9. The agreement of these passages does not permit of ?? t? ?a?????? ?a?a?? being rendered by “in that which was called the old town,” as the editors have sometimes done.

[12.43] Malala, p. 242.

[12.44] Pococke, Descript. of the East, vol. ii. part i. p. 192 (London 1745), Chesney, Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris, i. 425, et seq.

[12.45] That is to say, opposite to that part of the old town which is still inhabited.

[12.46] See below.

[12.47] The type of the Maronites is reproduced in a striking manner in the country of Antakieh, Soneideieb, and Beylan.

[12.48] F. Naironi, Anoplia fidei Cathol. (Rome, 1694), p 58, et seq., and the work of S. Em. Paul Peter Masad, present patriarch of the Maronites, entitled Kitab ed. durr ed. manzoum (in Arabic, printed at the convent of Zamisch in the Kesronan, 1863).

[12.49] Acts xi. 19, 20; xiii. 1.

[12.50] Gal. ii. 11, et seq., presumes it to be so.

[13.1] Acts xi. 22, &c.

[13.2] Acts xi. 25.

[13.3] Acts xi. 26.

[13.4] Libanius. Pro templis, p. 164, &c.; De carcere vinctis, p. 458.; Theodoret, Hist. Eccl. iv. 28; Jean Chrysost.; Homil. lxxii. in Matt. 3 (vol. vii. p. 705). In Epist. ad Ephes. Hom. vi. 4 (vol. xi. p. 44); In i. Tim. Hom. xiv. 3 &c. (ibid. p. 628, &c.); Nicephore xii. 44; Glycas p. 257 (Paris edition).

[13.5] Acts xi. 26.

[13.6] The passages I. Petri iv. 16, and James ii. 7, compared with Suet. Nero 16, and with Tac. Ann. xv. 44, confirm this idea. See also Acts xxvi. 28.[13.7] It is true that we find ?s?a??? (Acts xx. 4; Philo. Legatio, 36; Strabo, etc.). But it seems to be a Latinism like ?a?d?a???, and the names of the sects S????a???, ???????a???, S???a???, etc. The Greek derivative ???st?? had been ???ste???. It serves nothing to say that the termination anus is a Doric form of the Greek ????; this was not known at all during the first century.

[13.8] Tac. (loc. cit.) so interprets it.

[13.9] Suet. Claud. 25. We shall discuss this passage in our next book.

[13.10] Corpus Inscr. Gr. Nos. 2883 d., 3857 g., 3857 p., 3865 l. Tertul. Apol. 3; Lactance Divin. Inst. iv. 7. Comp. the French form chrestien.

[13.11] James ii. 7, only implies an occasional usage.

[13.12] Acts xxiv. 5; Tertull. Adv. Marcionem iv. 8.

[13.13] NesÂrÂ. The names of meschihoio in Syriac, mesihi in Arabic, are relatively modern, and outlined from ???st?a???. The name of “Galileans” is much more recent. Julian gave it an official signification. Jul. Epist. vii.; Gregory, Orat. iv. (Invect. i.), 76; S. Cyrille d'Alex. Contre Julien ii. p. 39, (Spanheim ed.); Philopatris, dialogue falsely attributed to Lucian, though really of the time of Julien, § 12; Theodoret Hist. Eccl. iii. 4. I believe that in Epictetus (Arrien, Dissert. iv., vii., 6) and in Marcus Aurelius (PensÉes xi. 3), this name does not designate Christians, but rather “assassins” (Sicaires), fanatical disciples of Judas the Galilean or the Gaulonite, and of John of Gisehala.

[13.14] I. Petri iv. 16; James ii. 7.

[13.15] Acts xiii. 2.

[13.16] Ibid xiii 1.

[13.17] See chapter vi.

[13.18] Acts xiii. 1.

[13.19] Euseb. Chron. at the year 43; Hist. Eccl. iii. 22. Ignatii Epist. ad Antioch. (apocr.) 7.

[13.20] I. Cor. xiv. entire.

[13.21] II. Cor. xii. 1–5.

[13.22] It places this vision fourteen years before he wrote the second Epistle to the Corinthians, which dates about the year 57. It is not impossible, however, that he was still at Tarsus.

[13.23] For Jewish ideas about the heavens, see Testam. des 12 patr. Levi. 3; Ascension d'IsaÏe, vi. 13; viii. 8, and all the rest of the book; Talm. of Babyl., Chagiga 12 b.; Midraschim Bereschith rabba, sect. xix. fol. 19 c.; Schemoth rabba, sect. xv. fol. 115 d.; Bammiabar rabba, sect, xiii fol. 218 a.; Debarim rabba, sect. ii. fol. 253 a.; Schir hasschirim rabba, fol. 24 d.

[13.24] Comp. Talmud of Babylon, Chagiga, 14 b.

[13.25] Comp. Ascension d'IsaÏe, vi. 15; vii. 3, &c.

