THE fall of Nineveh, instead of being despicable—according to the common legend—from the weakness of Sardanapalus, the last Assyrian king, deserves rather, from the heroic ruin of the monarch with his city, to be compared to the fall of Carthage or of Jerusalem. It removed for some time the centre of Western Asiatic power farther to the east, beyond the Mesopotamian streams: first to mountainous Media, whose inhabitants, through want of culture, were better fitted to destroy than to build, and who, therefore, play almost no part in the history of art. As the short reign of Median greatness passed away, political power tended to the southeast, to Persia, which raised its world-renowned kingdom upon the ruins of the Median, and stretched the boundaries of the new empire far beyond any former compass of Western Asiatic sovereignty. Cyrus, the first historical monarch of Persia, not only conquered all resistance, notably that of Nebuchadnezzar and his Babylonian dominion, and of the Lydian king Croesus (by no means remarkable solely on account of his great riches), but carried his victorious arms even to the Ægean Sea; so that Asia, in so far as it was known to Europe, was synonymous with Persia. Cambyses, successor to Cyrus, crushed the oldest power of the world, that of the Pharaohs; and the third Persian king crossed the Bosporos, that he might embody in the colossal Persian empire the eastern lands of Europe and the borders of the Pontos. Persia, by the personal greatness of some of its rulers, by the healthy force of its original inhabitants, as well as by marked good-fortune, thus attained a position in the history of the world hitherto equalled by no other country; and it was by no means wanting in a corresponding monumental expression of this advance.

The chief cities of the land—Susa, PasargadÆ, and Persepolis, for which latter, a name known through Greek historians, we might substitute New Metropolis of the Persians—strove, at least in their royal palaces, to surpass the cities of the Assyrians and Babylonians. Diodoros speaks of Persepolis as “the world-renowned royal fortress,” imposing even to the Greeks. The thousands of years that have passed have yet left remains sufficient for an ideal reconstruction of the whole, and a conception of the artistic ability of the Persians may there be obtained. This is less the case with Susa, more destroyed, and in no wise thoroughly examined. Its site, known by the name Shush, which still clings to the ruins, is revered by Mohammedan pilgrims as that of the tomb of Daniel, in like manner as the location of Nineveh found traditional confirmation among them in the Mohammedan chapel of Jonas. The remains of PasargadÆ, near Murgab, are somewhat better preserved than are those of Susa. Beside its palace terraces, among its other tombs, altars, etc., there rises, nearly intact, one of the most wonderful monuments of the world—the tomb of the great Cyrus. Most important, however, and worthy of chief consideration, is New PasargadÆ, or Persepolis, where the massive palace ruins near Istakr, known under the name of Chehil-Minar (forty columns) or Takt-i-Jemshid (throne of Jemshid), have for centuries been the wonder of travellers.

Fig. 78.—Plan of Persepolis. A. Grand Stairway. B. PropylÆa of Xerxes. C. Cisterns. D, E, F, G. Great Hall of Xerxes. H. Portal between the Palaces and Harem. K. Palace of Darius. L, M, N. Palace of Xerxes. O. Unrecognized Ruins. P. Harem. Q. Portal to the Court of the Harem.
Fig. 78.—Plan of Persepolis.
A. Grand Stairway. B. PropylÆa of Xerxes. C. Cisterns. D, E, F, G. Great Hall of Xerxes. H. Portal between the Palaces and Harem. K. Palace of Darius. L, M, N. Palace of Xerxes. O. Unrecognized Ruins. P. Harem. Q. Portal to the Court of the Harem.

The Persians, of later development than the Mesopotamians, naturally based their art upon the older culture of the people conquered by them. The palaces were similarly placed upon extensive terraces, which, like those in Nimrud, seem to have been afterwards enlarged to make room for several royal dwellings. The palace terrace of Persepolis (Fig. 78) is, as an exception, not isolated, but so placed as to employ a rocky plateau, which, levelled partly by excavation, partly by filling, acquired architectural character by the vertical revetment of its borders: it abutted with one of its oblong sides upon a cliff, this forming a background of richly carved tomb-faÇades. The casing of the platform beneath the Palace of Kisr-Sargon (Corsabad) consisted of a masonry formed of quite regularly hewn stones. At Persepolis, on the other hand, is employed, in a similar position, a kind of Cyclopean masonry with predominant horizontal lines—a proof that this wall does not necessarily indicate a greater age than does a facing of hewn stone.

In spite of the close relationship of the architecture of Persia to that of Assyria, the ruins still show in many points such a fundamental difference that Mr. Fergusson’s nearly absolute identification of the art of the two nations cannot be accepted, and a higher grade of independent position, at least in architecture, must be granted to the Persians. The Assyrian ruins showed walls and no columns; in Persia, on the contrary, we find columns and no walls. In view of this, it is a daring hypothesis to assume that chance has preserved here only the one, there only the other, constructional member—that the Persian ruins exhibit the skeleton, as it were, the Assyrian the flesh, of one and the same architectural body, the totality of which is only to be understood and explained by the mutual complement, the combination of the two. For such is Mr. Fergusson’s view. The inadmissibility of transferring Persian columns to Assyrian palaces has already been made evident.

The peculiar formation of plan recognized in the ruins of Nineveh, the narrow and corridor-like chambers, required no interior supports. The clumsy disproportion of the long and cramped Assyrian rooms seems rather to have been decided by the lack of such constructive assistance; with it, on the other hand, the Persian palace was enabled to develop freely. The subordinate shafts in the windows of the palaces at Nineveh did not partake of the true nature of a column, they did not serve to enlarge an enclosed space, but were merely decorative substitutes for the piers which elsewhere separated the openings. It is not possible to transfer the characteristic Persian details either to these or to the columns in antis of the Assyrian temple cellas. The sculptured reliefs mentioned above, from which alone the columns of Assyria are known, present an entirely different class of forms. The Persians recognized the full importance of columnar construction in opening and enlarging enclosed spaces as no other nation has done except the Egyptians. It is in this that the artistic advance of the former beyond their ChaldÆan and Babylonian predecessors consists.

