Henry Raikes

REMOVED FROM EPINAL TO PHALSBURG, AND THENCE TO VERDUN.—SUFFERINGS OF THE PEOPLE ON THE MARCH, AND EFFORTS MADE FOR THEIR RELIEF AND IMPROVEMENT.—THE REV. ROBERT WOLFE OFFERS HIS SERVICES AND ASSISTANCE.—MRS. BRENTON’S ARRIVAL AT VERDUN.—RESIDENCE AT CHARNI.—ILLNESS, AND PERMISSION GRANTED TO RESIDE AT TOURS.—CONDUCT OF THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT TOWARDS THE ENGLISH PRISONERS OF WAR.

The arrangements which have been mentioned, placed the officers and midshipmen in a state of comparative comfort; but it was otherwise with the crew. Upon the approach of winter, the seamen and marines being unprovided with clothes or bedding, and placed upon very slender diet, began to suffer severely. A little addition was made to their food by subscription amongst the officers, when they met as they did every week, at Captain Brenton’s lodgings, for divine service; and through the same fund a quantity of old tapestry, from some of the ruined houses in the neighbourhood, belonging to the ci-devant nobility, was purchased, as a covering for them at night.

Again we have access to Captain Brenton’s journal. “In the middle of November the negociation for an exchange of prisoners having failed, we were ordered to march to Phalsburg, a small fortress in the Vosges mountains, which was considered a more secure place for confining the prisoners than the open town of Epinal. We had however scarcely established ourselves in lodging there, before we were again removed, and sent to Verdun, now established as a general depÔt. As this place appeared to be nearer the line of our probable march to the coast for embarkation; we persuaded ourselves that this sudden removal certainly indicated an approaching exchange; and our spirits were buoyed up with the hopes, which cheered us under a very severe season. Upon our arrival, however, every prospect of release seemed to have vanished, and the dispositions that were made for the regulation of the prisoners, were evidently such as foreboded the establishment being a permanent one. We had however the comfort of a regular intercourse by letter with England; and those which I received at this time were full of affection, of piety, fortitude, and resignation. My captivity, your beloved mother viewed as the greatest blessing. She had been greatly alarmed at the state of my health, when I rejoined the Minerve the last time, and attributed my recovery to my having quitted active service, which no other event perhaps could have been the means of my doing. She also derived comfort from the idea that I was sheltered from the dangers of my profession, and from the hope of our being soon restored to each other.”

In describing the state of his sailors on this march to Phalsburg, Captain Brenton says, “The weather was very severe, and numbers of the poor destitute prisoners must have perished, but for the assistance afforded to them by their officers, to which the captains of the merchant vessels very liberally contributed.

“After marching during the whole of a tempestuous day, they reached Rem, where they were to remain for the night, and were shut up in a ruined roofless chapel. A small quantity of straw thrown upon a broken pavement, was in a short time soaked with rain; and each man having received his three sols, had no other means of procuring food than purchasing it at the door, from persons who flocked there with wretched spirituous liquors, and boiled liver. The spirits were of course preferred, and the money intended for their supper was expended in the purchase, leaving the wretched prisoners no other support than their allowance of bread. To alleviate as much as possible this distress, on the following day, I requested the officer of the escort to put into my hands the daily allowance of three sols for each prisoner, to which I added a sum out of the subscription purse; and giving it to one of the gens d’armes, he was sent forward to Luneville, where it was laid out in meat and vegetables, which were cooked in the house of a bourgeois; who, as well as the messenger was remunerated for his trouble; and thus upon the arrival of the prisoners, they found at least a comfortable meal; and being confined in barracks had less cause to complain of their lodgings. So orderly and well behaved were these poor fellows, and so obediently respectful in their march, even to the youngest midshipman, as well as to their conductors, that upon their arrival at Sarrebourg, they were allowed to be billeted and quartered among the inhabitants in small parties, taking with them their respective portions of meat and vegetables, the inhabitants cheerfully finding them fire to cook it.