[13.26] II. Cor. xii. 12; Rom. xv. 19.

[13.27] I. Cor. xii. entire.[13.28] Acts xi. 29; xxiv. 17; Gal. ii. 10; Rom. xv. 26; I. Cor. xvi. 1; II. Cor. viii. 4, 14; ix. 1, 12.

[13.29] Jos. Ant. XVIII., vi., 3, 4; XX., v. 2.

[13.30] James ii. 5, &c.

[13.31] Acts xi. 28; Jos. Ant. XX., ii. 6; v. 2; Euseb. Hist. Eccl. ii. 8, 12. Comp. Acts xii. 20; Tac. Ann. xii. 43; Suet. Claud. 18; Dion Cass. lx. 11. Aurelius Victor, Cas., 4; Euseb. Chron. year 43, &c. The reign of Claudius was afflicted almost every year by partial famines.

[13.32] Acts xi. 27, &c.

[13.33] The book of Acts (xi. 30; xii. 25) includes Paul in this journey. But Paul declares that between his first sojourn of two weeks and his journey for the affair of the circumcision, he did not visit Jerusalem. (Gal. ii. 1.) See Introduction.

[13.34] Gal. i., 17–19.

[13.35] Acts xiii. 3; xv. 36; xviii. 23.

[13.36] Ibid. xiv. 25; xviii. 22.

[14.1] The inscriptions of these countries fully confirm the indications of Josephus. (Comptes Rendus de l'Acad. des Inscr. I. B. L., 1865. pp. 106, 109.)

[14.2] Josephus, Ant. xix. iv. B. J., ii. xi.

[14.3] Ib. xix. v. i.; vi. i.; B. J., II. xi. 5; Dion Cassius, LX. 8.

[14.4] Dion Cassius, LIX. 24.

[14.5] Jos. Ant. xix. ix. 1.

[14.6] Ibid. XIX. vi. 1, 3; ii. 3, 4; viii. 2; ix. 1.

[14.7] Ibid. XIX. vii. 4.

[14.8] Ibid. XIX. vi. 3.

[14.9] Juvenal, Sat. vi. 158, 159; Persius, Sat. v. 180.

[14.10] Philo. In Flaccum, §5, and following.

[14.11] Jos. Ant. XIX. v. 2, and sequel; xx. vi. 3.; B. J., II. xii. 7. The restrictive measures which he took against the Jews of Rome (Acts xviii. 2; Suetonius Claude, 25; Dion Cassius, LX. 6) were connected with local circumstances.

[14.12] Jos. Ant. xix. vi. 3.

[14.13] Ibid. xix. vii 2; B. J. II. xi. 6; V. iv. 2. Tacitus, Hist. v. 12.

[14.14] Tacitus, Ann. vi. 47.

[14.15] Jos. Ant. XIX. vii. 2; vii. 21; viii. 1; XX. i. 1.

[14.16] Ibid. XIX. viii. 1.

[14.17] Suetonius, Caius, 22, 26, 35; Dion Cassius, lix. 24; lx. 8. Tacitus, Ann. xi. 8. As a type of the part these little Eastern Kings played, study the career of Herod Agrippa I. in Josephus (Ant. xviii. and xix.) Compare Horace, Sat. I. vii.

[14.18] Supra.

[14.19] Acts xii. 3.

[14.20] Ibid. xii. 1, and following.

[14.21] James was in fact beheaded, and not stoned to death.

[14.22] Acts xii. 3, and following.

[14.23] Ibid. xii. 9, 11. The account in the Acts is so lively and just, that it is difficult to find any place in it for any prolonged legendary elaboration.

[14.24] Jos. Ant. xix. viii. 2; Acts xii. 18, 23.

[14.25] Ibid. xix. vii. 4.

[14.26] Acts. xii. 23. Compare 2 Macc. ix. 9; Jos. B. J. I. xxxiii. 5; Talmud of Bab. Sota, 35 a.

[14.27] Jos. Ant. XIX. vi. 1; XX. i. 1, 2.

[14.28] Ibid. xx. v. 2; B. J. ii. xv. 1; xviii. 7, and following; IV. x. 6; V. i. 6; Tacitus, Ann., xv. 28. Hist. i. 11; ii. 79; Suetonius, Vesp. 6; Corpus Inscr. GrÆc. No. 4957. (cf. ibid. iii. p. 311.)

[14.29] Jos. Ant. XX. i. 3.

[14.30] Ibid. XX. v. 4, B. J. II. xii.

[14.31] Josephus, who relates with so much care, the history of these agitations in all its details, never mixes up the Christians with them.

[14.32] Jos. Against Apion, ii. 39; Dion Cassius, lxvi. 4.

[14.33] Jos., B. J., IV., iv. 3; V., xiii. 6; Suetonius, Aug., 93; Strabo, XVI., ii. 34, 37; Tacitus, Hist., v. 5.