The columns of Persia were developed with a characteristic conventionalization which, though not entirely without foreign precedents, was upon the whole original, and, at least in the more simple varieties, decidedly artistic; the capital was peculiarly adapted to its functions. But one small fragment has been found of the ancient remains of PasargadÆ, dating, according to inscriptions, to the epoch of Cyrus. It is a base, and is fortunately characteristic and interesting. (Fig. 79.) The tore is similar, upon the one hand, to the plinth-mouldings of Assyrian columns; upon the other, in its detail, to the more recent creation of the Ionic column, which was not without connection with the art of Mesopotamia. The ornamentation consists of shallow horizontal channellings, with sharp arrises like those of the so-called Proto-Doric shafts of Egypt, and is closely allied to the bases of the most ancient examples of the Ionic style. The terrace of Persepolis, with its monuments, built during or after the time of Darius, displays these bases only in the palaces built by that king. The tore there occurring was placed upon two square plinths. The later monuments of Persepolis, which, for the greater part, were built by Xerxes, show the base to have kept pace with the further advance of the shaft, and to have consisted of multiplied and embellished members. The square plinth is supplanted by a beautifully curved calyx, turned downward and ornamented by two rows of leaves—the upper rounded and heart-shaped, the lower lanceolate. To this is sometimes added a wreath of anthemions, which appears to have been taken from Syrian or Phoenician models. The projecting moulding of these more elaborate examples is diminished in size, and has lost the horizontal grooves. The shaft, with thirty-six shallow channels, separated by sharp arrises like those of the primitive base, rises upon the combined tore and plinth to a height of nine times its lower diameter. It is not inconsiderably diminished. The junction between shaft and base is effected, as in the Ionic style, by a gentle curve, ornamented by a small roundlet. The capital shows, instead of the floral form usual in other countries, an animal combination, which, from the analogy of certain gold coins of Western Asia, appears to have been a widely known symbol. It consists of two bull’s heads and shoulders, grown together back to back, with the front legs bent under them in a recumbent position. The head is drawn upward, the elegantly curved neck being ornamented by a rich chaplet. Upon the common back of the two animals lies the chief transverse beam of the ceiling. A description of the peculiar style of carving will be given in the section upon Persian sculpture. It may only be here premised that the general treatment of the animals is quite similar to that noticed in Assyria. The capital is particularly well adapted to receive and support two ceiling timbers crossing above it at right angles; the lower of these shows its section upon the front of the building, and rests upon the back of the bulls; while the epistyle beam upon it, which joins the columns and is seen in its whole length upon the front, is supported by the heads and by the main timber between them. This method of laying the ceiling beams was the reverse of that followed by the architects of other nations. The timbers of the ceiling, which run at right angles, are usually placed upon, and not beneath, the connecting epistyle.

Fig. 81.—Spiral Ornaments upon Chairs. a. From an Assyrian Relief. b. From the Vicinity of Miletos. c. From Xanthos. d, e, f. From Paintings upon Greek Vases.
Fig. 81.—Spiral Ornaments upon Chairs. a. From an Assyrian Relief. b. From the Vicinity of Miletos. c. From Xanthos. d, e, f. From Paintings upon Greek Vases.

Fig. 82.—Columns from the Eastern Portico of the Hall of Xerxes.
Fig. 82.—Columns from the Eastern Portico
of the Hall of Xerxes.

Fig. 83.—Rock-cut Tomb of Darius.
Fig. 83.—Rock-cut Tomb of Darius.

In the time of Xerxes, these simple bull capitals appear not to have satisfied the increasing demands of luxurious elegance. Three new members were therefore placed below them, and the entire capital became almost as high as the remainder of the shaft, which was naturally much curtailed by this innovation. (Fig. 80.) The two lower of these new members may perhaps be counted as one—the wreath of falling leaves being regarded as part of the calyx above it. These leaves are very simply treated; they do not curve, and are terminated by a semicircle: between them and the calyx there is a small egg-and-dart moulding; that is to say, a wreath of small leaves entirely bent over. As the derivation of this characteristic member cannot be traced to Syria, the supposition is natural that it was derived from the Hellenic architecture of Asia Minor, which had been fully developed in its principal aspects since the time of Darius. The general form, as well as the detailed decoration of the upright calyx by narrow bundles of lotos-flowers, points so distinctly to an Egyptian model that it must, without further question, be ascribed to the influence of that land, which had been subjugated by the Persian Cambyses. After a repetition of the egg-and-dart moulding, there follows above the calyx a remarkable member of sixteen spiral rolls, as similar to the forms of Assyrian as to those of Ionic capitals. The spirals are so placed around the oblong kernel of the shaft that two touch upon each of its angles—thus standing vertically, and not horizontally. The derivation of the form appears to be owing more to Assyrian-Mesopotamian reminiscences than to any influence of the Greek Ionic style. The remarkable vertical position of the volutes is better explained by subordinate ornaments of the former than by architectural members of the latter land. The decorations upon the legs of thrones and other parts of furniture, shown by reliefs, prove the helix to have been more frequently used by the Assyrians as the vertical ornament of a shaft than as a horizontal coronation—a capital. (Fig. 81.) That the former usage was extensive is shown by the similar occurrence of the form upon Greek examples from Asia Minor. The spiral, with concave or convex fluting, with ribbed and channelled rolls, was originally double; in Persia it was transferred to a four-sided shaft, to serve, not as a coronation, but as a vertical ornament, as one of the three or four distinct members of the complicated capital. The double-headed animals were placed upon it as the termination of the column. In the mythological sculptures of Mesopotamian lands, lions and bulls shared equally the honors of frequent representation; and upon the capitals of Persepolis a horned and double-headed lion was substituted for the double-headed bull. This, however, was not in an important position, and the change is known by only a single example—the eastern portico of the Great Hall of Xerxes. (Fig. 82.) The isolated attempt was the more successful because no other animal forms had been so well conceived and characterized by the Orientals as the lion; that king of beasts, with open mouth and powerful paws, was the favorite subject for decorative treatment down to the latest times of Hellenic art. As the comparatively short fore legs of the lion could not be bent underneath the body, but were necessarily extended from the shoulder, the general outline of the capital was impaired by a long and straight horizontal line just at its junction with the shaft; and on this account the lions, notwithstanding their more majestic heads, could not displace the traditional bulls.