“At Phalsbourg the men had excellent barracks, but they were now in a most deplorable state from want of clothes, and lame from performing such a march barefoot. To supply the place of shoes, a number of sabots, or wooden shoes, in value about three pence per pair were sent in; but it was not until stern necessity rendered it necessary, that the sailors could be induced to put them on. One, actually with tears in his eyes, exclaimed with an expletive, ‘Who would have thought I should come to this:’ so inseparable was the association between misery, slavery, and wooden shoes in his mind. M. Parmentier, the Mayor, treated them with the utmost humanity and benevolence. He filled the hospitals with them, that they might enjoy the comfort of good beds, and nourishing food; and used every exertion in his power to procure them supplies of clothing, but without success. A slender provision of old blankets had been made, but they were some that had been used by the army of the Meuse, and had been kept in depÔt since that time. I previously had written to the Admiralty, stating the distresses of the prisoners, and requesting permission to procure them necessaries, and advance to them a small daily sum, to enable them to live. The answer reached me at Phalsbourg, approving of my suggestion, and sending me a credit of £2000 for the purpose. It arrived most opportunely, for the prisoners were again ordered to march. Verdun was their destination, as the journal transcribed has already shewn. The order to move was peremptory, although the commandant was unprovided with funds to pay either the arrears due to the prisoners, or their daily allowance of money; and but for the remittance above-mentioned, they must have subsisted until their arrival at Nancy (three days) upon their allowance of bread only. The prisoners now amounted to four hundred, and were formed into three divisions, following each other on three successive days. With the first were all the officers, and nearly one hundred seamen. They began their march in the early part of December. On their arrival at Sarrebourg, the people were again confined in a place similar to that they had been put into at Rem; but such was the severity of the weather that few of them could have survived the night had they remained there. However, the commander of the escort declared he had neither authority, or means, to give them any other accommodation. It was in vain that I observed to him, that in that very town, only three weeks before, the men had been billeted amongst the inhabitants, and had shewn themselves worthy of such indulgence by their good conduct. I earnestly requested that application might be made to the municipality for permission for the people to be again billeted amongst the inhabitants; but this was objected to, from there being no security against their escape.

“However, on our way to consult a magistrate, I observed in the street a house to let; and it occurred to me that this house, a capacious one, might be hired for the night; and application being made to the owner, he consented to my proposal for a very small sum, about fifty francs. The officer of the escort also consented, on the condition of a further sum being given for the soldiers, for the additional duty of a night guard; I giving my parole at the same time for the prisoners not attempting to escape. The number of people to be accommodated in this house was about one hundred and fifty; two remaining divisions being expected on the two following days. The supplies of food for the people were immediately ordered to be got ready; and in the meantime a quantity of firewood was sent in, and large fires made in every room. Heaps of straw were also provided, and the meat and soup were brought in in tubs, according to the number of inmates destined for each room. By the time all was completely prepared, the prisoners arrived, and were immediately distributed according to the previous arrangement. As no communication had been made to them, from the time I left them in their prison, their joy and delight at the sight of so much unexpected comfort, may be better conceived than described; tired, and perishing with cold and hunger, their food, their fire, and their straw, were indeed luxuries, which it requires a person to be in their situation thoroughly to appreciate. This they certainly did do, nor was their loyalty to their beneficent sovereign and grateful country forgotten, in their expressions of enjoyment. Fires under a proper watch were kept throughout the night; and day-break found the poor men refreshed, and grateful, ready to resume their march, in the most contented and willing state of discipline. The good effect produced by this arrangement led me to request of the magistrate, that the two following divisions might have the benefit of the house in the same manner; to which he at once assented. A sum was accordingly left in his hands for the payment of the rent, and the provision of food and fuel; and each division enjoyed the unexpected treat that awaited them. My officers and myself, with the first division, marched on successively to Sarrebourg, Luneville, Nancy, and St. Michel to Verdun, where we arrived on the 17th of December, and were joined by the other two divisions. Here the people were allowed to repose for some days, previous to their continuing their march to their destined depÔt, Givet, on the banks of the Meuse; and this time was taken advantage of, in clothing the prisoners from head to foot, in a warm substantial manner, and in providing them with blankets. In the course of a week they proceeded on their route, but having none of the officers to superintend their conduct, and watch over them; they were soon again involved in misery; and a large part of their clothes were disposed of for the merest trifle to provide for their wants. So true it is, that seamen even of experience, and of sterling abilities in the exercise of their profession, are but children of a larger growth when on shore; and hence arises the necessity for that rigorous superintendence, so much blamed by those who are ignorant of the sailor’s character. Hence also it is that officers whilst their men are under their command on board ship, are obliged to keep lists of every article of their clothing, and to call them to a rigid account, when any of them are missing. The consequence of the separation of those men from their officers in this case was, that when they arrived at Givet, after a march of five or six days from Verdun, they were again in a state of destitution. The barracks at Givet not being in readiness to receive them; they were marched up to the fortress of Charlemont, and there confined in a souterrain, with all the old system of suttlers, and wet straw, and want of clothing renewed; and this in the last days of December, in that inclement climate.”