[14.34] Jos., Ant., XIII., ix. 1; xi. 3; xv. 4; XV., vii. 9.

[14.35] Jos., B. J., II., xvii. 10; Vita, 23.

[14.36] Matt, xxiii. 13.

[14.37] Jos., Ant., XX., vii. 1, 3; Compare XVI., vii. 6.

[14.38] Ibid. XX., ii. 4.

[14.39] Ibid. XX, ii. 5, 6; iv. 1.

[14.40] Jos., B. J., II., xx. 2.

[14.41] Seneca, fragment in St. Augustin. De civ. Dei, vi. 11.

[14.42] Jos., Ant., XX., ii.-iv.

[14.43] Tacitus, Ann., xii. 13, 14. The greater part of the names of this] family are Persian.

[14.44] The name of “Helen” proves this. Still, it is remarkable that the Greek does not figure upon the bi-lingual inscription (Syriac and Syro-Chaldaic) of the tomb of a princess of the family, discovered and brought to Paris by M. de Saulcy. See Journal Asiatique, Dec., 1865.

[14.45] Cf. Bereschith rabba, xlvi. 51 d.[14.46] It is according to all appearances the monument known at this day under the name of “Tomb of the Kings.” See Journal Asiatique, passage cited.

[14.47] Jos., B. J., ii., xix. 2; vi., vi. 4.

[14.48] Talmud of Jerusalem, Peah, 15 b., where there are put into the mouth of one of the Monobaze maxims that exactly recall the Gospel (Matt. vi. 19 and following). Talmud of Bab., Baba Bathra, 11 a; Joma, 37 a; Nazir, 19 b; Schabbath, 68 b; Sifra, 70 a; Bereschith rabba, xlvi., fol. 51 d.

[14.49] Moses of Khorene, ii. 35; Orose, vii. 6.

[14.50] Luke, xxi. 21.

[14.51] ?? p?t??a ???, an expression so familiar with Josephus, when he defends the position of the Jews in the pagan world.

[16.1] Acts xii. 1, 25. Remark the context.

[16.2] I Peter v. 13; Papias in Euseb. Hist. Acc. iii 39.

[16.3] Acts xiii. 2.

[16.4] Gal. i. 15, 16; Acts xvii. 15, 21; xxvi. 17–18; I Cor. i 1; Rom. i, 1, 5; xv. 15, etc.

[16.5] Acts xiii. 5.

[16.6] The author of Acts, being a partisan of the hierarchy and of church-domination, has perhaps inserted this circumstance. Paul knew nothing of any such ordination or consecration. He received his commission from Christ, and did not consider himself any more especially the envoy of the church of Antioch than of that of Jerusalem.

[16.7] Acts xiii. 3; xiv. 25.

[16.8] In I. Peter v. 13, Babylon means Rome.

[16.9] Cic. Pro Archia, 10.

[16.10] Jos., B. J., II. xx. 2; VII. iii 3.

[16.11] Acts xviii. 24, &c.

[16.12] See Philo. De Vita Contempl. passim.[16.13] Pseudo-Hermes. Asclepius, fol. 158, v. 159 r. (Florence Juntes, 15,12.)

[16.14] Cic. Pro Flacco, 28; Philo. In Flaccum, § 7; Leg. ad Caium, § 36; Acts ii. 5–11; vi. 9; Corp. Inscr. Gr. No. 5361.

[16.15] Lex. Wisigoth; lib. xii, tit. ii. and iii in Walter. Corp. jur. German. Antiq. L I. p. 630, &c.

[16.16] See Vie de JÉsus, p. 137.

[16.17] Philo. In Flacc., § 5 and 6; Jos. Ant. XVIII. viii 1; XIX v. 2, B. J. II. xviii. 7, etc.; VII. x. 1. Papyrus printed in Notices et Extraits XVIII., 2d part, p. 383, etc.

[16.18] Dion Cass., XXXVII. 17; LX 6. Philo. Leg. ad Caium, § 23. Jos. Ant. XIV. x. 8; XVII. xi. 1; XVIII. iii. 5; Hor. Sat. I. iv. 142–143; v. 100; ix. 69, &c; Pers. 5, 179–184; Suet. Lib. 36; Claud. 25; Domit. 12; Juv. iii. 14; vi. 542, &c.

[16.19] Pro. Flac. 28.

[16.20] Jos. Ant. XIV. x.; Suet. Jul. 84.

[16.21] Suet. Lib. 36; Tac. Ann. ii. 85; Jos. Ant. XVIII. iii. 4, 5.

[16.22] Dion Cass. LX. 6.

{16.23} {SuÉtone, Claude, 25; Act., xviii, 2; Dion Cassius, LX, 6.}

[16.24] Jos. B. J., VII. iii. 3.

[16.25] Seneca, fragment in Aug. De Civ. Dei, vi. 11; Rutilius Numatianus i. 395, &c.; Jos. Contr. Apion, ii. 39; Juv. Sat. vi. 544; xiv: 96, &c.