As the entablature was in all probability entirely constructed of wood, and has disappeared without a trace, the restoration of this part of the building is difficult. But the normal forms may yet be determined with greater correctness than is presented in Coste’s restoration (Fig. 82), which is a tasteful combination of the scotia and roundlet cornice common to both Egyptian and Assyrian architecture, with dentils and the leaved ornaments found above all the doors and windows of Persian remains, and with the decorations upon the borders of staircase buttresses. A number of rock-cut tombs appertaining to the early Persian kings, the AchemenidÆ, and dating from the time of Darius, represent the faÇades of royal palaces, and give important information concerning the exterior appearance of such structures. The oldest and best-preserved of these is designated by cuneiform inscriptions as the tomb of Darius. (Fig. 83.) It is especially interesting as illustrating the formation of the entablature. An epistyle, triply stepped, like that of the Ionic style, so that each face slightly projects beyond the one beneath it, is placed above the transverse beam, which lies upon the backs of the double-headed animals forming the capitals of the columns. The multiplication of the faces of the epistyle is explained by the weakness of the timber produced by Mesopotamia and Persia, which, in opposition to the single and massive Doric lintel-block, required the employment of several beams to obtain the desired capability of support. Upon it followed the ornaments known as dentils, representatives of the small and closely lying joists of the horizontal, slightly projecting roof. They are quite similar to the dentils upon the tombs of Beni-hassan, and to those of the still more naÏve imitations of wooden houses found in Lycia, which will be considered in the following section.

In Persia, the proportions of the dentils and of the distances between them are still characteristic of the original timbered construction—a truthfulness of imitation which was lost as early as the development of the Ionic style. The nature of the band following above is not clear; it might be natural to suppose in it a representative of such a hollow cornice with leaves as Coste has introduced upon his entablature, were it not that a frieze-relief with ornamental lions is visible upon this member in another tomb, and that a remarkable block of the Palace of Darius at Persepolis bears further testimony against it. One of the corner piers of the front portico of that building has been preserved to such a height that the side bearing of the lintel can be observed. This renders the projection and outline of the entablature certain. It was six times stepped, and may best be reconstructed, as in Fig. 84, by a series of narrow bands, which represent in some measure the layers of the horizontal ceiling and roof. From a comparison with the rock-cut tomb, it is plain that a further cornice, like that over the door and window-frames, was here not possible. If a parapet had been desired for the accessible platform of the roof, it must have taken the form of a light balustrade, not that of a heavy scotia cornice.

The oldest and, because best-preserved, the most intelligible of the royal dwellings upon the terrace of Persepolis is that shown by inscriptions to have been built by Darius. (Fig. 85; and K upon the topographical plan of Persepolis, Fig. 78.) It exhibits a regular and well-considered plan, the oblong form and general disposition of which are somewhat similar to the simpler Greek houses. A flight of steps led from each side to the narrow southeastern front—a double tetrastyle loggia. This was flanked by two moderately large rooms, which, as they could be entered only from the portico and had no connection with the interior, were probably intended for guards or servants. A door, between four windows, opened into the square hall, the ceiling of which was supported by sixteen columns, standing in line with those of the loggia. This space corresponded to the atrium of Greek and Roman houses. Three of its sides, that of the front being excepted, had access to inner rooms—those upon the right and left being small, while, opposite the entrance, they were more spacious, and separated from the hall by a corridor. The walls were enriched by niches as well as by door and window openings. Through one of the chambers upon the left was a lateral entrance, reached by a double flight of steps upon the southwest. Notwithstanding the preservation of the special foundation terrace, of the steps, of the door, window, and niche frames, as well as of some corner piers, the ruin did not at first glance make evident the disposition here described. All the columns of the palace have disappeared. It is uncertain whether this is because the supports of the less pretentious structure were of wood, or whether stone shafts, of the moderate dimensions which must be assigned to them, were carried away during the two thousand years in which the ruins of the palace terrace have served as a quarry for neighboring towns. The square plinths upon which the columns stood have, however, remained in their original position, so that the number and site of the supports may be easily and surely determined. The greater portion of the walls has also disappeared. Some corner piers and the marble frames of doors, windows, and niches, cut from immense monolithic blocks, alone stand erect; but their perfect state of preservation and well-marked position permit the nature of the wall between them to be determined without difficulty. It seems that this was of small quarried stones, or even of brick, thus being easily removed, or, in the latter case, reduced to dust by atmospheric influences; while the massive door and window casings were secure from removal by man and from the injuries of time. Their stepped jambs are decorated upon the inner side with reliefs; the heavy lintels have a scotia cornice, carved with a triple row of leaves and bordered below by an astragal. Of the openings for providing light to the great hall no traces remain. If, as is usually supposed, the windows now recognizable were all that ever existed, the chambers of the palace would have been most gloomy, with the exception of the hall of columns, which had four openings upon the loggia, besides the door. The light of the hall itself must have been dim, for it could not enter directly, the windows and doors being beneath the shade of the deep portico, with its double range of columns; and when still more impeded by the close-standing shafts of the hypostyle, it would have been wholly insufficient for the chambers. It is further to be remarked that several of the inner rooms have no direct communication with the hall, while if they had depended on it for light they would certainly have been provided with window-openings in place of the blind niches. It is evident from the existence of a second story, presently to be discussed, that horizontal apertures in the roof and ceiling could not have existed; this would be even more inadmissible here than in the palace buildings of Nineveh. It is necessary, however, to assume other openings for illumination and ventilation than those now to be observed in the ruins, and windows were most probably arranged in the manner in which the Orientals still secure their dwellings from the view of the outer world while admitting light and air—the manner customary with the Assyrians, as well as with the more ancient Greeks. The apertures were probably upon the exterior walls, just under the ceiling, high above the ground. All traces of architectural members in such a position must necessarily have disappeared when the mass of masonry which supported them was overthrown. It is possible that their form was entirely plain, like that given in the restoration of the Palace of Darius at the head of this section (Fig. 77), and offered no carved details to aid in their recognition.