The officers in the mean time were permanently settled at Verdun, to which place all the English detenus, from every part of France, were assembled; forming perhaps one of the most extraordinary groupes of character, that had ever been collected in the same spot. There were many highly respectable, and exemplary persons; some of whom had been travelling in France for their pleasure, some for the purpose of educating their children, and some for economy. There were others, whose sole object was curiosity, or dissipation. There were many skilful artificers, who had brought their talent to a French market, and were engaged in setting up manufactures, that might rival or surpass their own country. There were many, who from seditious conduct, and republican principles, had found it necessary to take shelter in France. There were fraudulent bankrupts, and broken tradesmen. There were many who had fled from their creditors, and even some who had fled from the gallows. With this motley assemblage the prisoners of war were involved, enveloped in one measure, subject to the same proscription, and the same parole. The amalgamation was not very favourable to the latter, particularly the younger branches of the service. Much good was done, and some striking instances of conduct highly honourable to Great Britain occurred; but all know the influence of bad example, and how easily it captivates the unwary. This very soon became evident. Gaming houses were set up by the French government’s authority, and a notice was stuck up against the door, that “They were exclusively for the English; and that the French were forbidden to frequent them.”

Captain Brenton received a letter early in January from one of the prisoners at Charlemont, informing him of the situation to which they were again reduced, and imploring him to visit them if possible. He immediately waited upon the General commanding at Verdun, and requested and obtained permission, on condition that he would take a gens d’armes with him in the carriage, and consider himself for the time in his custody. To this he readily agreed, and proceeded to Givet, through Stenay, Sedan, Rocroy, and the Ardennes. On reaching the place he immediately went to Charlemont, and found that the statement he had received was not in the least exaggerated. It was a complete recurrence of the worst days, and all was to be done over again. It is but justice however to the French Military Authority to say, that every facility was given to Captain Brenton for the purpose of carrying out the object of his journey. The barracks, very spacious buildings on the banks of the Meuse, were now ready. The rooms were large, and capable of containing twenty men in each: and the following letter from Captain Brenton to the Transport Board, will best explain the measures taken for the comfort of the prisoners.