[16.26] Philo. In Flacc. § 5; Tac. Hist. v. 4, 5, 8; Dion. Cass. xlix. 22; Juv. xiv. 103; Diod. Sic. fragm. 1 of lib. xxxiv. and iii of lib. xl.; Philostr. Vit. Apol. v. 33; I. Thess. ii. 15.

[16.27] Jos. Ant. XIV. x.; XVI. vi.; XX. viii 7; Philo. In Flacc. and Legatio ad Caium.

[16.28] Jos. Ant. XVIII. iii. 4, 3 Juv. vi. 543, &c.

[16.29] Jos. Contr. Apion, passim; passages above cited from Tacitus and Diodorus Siculus; Trog. Pomp. (Justin) xxxvi 411; Ptolem. Hephestion or Chennus, in Script. Poet. Hist. GrÆci of Westermann, p. 194. Cf. Quintilian, III. vii. 2.

[16.30] Cic. Pro Flacco, 28; Tac. Hist. v. 5; Juv. xiv. 103–104; Diodorus Siculus and Philostratus, u. s.; Rutilius Numatianus i. 383, &c.

[16.31] Martial iv. 4; Amm. Marc. xxii. 5.

[16.32] Suet. Aug. 76; Horace Sat. I. ix. 69, &c; Juv. iii. 13–16, 296; vi. 156–160, 542–547; xiv. 96–107; Martial. Epigr. iv. 4; vii. 29, 34, 54; xi. 95; xii. 57; Rutilius Numat. l. c. Jos. Contra Apion, ii. 13; Philo. Leg. ad Caium. § 26–28.

[16.33] Martial, Epigr. xii. 57.

[16.34] Juvenal, Sat. iii. 14; vi. 542.

[16.35] Juvenal, Sat. iii. 296; vi. 543, &c.; Martial, Epigr. i. 42; xii. 57.

[16.36] Martial, Epigr. i. 42; xii. 57; Statius Silves, I. vi. 73–74, and Forcellini on word sulphuratum.

[16.37] Horace, Sat. I. v. 100; Juvenal, Sat. vi. 544, &c., xiv. 96, &c; Apul. Florida, i. 6.[16.38] Dion Cass. lxviii. 32.

[16.39] Tac. Hist. v. 5, 9; Dion Cass, lxvii 14.

[16.40] Hor. Sat. I. ix. 70; JudÆus Apella, appears to be a joke of the same kind (see the scholiasts Acron and Porphyrion upon Hor. Sat. I. v. 100); compare the passage from S. Anitus, Poemata, v. 364, cited by Forcellini on the word Apella, but which I do not find either in the editions of this Father or in the ancient Latin manuscript, Bibl. Imp. No. 11320, as given by the learned lexicographer; Juv. Sat. xiv. 99, &c.; Martial Epigr. vii. 29, 34, 54; xi. 95.

[16.41] Jos. Contr. Apion ii. 39; Tac. Ann. ii. 85, Hist. v. 5; Hor. Sat. I. iv. 142, 143; Juv. xiv. 96, &c.; Dion Cass, xxxvii. 17; lxvii 14.

[16.42] Martial, Epigr. i. 42; xii. 57.

[16.43] Juv. Sat. vi. 546, &c.

[16.44] Jos. Ant. xviii. iii. 5; xx. 11, 4; B. J. II. xx. 2; Act xiii. 50; xvi. 14.

[16.45] Loc. cit.

[16.46] Jos. Ant., xx. 11, 5; iv. 1.

[16.47] Passages already cited. Strabo shows much greater justice and penetration (xvi. 11, 34, &c.) Comp. Dion. Cass, xxxvii. 17, &c.

[16.48] Tac. Hist. v. 5.

[16.49] Jos. Contr. Apion ii. 39.

[16.50] Martial, xii. 57.

[16.51] Jos. Ant. xiv. x. 6, 11, 14.

[16.52] Eccl. x. 25, 27.

[16.53] Rom. i. 24, &c.

[16.54] Zach. viii. 23.

[16.55] Hor. Sat. I. ix. 69; Pers. v. 179, &c. Juv. Sat. vi. 159; xiv. 96, &c.

[16.56] Contr. Apion ii. 39.

[16.57] Pers. v. 179–184; Juv. vi. 157–160. The remarkable preoccupation about Judaism which may be observed in the Roman writers of the first century, especially the satirists, arises from this circumstance.

[16.58] Juv. Sat. iii. 62, &c.

[16.59] Cic. De Prov. consul, 5.

[16.60] The children whose appearance had most pleased me on my first visit, I found four years later, ugly, vulgar, and stupid.

[16.61] ?at????? ?e??? a very frequent formula in the inscriptions of the Syrians (Corp. Inscr. GrÆc. Nos. 4449, 4450, 4451, 4463, 4479, 4480, 6015).