A comparison of the rock-cut faÇade upon the tomb of Darius with the palace of that king will aid in the consideration of the upper story. As the tomb represents the palace with but slight variations, even agreeing tolerably well with its proportions, it may be supposed that the monarch copied his dwelling upon the front of his grave, that he might, as it were, inhabit it even after his death. This is not an isolated instance of such a proceeding in the history of architecture. The second story, distinctly recognizable upon the tomb, cannot be regarded as an insignificant decoration, especially as the Palace of Darius at Persepolis seems, from its plan, to have been thus arranged. The limited area covered, exceeded by many a modern private house, renders an enlargement by a second story natural; and this is also made probable by the hypostyle, which occupies a place where an open court, with full upper light, would otherwise have been more suitable. Space for the staircases was provided by the two narrow corridors next the rear chambers. The second story was not, however, extended over the entire ground-plan, but seems to have left the flat roof of the side chambers as an elevated veranda, perhaps sheltered from the sun by canopies, as the talar, a similar though smaller upper structure, stands as a pavilion upon the modern houses of Persia. The walls of the second story could scarcely have been placed elsewhere than upon the otherwise unreasonably thick partition-enclosure of the hypostyle hall. They could not have stood over an intercolumniation, as upon the faÇade of the rock-cut tomb—for this would have been difficult, if not impossible of construction—but in other respects the upper part of the palace may have been like that representation. Its corner supports, which are a strange combination of scotias and roundlets, ending below in lion’s paws and above in a one-sided lion capital, have, at least, every appearance of being copied from an architectural model, and are similar in their lower half to the legs of the throne given in Fig. 87. The standing figures, which, in double row, support the ceiling, may have been carved in relief or simply painted. That this was a common ornament is evident from its repetition upon the reliefs of gateways, where such typical figures are admirably characterized as representatives of the various nations subjugated by the Persian power, they literally supporting the throne. The entrance and the second-story windows may be supposed to have been upon the side opposite the front, where the veranda was broadest and the staircases led from the lower floor, as otherwise the imitation of the faÇade upon the rock-cut tomb would have shown windows and doors as well as a staircase, which probably led in double flight to the uppermost roof. That this house-top was flat and accessible is evident from the reliefs considered in this connection (Figs. 83 and 87), one of which represents the royal throne shaded by a canopy, the other one of those fire-altars which, according to Persian custom, was placed upon the highest level of the house. This altar upon the summit of a royal palace is mentioned in the Bible, when Hezekiah, overthrowing the SabÆan worship of the sun, destroyed “the altar which is upon the top of the upper rooms of Ahaz.” In the restoration of the Palace of Darius (Fig. 77), the introduction of the altar with the royal canopy may be considered as more than a mere decoration of the design. This simplest and best-preserved ruin upon the terrace of Persepolis permits a comparatively trustworthy understanding of the elements of Persian palace architecture.

The ruin O of the topographical plan (Fig. 78) shows the remains of a similar structure of about the same dimensions, later, and therefore of less interest, than the Palace of Darius. The Palace of Xerxes (L, M, N) was nearly double this size, being provided with a spacious terrace before its gates, and with a colonnade upon one side, the nature of which cannot readily be explained. On the other hand, it had no large chambers behind the hypostyle, as the rooms upon the right and left seem, by their more spacious proportions, to have rendered these unnecessary. The portico was hexastyle, and the square hall behind it consequently provided with thirty-six columns. Two of the side chambers were so large that their ceilings required the support of four columns.

Of still greater dimensions, more than eight times the area of the Palace of Darius, was the Palace Hall of Xerxes (D, E, F, G) which was preceded by a magnificent double flight of steps. The ceiling of the imposing hypostyle was upheld by thirty-six columns of gigantic size. There are no traces of chambers having been connected with it; three of its sides were provided with hexastyle porticos, which masked and artistically enlivened the dead enclosing-walls. The masonry has disappeared, with the exception of unimportant remains of the portal (G), which Coste has restored as the foundations of pedestals. Although a similar ruin at Susa, examined by Loftus, was also without walls, it is impossible to agree with Coste that these were originally altogether lacking, and that the columns of the central space were unenclosed—that the three portals, provided with separate roofs, were grouped around this without any connection. While we agree with Fergusson in as far as regards the completion of the wall line and the unity of the whole under a common roof, we must yet discredit his further assumption that this building was provided, like the Palace of Darius, with an upper story; all the requisite conditions for this were lacking. The ruin is remarkable from the remains of the colossal columns being in the comparatively best state of preservation. They represent the three orders described above: those of the western portico having the double-headed bull; those of the eastern the double-headed lion, and the others the form of shaft coronation combined of three or four members. The destination of this building was not that of a dwelling, but, without doubt, that of a festive hall for the audiences and ceremonies of the vainest and most magnificent of despotic monarchs. To this end it was fittingly placed next to the entrance-gate of the palace terrace. It is one of the most enormous buildings of the world; the area covered by its plan, about 10,500 sq. m., nearly equals that of the Cathedral of Milan, and surpasses that of the Cologne cathedral by about 2350 sq. m.

Fig. 88.—PropylÆa of Xerxes at Persepolis.
Fig. 88.—PropylÆa of Xerxes at Persepolis.