Captain Brenton says, “On my return to Verdun, I found dissipation and extravagance the order of the day. The gaming tables were in full career, and frequented by the greater part of the prisoners, who could collect a stake whereby to try their fortune. The result was, as might have been expected, extensive misery and wretchedness, with many acts of gross misconduct. The studies of the young people were greatly interrupted, and a gloomy prospect presented itself for the remainder of the captivity.” On another occasion, it appears to have been on a visit to the depÔts and hospitals of Bitche, Captain Brenton says, “I set off on the day appointed, visiting on my way the hospitals of Metz, Nancy, Luneville, Blemont and Phalsbourg, in each of which I found many English prisoners. I was accompanied in this journey by the Rev. Lancelot Charles Lee, an English Clergyman, who having been travelling in France, at the period of the war breaking out, was included in the general arrest, and sent to Verdun. This gentleman, who devoted all his time and property to the relief of his fellow sufferers, volunteered accompanying me, in the expectation of finding many of his fellow detenus in the different prisons and hospitals, we were likely to visit; nor was he disappointed; for many were found, and all were relieved to the utmost extent of his power. The society of this amiable man was a source of much enjoyment to me; and the foundation of a friendship was laid at this time, which lasted during the remainder of Mr. Lee’s life.” He died at his living near Oxford in the year 1842 or 1843. A singular instance of the ability of the persons employed in the charge of prisoners, and their fitness for the office they had to fill, occurred upon the occasion of their journey. “The gens d’armes who had been sent with me to Givet, upon my first visit there, appeared very anxious to learn English; enquiring the name of every article which presented itself in that language, and making awkward attempts to pronounce it. He at the same time gave some not obscure hints, as to his feelings respecting the situation of prisoners; shewing that he considered those who had left families at home, as almost justified, in any effort they might make to effect their escape. This at once put me on my guard, as to the treachery I might expect from my companion, if I were to give him the slightest advantage, even in common conversation; and I consequently avoided the subject of the prisoners with the greatest care, keeping my escort at as great a distance as circumstances would admit. But as it was customary for all prisoners who were placed under the particular custody of gens d’armes to admit them to their table; a custom I felt obliged to follow, as much of the good I hoped to do for the prisoners, would depend on my being on friendly terms with this man. This rendered my situation the more dangerous. The journey however was performed, and no effort made by the gens d’armes at mischief. On my next journey I was told that the same guard would attend me. He persevered in his apparent efforts to pick up a little English. Convinced as Mr. Lee and myself were of this man’s utter ignorance of the English language, we felt under no restraint before him, but indulged ourselves in talking freely upon every subject which presented itself. The French Government, the first Consul, the treatment of the prisoners, and even the conduct of this man himself, whose gluttony, and egregious vanity, and boasting, made him a very prominent subject for remark, and ridicule, were all very freely handled; but all this passed before him without producing the slightest effect upon the muscles of his countenance; and yet upon our return to Verdun, it was discovered that this very man spoke English as well as French; and had been five years in the Irish Brigade under General Stack, in the French service. This information was given to me by the General himself. That no mischief was done by this person, can only be accounted for, on the supposition, that the object of his espionage was to detect, if possible, the existence of any plan of importance, either respecting the escape of prisoners, or as connected with some of the diplomatic secrets at that time carried on by Mr. Drake, at Munich, whom Buonaparte considered as involved in the conspiracies of Georges, and his accomplices. Nothing having transpired that could have been brought to bear upon this subject, silence was imposed upon the spy, on every other point, as no good could result from the disclosure.

“Whilst changing horses on the road to Givet, a beggar came to the carriage to whom I gave a sol; which my companion, the gens d’armes, observing, said, ‘Monsieur, voila un de mes defants. Je suis trop charitable. Je ne vois jamais la misÈre, sans que les larmes me viennent aux yeux.’ None were however observable on this occasion, nor did he give any other testimony of his being ‘trop charitable.’ On our arriving in the evening at Rocroix, where we were to sleep, another gens d’armes presented himself, who being a brother Brigadier to my escort, was invited to join the dinner party; and the prowess of the French troops became naturally a subject of conversation. The charitable gens d’armes then observed to me, ‘Ah, Monsieur, voila un autre de mes defants. Je suis, trop brave o si vous pourriez me voir marcher contre une redonte—ah, vraiment c’est une chose a voir.’

“On our arrival at Phalsbourg we found nearly fifty men still in the hospital, of those who had been left there on the breaking up of the depÔt in December; and it is but justice to that worthy man, Monsieur Parmentier, the mayor, (whose kindness to the prisoners I before mentioned) to say, that it is impossible any people could have been treated with more kindness, and real benevolence, than these people were; much praise is also due to M. Geville, the surgeon of the hospital. I mentioned in my official letter to the Transport Board, the conduct of M. Parmentier, and stated that he had a relation, M. Leopold Liot, who had been taken prisoner at St. Domingo; and requested that he might be liberated, as an expression of gratitude to M. Parmentier, and I have the impression on my mind that this was granted. From Phalsbourg we proceeded to Bitche, where we found forty men confined in a souterrain. These were generally persons who had been detected in an attempt to make their escape, and were sent here as a punishment, and at the same time for greater security. On our return we visited Nancy and Metz, relieving the prisoners in the hospitals at those places; and reached Verdun in the early part of March.”