[16.62] Corp. Inscr. GrÆc. Nos. 4474, 4475, 5936; Mission de Phenicie, I. ii c. ii. (in press), inscription of Abeda. Comp. Corpus, Nos. 2271, 5853.

[16.63] ?e?? ????????, ?p????????, ???st??, ???st??, ?e?? sat??p??, Corpus Inscr. Gr. Nos. 4500, 4501, 4502, 4503, 6012; Lepsius, DenkmÆler, t. xii fol. 100. No. 590. Mission de Phenicie, p. 103, 104.

[16.64] I have developed this in the Journal Asiatique for February 1859, p. 259, &c., and in Mission de Phenicie, 1. II. c. ii.[16.65] Syrian code in Land, Anecdota Syriaca, i. p. 152, and different facts which I have witnessed.

[16.66] Born in Haran.

[16.67] See Forcellini, word Syrus. This word designates Orientals generally. Leblant, Inscript. ChrÉt. de la Gaule, i. p. 207, 328, 329.

[16.68] Juvenal, iii. 62–63.

[16.69] Such is at this day the temperament of the Syrian Christian.

[16.70] Inscriptions in Mem. de la Soc. des Antiquaires de Fr. t. xxviii. 4, &c. Leblant, Inscript. ChrÉt. de la Gaule, i. p. cxliv. 207, 324, &c. 353, &c. ii. 259, 459, &c.

[16.71] The Maronites colonize still in nearly all the Levant like the Jews, Armenians, and Greeks, though on a smaller scale.

[16.72] Cic. De Offic. i. 42; Dion. Hal. ii. 28; ix. 28.

[16.73] See the characters of slaves in Plautus and Terence.

[16.74] II. Cor. xii. 9.

[16.75] Tacit. Ann. ii. 85.

[17.1] Tacit. Ann. i. 2; Florus, iv. 3; Pomponius in the Digest, 1; I. Tit. ii., fr. 2.

[17.2] Helicon. Apelles, Euceres, etc. The Oriental kings were considered by the Romans to surpass in tyranny the worst of the emperors. Dion. Cassius lix. 24.

[17.3] See inscription of the Parasite of Antony in the Comptes Rendus de l'Acad. des Inscr. et B. L., 1864, p. 166, etc. Comp. Tacit. Ann. iv. 55, 56.

[17.4] See for example the funeral oration on Turia by her husband, Q. Lucretius Vespillo, of which the complete epigraphic text was first published by Mommsen in Memoires de l'Academie de Berlin, 1863, p. 455, &c. Compare funeral oration on Murdia (Orelli, Inscr. Lat. No. 4860), and on Matilda by the emperor Adrian (Mem. de l'Acad. de Berlin, u. s. 483, &c.). We are too much preoccupied by passages of the Latin satirists in which the vices of women are sharply exposed. It is as if we were to design a general tableau of the morals of the seventeenth century from Mathurin, Regnier, and Boileau.

[17.5] Orelli, Nos. 2647, &c., especially 2677, 2742, 4530, 4860; Henzen, Nos. 7382, &c., especially No. 7406; Renier, Inscr. de l'Algerie, No. 1987. They may have been false epithets, but they prove at least the estimation of virtue.

[17.6] Plin. Epist. vii. 19; ix. 13; Appian, Bell. Civ. iv. 36. Fannia twice followed to exile her husband, Helvidius Priscus, and was banished a third time after his death.

[17.7] The heroism of Arria is well known.[17.8] Suet. Aug. 73; Fun. Orat. on Turia, i, line 30.

[17.9] Ib. 31.

[17.10] The too severe opinion of Paul (Rom. i. 24, &c.) is explicable in the same way. Paul was not acquainted with the higher social life of Rome. Besides, these clerical invectives are not to be taken literally.

[17.11] Sen. Ep. xii., xxiv., xxvi., lviii., lxx.; De Ira. iii. 15. De Tranq. anim. 10.

[17.12] Apoc. xvii.; Cf. Sen. Ep. xcv. 16, &c.

[17.13] Suet. Aug. 48.

[17.14] The inscriptions contain countless examples.

[17.15] Plut. GrÆc. Ger. Reipubl. xv. 3–4; An seni sit ger. resp., passim.

[17.16] Jos. Ant. xiv., x. 22, 23; Comp. Tacit. Ann. iv. 55, 56. Rutilius Numatianus, Itin. i. 63, &c.

[17.17] “Immensa romanÆ pacis majestas.” Plin. Hist. Nat. xxvii. 1.

[17.18] Ælius Arist. Eloge de Rome, passim; Plut. Fortune des Romains; Philo. Leg. ad Caium, § 21, 22, 39, 40.

[17.19] Dion. Hal. Antiq. Rom. i., comm.

[17.20] Plut. Solon. 20.

[17.21] See Athen. xii. 68; Ælian, Var. Hist. ix. 12; Suidas, word ?p???????.

[17.22] Tacit. Ann. i. 2.