The imposing portal next to it, B, proved by inscriptions to have also been erected by Xerxes, remains upright in the grand masses shown by Fig. 88. An adequate explanation of its nature is not possible. It is only clear that its principal disposition, like that of the similar portal, H, of the terrace, was determined by the intersection of passages, the crossing being marked by four columns, while the parallel walls were of sculptured marble blocks. In a former work upon the history of ancient architecture,[F] the author has expressed the supposition that side walls were built in the directions marked by dotted lines upon the topographical plan (Fig. 78), connecting the portal with the ascending staircase. The gate would thus receive the character of a fortification, a termination of the palace terrace, instead of being the useless structure, easily to be circumvented, which it is commonly considered. It is probable that these side walls existed also at the chief portals of the Assyrian palaces, as otherwise the entrances, especially that of the harem, would have been too much exposed. These masses of masonry have disappeared from the ruins of Nineveh, because of the crumbling of the terrace borders, and in Persepolis, where all walls have been overthrown and carried away, their extent is not marked by the more durable door and window frames, which alone remain of the palace enclosures.

The assumption of similar communicating walls in connection with the other portal structures of the palace terrace (H and Q) not only renders to these their full importance, but throws light upon a building of enormous extent (C), the destination of which has hitherto been problematical. This edifice has been called, in lack of a better name, the Hall of a Hundred Columns. It is an extended enclosure of square plan, within which stood columns, traceable by the remains of six of their number. Upon the front was a portico, not decastyle, like the interior, but octastyle; two bases remaining in situ determine its arrangement and dimensions. The columns may be calculated, from their lower diameter, to have been about 7 m. high. The enclosure of the hall, determined in extent by the remains of all the portals and niches, measured 68 m. upon each side. According to general acceptance, the building was restricted to the area now covered by its ruins, and served as a second great hall for ceremonies. Fergusson terms it a coronation hall. But, apart from the fact that the Hall of Xerxes must have been far better fitted by its imposing proportions for such a purpose than this low and broad space, where the forest of columns would have impeded the view, it is hardly possible that two such extensive buildings would have been provided upon the terrace for the same use. But some adequate space is yet to be assigned to that important necessity of Oriental custom, the harem, which tradition particularly asserts to have existed among the Persian palaces. If the ruin is examined in its relation to the other palace structures of Persepolis, it becomes plain that it can be nothing else than the central hall of a similar, but more extended, series of chambers, of which, as is also the case with the ruined remains at O, hypostyle and portico have alone been preserved, while the walls of all the outer rooms have disappeared. Only the doors and windows of any wall upon the terrace now exist; and as the entrances were naturally small and the openings for light high above the ground, in the enclosure of the harem, it is not surprising that this masonry has disappeared in almost its entire extent. Two principal portals, perhaps the only ones of the outermost walls, have been preserved, however, and mark the outline of the building. These are the gateways H and Q of the topographical plan: the first of these even shows some trace of the enclosing wall; it is the entrance from the palaces K, L, M, N, and O; the second probably led to an open court, to which access must have been allowed the fair prisoners. The space between the hypostyle and the exterior wall, indicated upon the plan by dotted lines, must have been occupied by the numerous small rooms which provided dwellings for the three hundred girls of the harem. The low and broad central hall served as a place of assemblage; the great number of its columns and the excessive lowness of the ceiling exclude the idea of its having been used for public ceremonies, but render it particularly fitted for this purpose, the many shafts separating the groups of intimate conversers. The dim twilight of the room was, at these evening assemblies, enlivened by the many-colored lamps of the East. The harem upon the terrace thus received a development analogous to that of the royal dwellings, and its necessarily great extent was provided for in a becoming place. By the assumption that the remains at P are those of the harem, an integral part of the Oriental palace is recognized, and a large tract of the terrace area is occupied, the use of which could not otherwise be designated upon the topographical plan.

The disposition of the terrace under Darius appears to have differed considerably from that under his successors. It is not known whether its extent has since been increased; to establish this point, extensive excavations would be required. It is probable that the northwestern side of the plateau has been built out by adding earth to the natural rock; the buildings upon the southern half appear the more primitive: it is certain, however, that the position of the ascent was changed during the great reconstruction completed by Xerxes, and possibly commenced during the latter part of the reign of Darius. The orientation of the Palace of Darius, which, of all the buildings at Persepolis, alone faces the south, shows the great staircase to have been originally upon the southern end of the terrace. Enormous dowelled blocks of stone assured the stability and preservation of the newer parts of the substructure. The broad and gently rising flights of steps remain in so good a condition that it is even to-day possible to ascend them upon horseback.

Fig. 89.—Altar Pedestals at PasargadÆ.
Fig. 89.—Altar Pedestals at PasargadÆ.

Among the remaining monuments of Persian architecture there are no temples; it would be vain to seek such structures; the worship of the land did not demand closed rooms, requiring only sacrifice and prayer upon the summits of mountains or artificial elevations. Herodotos relates that the Persians not only scorned temples, but did not erect images of their deities, nor even altars. This last point is certainly incorrect; the worship of fire particularly called for altars, and these are represented upon the ornamented faÇades of the rock-cut tombs. (Fig. 83.) It is probable that two pedestals, standing near each other upon the palace terrace of PasargadÆ, are ancient Persian. They are cubes, each about 3 m. high; one is terminated by steps, and has upon one side a straight line of ascending stairs; the platform at the summit was sufficiently large to receive an altar, or may perhaps itself have been used as a receptacle for fire and sacrifices. They are similar to the altar upon the upper story of the Palace of Darius, used for religious devotion. The supposition may be ventured that these two altars, in such vicinity, point to the dualism of the Persian worship of Ormuzd and Ahriman.