Soon after the prisoners had assembled at Verdun, the Rev. Robert B. Wolfe, a Clergyman of the Church of England, who was a detenu, arrested while living at Fontainbleau, made an offer of his services for the performance of divine worship. Applications were in consequence made to the General, for the use of a Government building, then vacant, which had formerly been the chapel of a convent: and this being granted, the service was regularly performed every Sunday, to a congregation consisting of by far the greater part of the prisoners, and amounting to more than one hundred persons. Mr. Wolfe received frequent assistance from the Rev. W. Gordon, another very amiable young clergyman, amongst the detenus. A school was at the same time established for the children of the prisoners, and for the boys taken in the vessels of war, and merchant vessels; all of whom under a certain age had been permitted to remain at Verdun. These boys having been clothed uniformly in neat jackets and trowsers, were marched to church on the Sunday, but the display proved to be unwise. The French authorities took umbrage at it, and an order was soon received from Paris, that the whole of these children should be sent off to Sarrelibre, to a new depÔt which had been formed at that place, to the great detriment of these young people, indeed it may be said, to the utter ruin of many.

In the course of the spring a very great increase had been made in the number of prisoners. The officers of several ships of war, of Indiamen, and other vessels, had arrived, as well as detenus from the more remote parts of France. Verdun began to lose the appearance of a French town; and many shops with English signs and English designations were seen, such as “Anderson, grocer and tea dealer, from London; Stuckey, tailor and ladies’ habit maker, from London, &c. &c.” The Rue Moselle, the principal street in Verdun, got the nom de guerre of Bond Street, and was often called by the French themselves, “Bon Street.” Races were established, and a race course hired, and fitted up, near the village of Charni, with distance posts, stewards’ box, &c. &c. A pack of beagles was procured, which was hunted regularly three times a week, and became a very favourite amusement. A motley groupe followed them, consisting entirely of prisoners, with horses of every description; sometimes as many as forty horsemen being seen in the field; but it was an amusement eagerly followed up, and seemed to break the monotony of the prisoner’s life, being something to look forward to.

The General in allowing the exercise of hunting, granted a Rayon of two leagues on each side of Verdun; but this was qualified by the necessity each prisoner was under of signing his name in a book kept for the purpose in an office at Verdun, twice in the course of the day; viz., once between eight and ten in the morning, and again between two and four in the afternoon. Those who wished to hunt therefore, took care to sign as early as they could in the morning, and provided they could ensure returning before four, they felt secure as to their last signature. It was necessary in consequence that the hunt should begin early, and it was seldom of long duration. This necessity of appearing twice a day was felt by the superior officers, who had been taken in arms, as a great indignity, and forcibly remonstrated against by them in the following letter.

No answer was returned to this letter; the cause probably was, that it was referred to the Bureau of the Minister of war, who was charged with the control of the prisoners, for from the invariable kindness of Mons. DecrÊs, the Minister of Marine, there can be but little doubt of his readiness to attend to so just a complaint. In the course of a few weeks, however, an indulgence was granted to the officers of rank to sign only every fifth day, and the same privilege was extended to the principal of the detenus.

It is proper to mention here a fact, which occurred at this period of Captain Brenton’s confinement, which is not only interesting in itself, but which eventually may have led to some important consequences to him and his associates in captivity. He was visiting at the house of a French gentleman in Verdun, and was struck by a large picture hanging up in the room, in which a person strikingly resembling the master of the house was painted, in the act of giving charity to a ragged little boy; and on enquiring what the picture was intended to represent, he received the following affecting little narrative from M. Godard, the gentleman himself. “During the reign of terror,” he stated that “both Madame Godard and himself were arrested, and confined in prison, in the hourly expectation of being sent to the guillotine; while their family, consisting of six young children, were left totally unprotected. After some days passed under the most dreadful anxiety, Robespierre having been put to death, the prisoners were released, and flying to their home found all their children but one; and after the most indefatigable search, they could obtain no information respecting him. It was supposed that he must have perished in some of the conflicts which were of daily occurrence in Paris; and he was accordingly given up and mourned over as dead. Three or four years afterwards M. Godard, having business in Holland, went to Rotterdam, and was accosted in the streets by a boy in rags, begging. The child’s accent was evidently French, and attracted M. Godard’s notice. On asking his country, he said that it was France, and that his name was Romain. And what besides, asked the gentleman with great agitation? The boy replied, Romain Godard. In fact it was the missing child. The father’s joy may be easily conceived. He found that the child expecting to be put to death at Paris, had contrived to join a party going to Holland, where he had long subsisted upon charity. He was of course soon returned to the bosom of his family, and received as one from the dead by his afflicted mother.”