[17.23] Study the character of Euthyphron in Plato.

[17.24] Diog. Laert. ii. 101, 116; v. 5, 6, 37, 38; ix. 52; Athen. xiii. 92; xv. 52; Ælian, Var. Hist. ii. 23; iii. 36; Plut. Pericles, 32; De Plac. Philos. I, vii. 2; Diod. Sic. XIII., vi. 7; Aristoph. in Aves, 1073.

[17.25] Particularly under Vespasian, as in the case of Helvidius Priscus.

[17.26] We shall show later that these persecutions, at least until that of Decius, have been much exaggerated.

[17.27] The early Christians were in fact very respectful towards Roman authority. Rom. xiii. i., &c.; I. Peter iv. 14, 16. As to St. Luke, see the Introduction to this work.

[17.28] Diog. Laert. vii. 1, 32, 33; Euseb. Prepar. Evang. xv. 15, and in general the De Legibus and De Officiis of Cicero.

[17.29] Terence, Heautont. I. i. 77, Cic. De Finibus Bon. et Mal., v. 23; Partit. Orat., 16, 24: Ovid, Fasti, ii. 684; Lucian vi. 54, &c.; Sen., Epist. xlviii, xcv. 51, &c.; De Ira, i. 5; iii. 43; Arrian. Dissert. Epict. I. ix. 6; ii. v. 26; Plut. Roman. 2; Alexander, i. 8, 9.

[17.30] Virg. Eclog. iv.; Sen. Medea, 375, &c.

[17.31] Tac. Ann. ii. 85; Suet. Tib. 35; Ovid. Fast. ii. 497–514.

[17.32] he inscriptions for women contain the most touching expressions. “Mater omnium hominum, parens omnibus subveniens,” in Renier, Inscr. de l'Algerie, No. 1987, Comp. ibid. No. 2756; Mommsen, Inscr. R. N., No. 1431. “Duobus virtutis et castitatis exemplis.” Not. et Mem. de la Soc. de Constantine, 1865, p. 158. See inscription of Urbanilla in Guerin, Voy. ArchÉol. in Tunis, i. 289, and a beautiful one, Orelli, No. 4648. Some of these texts are subsequent to the first century; but the sentiments they express were not new when they were written.

[17.33] Table-Talk I., v. 1; Demosth. 2; the Dialogue on Love, 2; and Consol. ad Uxorem.

[17.34] “Caritas generis humani.” Cic. De Finibus, v. 23. “Homo sacra res homini,” Sen. Epist. xcv. 33.

[17.35] Sen. Epist. xxxi., xlvii.; De Benef., iii. 18, &c.

[17.36] Tac. Ann. xiv. 42, &c.; Suet. Claud. 25; Dion Cass. lx. 29; Plin. Ep. viii. 16; Inscr. Lanuv. col. 2 lines, 1–4 (Mommsen De Coll et Sodal. Rom., ad calcem); Sen. Rhet. Controv. iii. 21; vii. 6; Sen. Phil. Epist. xlvii; De Benef. iii., 18, &c, Columella. De re rustica, i. 8; Plut, the Elder, 5; De Ira, 11.

[17.37] Epist. xlvii., 13.

[17.38] Cato. De re rustica, 58, 59, 104; Plut. Cato, 4, 5. Compare the severe maxims of Ecclesiasticus xxxiii. 25, &c.

[17.39] Tac. Ann. xiv. 60; Dion Cass, xlvii. 10; lx. 16; lxii. 13; lxvi. 14. Suet. Caius, 16; Appia, Bell. Civ. iv., from ch. xvii. (especially ch. xxxvi. &c), to ch. li. Juv. vi. 476, &c., describes the manners of the worst class.

[17.40] Hor. Sat. i. vi. 1, &c.; Cic. Epist. iii 7; Sen. Rhet. Controv. i. 6.

[17.41] Suet. Caius, 15, 16; Claud. 19, 23, 25; Nero, 16; Dion Cass. lx. 25–29.

[17.42] Tac. Ann. vi. 17; comp. iv. 6.

[17.43] Tac. Ann. xiii. 50, 51; Suet. Nero, 10.

[17.44] Epitaph of the jeweller, Evhodus (hominis boni, misericordis, amatis pauperis). Corp. Inscr. Lat. No. 1027, and inscription of the age of Augustus (Cf. Egger, Mem. d'Histoire et de Phil., p. 351, &c); Perrot, Exploration de la Galatie, &c., p. 118, 119, pt????? f?????ta; Funeral Oration of Matilda by Adrian (Mem. de l'Acad. de Berlin for 1863, p. 489); Mommsen. Inscr. Regni Neap. Nos. 1431, 2868, 4880; Seneca Rhet., Controv. I. i.; iii 19; iv. 27, viii. 6; Sen. Phil. De Elem. ii. 5, 6. De Benef. i l; ii. ll; iv. 14; vii. 31. Compare Leblant Inscr. Chret. de la Gaule, ii. p. 23, &c; Orelli, No. 4657, Fea Framm de Frasti Consol., p. 90; R. Garrucci, Cimitera degli ant. Ebrei, p. 44.