Other large monuments of the land may have had something to do with religious observances; but as they lack any characteristic form, this cannot be proved. Such is the case with the cone of Darabgerd, known as Kella Darab, apparently an imitation of a natural mound. It is surrounded by a circular wall, perforated in eight equidistant places, and rises, in two rings of masonry, to a height of 48 m. A similar structure is the massive tower of Firuz-Abad, a rectangular obelisk 27 m. high, measuring 8.5 m. upon each side of its base. Near it is an enormous platform, with broad buttresses upon the four sides, which are directed to the cardinal points of the compass; the foundation of the mass measures 61 by 78 m. The masonry is of carefully hewn stone, of a workmanship not found in the country after the advent of the Christian era; the swallow-tail dowelling of the blocks is similar to that upon the pavement of the terrace at Persepolis.

Fig. 90.—Tomb of Cyrus.
Fig. 90.—Tomb of Cyrus.

To the consideration of these structures must be added that of the semi-sacred tombs. Though few other monuments can be traced back to the age of the founder of the Persian sovereignty, the heroic Cyrus, fortune appears to have preserved his tomb almost entirely intact in architectural respects. The description of it by Arrian is not precise, but his account may still be identified with an interesting and evidently ancient Persian monument, now known as Medshed Mader-i-Suleiman, the tomb of the mother of Solomon. Its situation is in Murgab, not distant from the ruins of PasargadÆ, which contain inscriptions with the name of Cyrus, and reliefs commemorating his exploits. The monument consists of a terrace seven times stepped, covering a ground surface of 12.5 by 13.5 m.; it is built of enormous blocks carefully joined, and bears a cella with gabled roof. The simple and gently curved mouldings of the cornice and base of the cella do not betray Greek influence, but it is possible that the form of the roof, rare in the Orient, may be attributed to reminiscences of Hellenic construction observed during the campaigns of Cyrus in Asia Minor. The entrance, described by Arrian as very small, is 0.9 m. broad and 1.2 m. high; the exterior of the cella is 5.2 m. broad and 6.3 m. long; the chamber itself only 3 m. long and 2.1 m. broad and high. There is naturally no longer any trace of the objects once within the interior—the table, coffin, and bier of solid gold; the garments of royal purple. The inscriptions have, unfortunately, also disappeared. The blocks of the chamber floor are swallow-tailed into each other with great exactness; to which circumstance, and to the exact jointing of all the massive masonry, this exceptionally fine state of the building’s preservation is to be ascribed. The whole structure gives the impression of a terraced ChaldÆan temple. It is not improbable that the Tomb of Cyrus received this sacred form because the character of a hero of Western Asia was attributed to the king soon after his death. A colonnade appears to have enclosed the sombre pile; several drums of its columns still project above the ground. The accounts of Greek authors refer to buildings erected for the priests to whose care the monument was intrusted; these are believed to have been recognized in the remains of a neighboring caravansary.

The tombs of later Persian kings, which, during the entire dynasty of the AchÆmenidÆ, were almost alike, are of a totally different nature from that of Cyrus, being cut in and upon the face of the rock. Upon the steep cliff of Naksh-i-Rustam and Persepolis there are seven of these facades, which form an imposing feature of the landscape, whether viewed in the vicinity or from afar. All follow the type of the Tomb of Darius described above, giving a representation of the royal dwelling upon the wall before the grave-chamber. (Fig. 83.) Only the lower half of the door is used as an entrance, the upper part being closed by an imitation of slat-work. It leads to a corridor running parallel to the face of the cliff; in the Tomb of Darius this extends to the left, beyond the breadth of the faÇade, to three chambers, each of which is arranged for three coffins. All these graves had been plundered when investigated by Coste and Flandin. A rock-cut tomb at Serpul-Zohab is of still simpler disposition; originally it had two columns upon the front, but was not further decorated; the interior consisted of a small chamber, providing only sufficient space for two sarcophagi. It is not certain whether other monuments in the vicinity of Naksh-i-Rustam and of PasargadÆ should be regarded as tombs. They resemble towers; their corners are strengthened by pilasters, and they have oblong niches upon each side, the frames of which are triply stepped. Of the tombs of Persian subjects nothing whatever is known; it may be possible that the people of that nation were accustomed formerly, as at present, to carry down their dead from the highlands to the Necropolis of ChaldÆa, where millions of graves still await scientific investigation.

As little is known of Persian domestic architecture. No vestiges of private houses have been found which belong to an historical period earlier than that of the Roman emperors. The habitations of subjects were not to be compared with the magnificent palaces of their despotic rulers, and must have been built of the most destructible materials. We may imagine the Persian house somewhat to have resembled, in disposition of plan, the royal dwellings, though of course greatly simplified by the substitution of an open court for the hypostyle hall, by the omission of terraces, columns, and carvings, and by the reduction of all spaces and dimensions to a minimum.

The Persians developed far less independence in sculpture than in architecture. They showed themselves, in their carvings, to be but meanly endowed scholars of the Assyrians, and gained little by subjecting themselves to the influence of other nations, the spirit of which they did not comprehend or employ towards any possible improvement of Assyrian traditions. The Mesopotamians were, in their artistic development, thrown upon their own resources; they therefore looked earnestly to the fountain-head of nature as the model of their sculptured work; but the Persians, in the wider extent of their kingdom, instead of profiting by the study of nature, so requisite to true progress, depended upon forms and methods inherited from the Assyrians, upon which they engrafted certain peculiarities borrowed from the Egyptians, and also, in still greater measure, from the higher art practised among the Greeks of Asia Minor in the time of Darius and Xerxes. In this adoption of foreign properties, in this mingling of Mesopotamian, Egyptian, and Hellenic manners of expression, they utterly sacrificed originality and simplicity of style, and made of their sculpture a repulsive hybrid of inharmonious elements. It may well be conceived that with this lifeless imitation the creative impulse languished, and art became more and more limited, until it shrank at last into mere ornamental handiwork. The Persians could the more easily forego the revetment of their walls with carved slabs, after the Assyrian fashion, as their architecture itself, far more than that of Mesopotamia, fulfilled its own aim,—accomplished with its own means what was elsewhere effected by sculpture and painting.