On Captain Brenton’s continuing his enquiries respecting the youth, he was told that he had been sent out to St. Domingo on employment; and on that island being evacuated by General Rochambeau, in 1803, Romain had embarked in a merchant vessel for France; but he was taken on the passage by an English cruizer; and was at that time actually on board the Sultan, prison ship, in Portsmouth harbour.

Captain Brenton immediately wrote to the Transport Board, stating all the circumstances of this most affecting case, and suggesting that as M. Godard was very much respected at Verdun, the indulgence of his son’s release might have a happy effect upon the welfare of the British prisoners in that depÔt. The Transport Board immediately obtained the sanction of the Admiralty to his being liberated; and in a few weeks he arrived once more in the paternal dwelling.

No comment need be made on this simple but affecting story. It shews how wonderfully, and yet how mysteriously, the purposes of Providence are accomplished; but it also shews how various are the opportunities of doing good, which are placed within the reach of those who are diligent in seeking for them.

Much real good probably did arise from this conversation. The young Godard was delivered from a very miserable and protracted captivity, and his family were made happy by his restoration. But beyond this, we cannot doubt that a kindly feeling was generated towards the English prisoners by the interference which led to his release; the bitter feelings which war has a tendency to produce in hostile nations were mitigated, and an interchange of kindness must have reminded the parties concerned, that the real happiness of man is the making others happy.

But while these were the apparent occupations of Captain Brenton, while he was thus busily employed in relieving the distresses and promoting the welfare of all around him, there was much passing within his own mind of which the world knew nothing; and his labours for the good of others were secretly promoting his own. Light broke in on his own mind, while he was endeavouring to enlighten others. His work and labour of love were made the means of awakening his mind to truths which had hitherto been partially considered and imperfectly felt; and these benevolent employments which withdrew him from the ordinary dissipations of the world led him to meditate more deeply and seriously on the real interests of man, on his own state before God, and his future final prospects.

“At this time,” his private journal says, “I began to reflect seriously upon my religious opinions. I had indeed long been in the habit of attending to the form of religion, particularly from the period of my having served under that exemplary character, Sir James Saumarez. It had been habitual to me on the approach of danger or battle, to offer up a mental prayer for support; but upon a more deliberate examination I came to the conclusion, that christianity made no part of my religion; that it was almost entirely confined to the first sentence in the Prayer book, ‘When the wicked man turneth away from his wickedness,’ &c. I had always felt some indefinite purpose of doing this, and of amending my life; but then it was only done in trying myself by the letter of the commandment; and when there was not a decided breach of duty, I felt perfectly satisfied. With regard to the New Testament, it hardly appeared to me as of any importance; it was seldom read, and less meditated upon. I was scrupulous in performing a certain round of duties, in the cold and heartless manner which may be supposed; but they were all tasks performed in fear, and none in love. The only light which seemed to break through the thick mist of utter darkness, arose from occasional glimpses of the working of Divine Providence. I had very long been in the habit of attributing my successes, and my preservation from danger, to Omnipotence, and not to second causes; but this is the utmost amount of religious feeling to which at that period I could lay any claim. The same merciful and long-suffering Being, who had spared and prospered me, still continued his divine and wonderful forbearance; and I may have been made, even under these appalling circumstances of ignorance and error, an instrument in keeping up among those around me, some faint recollection of spiritual things, so far at least as shewing the worship of God to be a duty, if it were lost sight of as a privilege.”