[17.45] Corp. Inscr. GrÆc, No. 2758.

[17.46] Ibid. Nos. 2194 b. 2511, 2759 b.

[17.47] It must be borne in mind that Corinth in the Roman epoch was a colony of foreigners, formed upon the site of the ancient city by CÆsar and Augustus.

[17.48] Lucian, Demonax, 37.

[17.49] Dion Cassius, lxvi. 15.

[17.50] See Ælius Aristides, Treatise against Comedy, 751, &c., ed. Dindorf.

[17.51] It is worthy of note that in several cities of Asia Minor the remains of the ancient theatres are at this day haunts of debauchery. Comp. Ov. Amor. i. 89, &c.

[17.52] Orelli-Henzen Nos. 1172, 3362, &c., 6669; Guerin, Voy. en Tunisie, 11, p. 59; Borghesi, Œuvres Completes, iv. p. 269, &c.; E. Desjardins. De tabulis alimentariis (Paris 1854); Aurelius Victor. Epitome, Nerva; Plin. Epist. i. 8; vii. 18.

[17.53] Inscriptions in Desjardins, op. cit. pars ii. cap. 1.

[17.54] Suet. Aug. 41, 46; Dion Cass. li. 21; lviii. 2.

[17.55] Tac. Ann. ii. 87; vi. 13; xv. Suet. Aug. 41, 42; Claud. 18. Comp. Dion Cass. lxii. 18; Orelli, No. 3358 &c.; Henzen, 6662, &c.; Forcellini, article Tessera frumentaria.

[17.56] Odyss. vi. 207.

[17.57] Eurip. Suppl. v. 773, &c.; Aristotle Rhetor. II. v. iii. and Nicomachus viii. 1; IX. x. See Stobeus Florilegus xxxvii. cxiii. and in general the fragments of Menander, and the Greek comedians.

[17.58] Aristotle Polit. VI. iii. 4. 5.

[17.59] Cic. Tusc. iv. 7–8; Sen. De Clem. ii. 5. 6.

[17.60] Papyrus at the Louvre, No. 37, col. 1. line 21. Notices et Extraits xviii. 2d part, p. 298.

[17.61] V. ante.

[17.62] Apoc. xvii. &c.

[17.63] Virg. Ec. iv. Georg. i. 463, &c.; Horace Od. I. ii; Tac. Ann. vi. 12; Suet. Aug. 31.

[17.64] See for example De Republ. iii. 22, cited and preserved by Lactantius Instit. div. vi. 8.

[17.65] See the admirable letter, xxxi. to Lucilius.

[17.66] Suet. Vesp. 18; Dion Cass. t. vi. p. 558 (edit. Sturz); Euseb. Chron. A.D. 89. Plin. Epist. i. 8; Henzen, Suppl. to Orelli, p. 124, No. 1172.

[17.67] Funeral Oration of Turia, i. lines 30–31.

[17.68] See first book of Valerius Maximus; Julius Obsequens on Prodigies; and Discours SacrÉs of Ælius Aristides.

[17.69] Augustus (Suet. Aug. 90–92) and even CÆsar, it is said, (but I doubt,) (Plin. Hist. Nat. xxviii. iv. 7) did not escape it.

[17.70] Manilius, Hygin. translations from Aratus.

[17.71] Cic. Pro Archia, 10.

[17.72] Suet. Claud. 25.

[17.73] Jos. Ant. XIX. v. 3.

[17.74] Bereschith rabba ch. lxv. fol. 65b; Du Cange, word matricularius.

[17.75] Cic. De Legibus, ii. 8; Vopiscus. Aurelian, 19.

[17.76] Religio sine superstitione, Orat. fun. Turia i. lines 30–31. See Plu. de Superstit.

[17.77] See Melito, ?e?? ????e?a?, in Spicilegium Syriacum of Cureto, p. 43, or Spicil. Solesmense of dom Pitra, t. ii. p. xli., to get a good idea of the impression made by it upon the Jews and Christians.[17.78] Suet. Aug. 52; Dion Cass. li. 20; Tac. Ann. i. 10; Aurel. Victor. Ceas, i. Appian. Bell. Civ. v. 132; Jos. B. J., I. xxi. 2, 3, 4, 7. Noris, Cenotaphia Pisana, dissert. i. cap. 4; Kalendarium Cumanum, in Corpus Inscr. Lat. i. p. 310; Eckhel. Doctrina Num. Vet. pars 2d. vol. vi. p. 100, 124, &c.

[17.79] Tac. Ann. iv. 55–56. Comp. Valer. Maxim. prol.

[17.80] Ante, p. 193, &c.

[17.81] Corinth, the only Grecian town which was considerably Christianized during the first century, was no longer at this period a Hellenic city.