With Persian statues in the full round we have no acquaintance. Several examples remain of colossal monsters in the half round, like those met with in Assyrian sculpture. In conception and in detail, in proportion and in situation, they scarcely differ from those of Assyria: they are only somewhat stiffer; their strap-like sinews and veins, their muscles and hair, are conventionalized almost to pure ornament; they have entirely lost the life-like natural truth of the works of Nineveh. The tendency towards decoration is well expressed in the wings of these monsters. The rectilinear feathers of the models upon the Tigris were in Persia transformed into the graceful but unnatural curves seen also in the griffins of Greek architecture. This Colossus is found in the best state of preservation at the PropylÆa of Xerxes near the ascent of the terrace of Persepolis. On the front are perfect bulls, with proportionately small heads; on the back are the cherubim already mentioned, with long-bearded, tiara-crowned human heads. These purely Assyrian monsters of the gateway may perhaps be regarded as trophies from Mesopotamia, which, in the course of time, had become naturalized into the Persian practice of palace architecture.

Fig. 91.—Relief for a Portal of Persepolis. (See Fig. 86.)
Fig. 91.—Relief for a Portal of Persepolis. (See Fig. 86.)

If the masonry, probably of brick, had received a richly sculptured stone revetment, like that which covered the Assyrian walls, some remains of this would certainly have been found. It seems, however, that the wall surfaces were ornamented only with paintings. In proportion as carved decoration was diminished, the architectural treatment of the enclosing masses was increased, by doors, windows, and niches, and by the repeatedly stepped epistyle beams and its crowning scotia, richly ornamented with leaves over the lintels. Only the inner surfaces of the door-jambs were used for representations in relief, the subjects being partly mythological, partly ceremonial. The ruins of PasargadÆ show such a mythological figure, in long, close-lying garments without folds, according to the Assyrian tradition, though of somewhat lighter proportion. It has a less pronounced Semitic profile, Egyptianized by long twisted ram’s horns upon the head, and with the irrelevant ornaments of the Nile situla, disks, and urÆos-serpents; the greater part of it is so destroyed that only the outline is recognizable. Upon the terrace of Persepolis there is repeated a kingly or divine being lifting a lion into the air while strangling it, such as appears in more vigorous design upon the reliefs of Nineveh; or this figure pierces with a short sword a bull, lion, or griffin standing upright upon its hinder legs. One of these peculiar mythological representations is given in Fig. 91. The head of the male figure, ornamented with a diadem, is distinguished from the Assyrian type only by a longer and less protruding nose, and by some diminution of the luxuriant hair and beard. The exposed limbs, the arms and legs, have more slender proportions; with a softer and somewhat Hellenized swing of the outlines, there is less modelling than was found upon the Tigris. The expression of great muscular power, of striking and healthy energy of action, peculiar to the Assyrians, is lost in Persia. The garments are not sack-like and close-fitting; with the richly patterned treatment of surfaces, there is an attempt, not altogether fortunate, to indicate the folds of drapery and the free flow of cloth. It is possible to recognize in this respect the influence of Asiatic Hellas, falling, indeed, upon rather sterile ground, and received with little understanding. The strapped shoes take from the cramped foot its true form, being curved in the sole even more than is the case with the naked instep. The power, long since acquired by the Greeks, of so raising the hinder foot of a moving figure that only the toes touch the ground, was as far from being possessed by the Persians as was the power of causing the whole body to take part in an action—carrying forward the momentary position. The human being is apparently able neither to turn the animal away from himself, nor, by additional exertion, to give the death-blow. The opposing griffin is similarly petrified; it here appears with eagle’s head and feathered tail, occurring in other representations with lion’s head and scorpion’s tail. Both paws of the fore feet, and one of the eagle’s claws of the hind feet, are in the position of attack; one paw grasps the right arm, as it reaches towards the head of the monster; the other is laid upon the left, which pierces its body with a broad and pointed dagger. At the same time, one of the bird-like hinder legs touches the front knee of the human figure. But nowhere is there the energetic movement of seizing or pressure found upon Assyrian sculptures; there is a posture, but no action; and thus the lion-eagle monster has no frightful power—only something hatefully comical in figure and bearing. Nor has the bull or lion, which occasionally takes the place of the griffin, anything of the Assyrian force; the scene might be considered as a harmless play of the man with the animal, were it not for the sword half buried in the body.

The most accessible subjects for such an art were naturally mere ceremonial representations, where the action, reduced to a minimum, was naturally neither momentary nor energetic. There are the promenades of the king, with staff and lotos-flower in his hands, followed by eunuchs, one third of his size, who carry his handkerchief and sunshade, and cool him with a fan of peacock’s feathers. It is worthy of curious notice that, upon a door at the back of the palace, the sunshade is omitted from the relief, as being of use only in going out. A casual observation of Persian sculpture may be deceptive, and we may seem to recognize quiet dignity in what is mere want of all expression. It is thus with the frequently repeated ceremonial scenes, the architectural employment of which has been mentioned above. (Fig. 87.) The canopied throne appears raised upon an elevation; the king sits with his feet resting upon a footstool, his retinue before him with censers. Three superposed rows of men stand as supporters of the throne, with outstretched arms bearing the platform. The figures are placed in such regular position that the effect is purely ornamental; but are individually interesting, in so far as they are intended to represent, in feature and costume, the different nationalities of the Persian empire. Notwithstanding the celebrated description of the review of the Persian army upon the banks of the Hellespont given by Herodotos, it would be hopeless to attempt to recognize among the figures the types of known tribes. Of a similar kind are the upper parts of the rock-cut reliefs upon the tombs of the AchÆmenidÆ, the architectural peculiarities of which have already been mentioned. Because of the sacred character of these graves, the kings are not represented enthroned, but standing upon a stepped platform before an altar, over which floats the winged and encircled deity, near the disk of the sun or moon. A consideration of the exterior treatment of the upper story of the palaces would here be in place if it could be shown that the ornamentation was indeed carved.