It may be profitable that the reader’s attention should be drawn to these expressions; and that he should trace the progress of light in the mind of the subject of this memoir, by considering the way in which he here viewed and judged himself. That the journal contains a simple artless narrative of his own experience, must be evident to every one who reads it. It was designed for the perusal of those who knew him best, to whom his heart was always open with all its workings, and who were in consequence capable of interpreting its language, and understanding its meaning; and that the writer could have wished to impose on them a notion which did not exist in his own mind, or in any degree to disguise or exaggerate his own feelings, is impossible to be believed. Still we must be surprised at hearing the language which he uses concerning his own state, and in particular the description here given of his religious feelings. At the period spoken of, he was not only a moral character, but an exemplary man. The world had not only known him as a distinguished officer, but had seen him discharging accurately and fully all the relative duties of society, as a son, as a brother, as a husband, as a friend. In the circle at Verdun, the humanity and kindness which he had exhibited towards the poorer prisoners, and the exertions and self-denial he was submitting to in their service, had probably caused him to be considered as a model of benevolence and charity; while the regularity with which he attended to his religious duties, and the efforts which he made for the moral improvement of the people, led them to regard him as a man of piety.

We cannot be surprised at this having been the conclusion which was drawn by others from what was seen; but we may with reason be surprised at the confession which we read, and at the acknowledgment thus recorded, by the object of the world’s admiration, that he was at the moment so far from what they thought him. Some allowance must be made for the humility with which a man, once awakened to the real state of his heart, will speak of his own attainments; some further allowance must be made for the circumstances of dejection under which he first drew up this memorial; but it still may be expedient to state the causes which may have occasioned this remarkable difference between the apparent character, and that which he considered to be the truth, and which raised him in appearance, so high above that which he knew and felt to be his real condition. Those who had the advantage of knowing Sir Jahleel Brenton personally, can bear witness to what may be stated of the singular amenity of his character. His natural affections were so strong, his tastes so refined, his manners so gentle, his kindness so consistent; that much of what the world calls goodness, seemed to grow up in him spontaneously, and cost him nothing. He was amiable without an effort, benevolent without reflection; and habitually thinking more of others than himself, he exhibited from his earliest years much of that love which is the fulfilling of the law, as a rule of life, without feeling that love which supersedes the law as a ground of hope. The active habits of his profession, a high sense of the character that he was to maintain as a British officer, and that thirst for glory, but too justly described as the last infirmity of noble minds; conspired to give vigour and animation to his moral feelings, and to raise him above all that was base or degrading. To these high toned principles of action, his early and persevering attachment added delicacy and tenderness of sentiment; and it is not impossible to trace the effect which these united and combined circumstances must have had, in producing as fine a substitute for that, which in reality is the work of grace on the heart, as can well be conceived. Under the influence of these impressions he was in the fullest sense what the world thought him. He was excellent in all social relations; he was brave, kind, generous, and forgiving; but he was not what he had flattered himself with being, a real Christian. Acquaintance with himself, the result of leisure, meditation, trial, all used by the Holy Spirit, and employed for the purpose of awakening his conscience, and enlightening his mind, enabled him to see the source from which these qualities proceeded, and thus to understand their real nature. He then saw, that through life he had been striving to obtain the favour of man rather than that of God. He saw that the love of men, and the praise of men had been desired, and not the praise of God. He felt that he had been touched by the love which his fellow creatures bore to him, while strange to say, he had been indifferent to the love which he believed that his Redeemer had evinced towards him. He saw that his own glory, not the glory of God had been the object of his ambition; and that though his life had been led in a very different way from that in which it was spent by others, it had not been lived to God as in duty it ought to have been. He thus learnt, that that which was highly esteemed among men, might be an abomination to God; and the twilight of his former state seemed nothing less than darkness, when compared with the brightness of the truth which burst on his mind as revealed in the Gospel. Those qualities which had won him the affections of his family and his friends, that warm and disinterested benevolence which had made him the instrument of mercy to so many in distress, were considered in a very different way, when their principles were analysed, and their real nature ascertained; and he no doubt was astonished at finding how far it was possible to go in what seemed to be the ways of God, without having really known the motives by which he was actuated. Other men less happily constituted, would have been in less danger of self deception. The evil that was in them, lay nearer to the surface, and would have germinated and shewn itself sooner. His danger arose from that which seemed to be his security; and the man whom all the world was agreeing to admire and to love, was likely to be lost, because nothing occurred to awaken his anxiety, or to lead him to suspect himself.