[17.82] Heracl. Corn. Comp. Cic. De Nat. Deorum, iii. 23, 25, 60, 62, 64.

[17.83] Plut. Consol. ad ux. 10; De sera numinis vindicta, 22; Heuzey. Mission de Macedoine, p. 128. Revue ArchÉologique, April, 1864, p. 282.

[17.84] Lucret., i. 63, &c.; Sallust. Catil. 52; Cic. De Nat. Deorum. ii. 24, 28. De Divinat. ii. 33, 35, 57; De Haruspicorum Responsis, passim; Tuscul. i. 16; Juvenal, Sat. ii. 149, 152; Sen. Epist. xxiv. 17.

[17.85] Sua cuique civitati religio est, nostra nobis. Cic. Pro Flacco, 28.

[17.86] Cic. De Nat. Deorum, i. 30, 42; De Divinat. ii. 12, 33, 35, 72. De Harusp. Resp. 6, etc.; Liv. i. 19, Quint. Curt. iv. 10. Plut. De plac. phil. I. vii. 2; Diod. Sic. I. ii. 2. Varro. in Aug. De civit. Dei ,iv. 31, 32; vi. 6. Dion. Halic. ii. 20. viii. 5. Valer. Maxim. I. ii.

[17.87] Cic. De Divinat. ii. 15; Juvenal, ii. 149, &c.

[17.88] Tac. Ann. xi. 15. Plin. Epist. x. 97. sub. fin. Serapin in Plut. De PythiÆ Oraculis. Comp. De EI apud Delphos, init. See also Valer. Maxim I., passim.

[17.89] Juv. Sat. vi. 489, 527, &c. Tac. Ann. xi. 15. Comp. Lucian Conv. Deorum; Tertull. Apolog. 6.

[17.90] Jos. Ant. xviii. iii. 4; Tac. Ann. ii. 85; Le Bas, Inscr. part v. No. 395.

[17.91] Plut. De Pyth. orac. 25.

[17.92] See Lucian, Alexander seu pseudomantis and De morte Peregrini.

[17.93] Sen. Epist. xii. xxiv. lxv. Inscr. Lanuv. 2d col. lines 5–6; Orelli, 4404.

[17.94] Dion Cass. lxvi. 13; lxvii. 13; Suet. Domit. 10. Tac. Agricola. 2.45; Plin. Epist. III. ii.; Philostr. Vit. Apollon. I. vii. passim. Euseb. Chron. A.D. 90.

[17.95] Dion Cass. lxii. 29.

[17.96] Arrian, Dissert. de Epictet. I. ii. 21.

[17.97] Ibid. I. xxv. 22.

[19.1] See de Rossi, Bull. di Arch. Crist. 3d year, Nos. 3, 5, 6, 12, Eg. Pomponia GrÆcina (Tac. Ann. xiii. 32) under Nero as already characteristic; but it is not certain that she was a Christian.

[19.2] See de Rossi, Roma Sotteranea I. p. 309; and pl. xxi. No. 12 and the epigraphic collations of Leon Renier, Comptes Rend. de l'Acad. des Inscr. et B. L. 1865, p. 289, etc., and of Creuly, Rev. Arch. Jan. 1866, p. 63–64. Comp. de Rossi, Bull. 3d year, No. 10, p. 77–79.

[19.3] I. Cor. i. 26, etc.; Jac. ii. 5, etc.

[19.4] ???e t??? ??????. See relation of martyrdom of Polycarp. § 3, 9, 12. Ruinart. Acta sincera, p. 31, etc.

[19.5] Ebionim. See Vie de JÉsus. Jac. ii. 5, etc. Comp. pt???? t? p?e?at?, Matth. v. 3.

[19.6] See ante.

[19.7] Tac. Ann. XV. 44, Plin. Epist. X. 97; Suet. Nero 16; Domit. 15; Philopatris, passim. Rutil. Numat. 1, 389, etc.; 440, etc.

[19.8] John xv. 17, etc.; xvi. 8, etc., 33; xvii. 15, etc.

[19.9] James i. 27.

[19.10] I allude to the essential and primitive tendencies of Christianity, not to the transformed Christianity now preached, especially that of the Jesuits.

[19.11] See history of the origin of Babism by M. de Gobineau, Les Relig. et les Philos. dans l'Asie Centrale (Paris, 1865), p. 141, etc.; and by Mirza Kazem-beg in the Journal Asiatique (in press). I myself have received information from two individuals at Constantinople, who were personally mixed in the affairs of Babism, which confirms the narration of these two savants.

[19.12] M. de Gobineau, p. 301, etc.

[19.13] Another detail which I have from original sources is as follows: Several of the sectaries, to compel them to retract, were tied to the mouths of cannon, with a lighted slow-match attached. The offer was made to them to cut off the match if they would renounce Bab. In reply, they only stretched out their hands towards the creeping spark, and besought it to hasten and consummate their happiness.