Persian sculpture received its most extensive application upon the buttresses of the steps placed before every palace. Here are found the ceremonial scenes of the Assyrian courts in a feeble rendering, far removed from the sharp and careful cutting of the details, and the naturalistic modelling of the bodies, peculiar to the works of Mesopotamia. Long processions of men represent different nationalities, characterized by their costumes and by the treatment of hair and beard; by their various feather-caps, hoods, capuchins, pointed hats; short skirts, with wide pantaloons; long garments, with great fulness at the bottom, and sleeves falling in multiplied folds; by the skins of animals worn as mantles; by girdles, sword-belts and swords, bows and quivers; by peculiar sandals, shoes, boots, and the like. These subjects bring to the monarch most manifold gifts—horses, dromedaries, musk-oxen, rams, goats, a wagon, elephants’ tusks, stuffs, garments (among which various kinds of stockings are even distinguishable), swords, double-headed hammers, bracelets for the arms; censers, with vessels for incense; salve, in little bowls, borne upon trays which hang like scales; wine-skins, goblets, globular and flat cake-like loaves of food, carried in the palm of the hand; carved cups and saucers; little bags, etc. Others bear only lotos-flowers and pomegranates. They are slim, narrow-chested figures; the short upper body is given in profile, without anatomical truth in general form or detail; not only without motion, but apparently incapable of it. At times the position of the arms shows, not, indeed, a gesture, but some attempt of varied position; the hands lie upon one another, or touch the mouth, the end of the beard, the hilt of the sword hanging at the side, or the quiver, or are extended so as to rest upon the shoulders of the preceding figure in the procession.

Fig. 92.—Relief from the Stairs of the Palace of Darius.
Fig. 92.—Relief from the Stairs of the Palace of Darius.

Lifeless as these appear, they are still superior to the guards, armed with a lance, who march towards each other from opposite sides, in long processions. (Fig. 92.) The heads differ from the Assyrian type only in the pointed chin-beard; the bodies alternate between uniforms of two fixed patterns. One of these is without a shield, in a closely fitting leathern garment, with awkward pantaloons bound at the ankles, and a globular cap of surpassing clumsiness. The other, distinguished by shield and plumes, with a long robe drawn up at the hips, and with wide sleeves hanging in folds, is more tolerable. The elliptical shields, like those of Boeotia, have a round cut upon both sides, in which the lance was probably placed; they are strengthened by a circular plate riveted to the centre. Upon the terrace stairs, in the triangles formed by the ascending steps, are groups of animals—lions seizing bulls from behind. Though the forms are rendered with but little understanding of detail, the entire composition is well fitted to the triangular space allowed it, and thus has a certain decorative and architectural value. The parapet of the staircase terrace is decorated with rows of highly conventionalized lotos-flowers upon leafy stems; in its centre is the winged divinity of the disk between crouching lions. These carvings upon the staircase buttress, though monotonous, were still so rich that they gave to this member much the same distinction as that of the gable in Greek architecture, to which it is somewhat similar in outline, the ascent from each side forming a triangle. The representations upon it are, in their subjects, suited to the palace fronts, where guards were in place, as well as gift-bearing deputies from tributary nations. Though the division of the surface into several horizontal stripes by rows of figures, one over another, is not artistically beautiful, it still has the advantage that the standard of proportion is not infringed upon, as is so often the case when colossal statues are placed before buildings; the disadvantage may perhaps be less when life-sized figures, like these, are dwarfed by being brought into comparison with enormous edifices.

Only one important historical scene is known—the rock-cut relief of Bi-Sueton. A king, followed by guardsmen, sets his foot and bow upon a victim lying backwards on the ground, who stretches up his hands in a beseeching manner, while a procession of nine prisoners approaches, their hands tied behind them, and bound one to the other. Above is the winged deity. The proud bearing of the king, and the stooping of the helpless enemies, show a slightly superior artistic ability. Though Persian sculpture was successful in some rare instances, the conviction must still remain that, in comparison with the art of Assyria, it was not only a dependent imitation, but failed to attain any of the superiorities of its model. That which was borrowed from other lands than Mesopotamia was superficially carried into execution in unimportant details. Strictly speaking, we can hardly acknowledge the existence of the art of sculpture in Persia, as it was without either independent foundation or any progress of its own.

Of Persian painting there are no remains or information. The walls were without doubt plastered and colored. If there had been a revetment of glazed tiles, according to the Mesopotamian practice, some fragments of this almost indestructible material would surely have been found. From analogy of the carvings, it is probable that paintings upon the walls were chiefly ornamental and of subordinate importance. Upon the principal front of the buildings there remained but little space where painted decorations could be employed; the faÇade of the Tomb of Darius was largely covered with inscriptions. On the other hand, the restoration of the Palace of Darius, at the head of this chapter (Fig. 77), shows that the aid of color was particularly needed upon the other sides, which would have been bare and monotonous without painted ornaments. We may suppose that the Persians felt this need, and that decorative painting was extensively employed; they were led to it by familiarity with the methods of Assyrian art, and with the colored mural decorations universal in Egypt, both which lands they considered their tributary provinces. Though we cannot speak of monumental independence in Persian sculpture and painting—of which, indeed, no ancient Orientals had any conception—the art of the land had at least the superiority that its three branches, in their application, stood in true relations to each other, inasmuch as architecture employed and brought forward the sister arts as secondary, decorative aid; painting and sculpture did not predominate in the excessive degree characteristic of the older nations of the East. The Egyptians, whose architecture, otherwise so richly developed, was chiefly restricted to the interior, made excessive use of painting and coilanaglyphics to enliven the dead masses of exterior walls. The Assyrians needed sculptured revetment and painted stucco to support and hide the weakness of their masonry, and its incapacity for architectural treatment, within and without. Merely decorative art thus gained an undue supremacy in both countries. Among the Persians, on the other hand, architecture attained its full rights by important and harmonious advances, while decorative sculpture and painting withdrew to their proper subordinate positions.

Fig. 93.—Rock-cut Tombs of Myra.
Fig. 93.—Rock-cut Tombs of Myra.