Adverting to the time that the British seamen remained at Epinal, during the first months of their captivity, from August to the commencement of December, Captain Brenton says, “Their conduct in general was such as to procure them the respect of the inhabitants. Some of them remarked to me, that their town had in the previous war, been made a general depÔt for prisoners; that they had had Austrians, Poles, Russians, and in short men of all nations in Europe confined there; and that the consequence was, that the whole district was infested by beggars; but that although the British seamen were evidently worse off than any who had preceded them, there was no instance of any of them being seen begging. Another circumstance very creditable to the British sailor was, that the inhabitants of Epinal were anxious to get the prisoners to do labouring work for them; but none accepted this employment without my permission. I gladly consented to their having such advantage, under one only restriction, the necessity of which was obvious; that they should not engage in any of the public works usually performed by French soldiers; lest having taken the place of these men, the soldiers might be sent to the army. To these conditions they invariably adhered, in spite of threats and coercion.”

On the establishment of the depÔt at Sarrelibre, Captain Brenton says, “I applied for permission to visit the prisoners who were confined there, but my request was refused. An evident feeling of jealousy began at this time to manifest itself, with regard to the influence the British officers exercised over their countrymen; and all communication was forbidden between them. In the course of the autumn I obtained permission to reside at Etain, a little village about twelve miles from Verdun. General Abercrombie was my companion, he was the son of Sir Ralph, and had been arrested at Calais, just as he was stepping into the packet for England, previous to the commencement of the war. We were enjoying with great relish this little change in our captivity, when a detenu of rank thought proper to make his escape; and having succeeded, he wrote to the French government, defending his conduct; and adding that no detenu considered his promise to be binding. In consequence of this conduct all the prisoners were instantly recalled to Verdun. The gates were shut, and all passports taken away; nor could the prisoners under such circumstances justly complain of the severity exercised towards them. The officers taken in active service again remonstrated, but for a time without effect. The measures of restraint however were soon again relaxed, and they returned to their former state.”

Relative to this period the journal supplies the following entry, as made from a paper left by Mrs. Brenton. July 3rd, 1804, she writes, “Grant O most merciful God, that my beloved husband may this day be reflecting with gratitude on his escape from the perils of this day year, and returning humble thanks to Thee for his preservation. Continue to protect him, O heavenly Father, and if it be according to Thy all wise decree, grant that he may soon return in health and safety.” To this simple and touching prayer the husband has subjoined, “I earnestly hope that I did fulfil your beloved mother’s most pious wishes in offering up on that day, my grateful recollection and praises to the Almighty, for the protection He had been pleased to vouchsafe me on the day of my capture.” I have for many years endeavoured to retain the impression upon my mind, by making it a part of my daily prayer: “O Almighty God, father of all mercies,” he adds, “from my earliest infancy Thou hast blessed and protected me. Thou didst bless my dearest parents, and make us their children, the instruments of their welfare. O Lord, in the hour of danger, and in the day of battle, on the bed of sickness, how constantly Thou hast protected me. O merciful Creator, Thou hast preserved unto me for a series of years, the greatest of earthly blessings, a virtuous and affectionate wife. Thou hast supported her in the hour of trial, Thou hast enabled her to bear her afflictions. Thou hast softened the miseries of my captivity, by the protection of my wife and child.” “Although (he continues) we had not at this time been united much more than two years, I considered that my wife had been preserved unto me, from the earliest period of my fixing my affections upon her, more than thirteen years previous to our marriage.” On Sunday, 29th July, 1804, Mrs. Brenton writes again; “I have had the pleasure of conversing with Mr. Forbes and his family about my invaluable husband, and listened with delight to the praises bestowed upon him. Continue to preserve him, O merciful God, if it be according to Thy divine will, and Thy all wise decrees. Grant that he may soon return in health and safety: this I beg through Jesus Christ our Lord.”

Captain Brenton remarks, “Mr. Forbes had been detained as a prisoner in France, with many more of his countrymen, whilst on his travels; but he was liberated at the instance of Sir Joseph Bankes, to whom he was known. Buonaparte wishing to be considered the friend and patron of literary men, and this gentleman being known to have collected materials for a very considerable work upon India, which has since been published, he was glad to take the opportunity of evincing his respect for science by granting to Sir Joseph Bankes, and in favour of a man of letters, what he would have yielded to no other application.

“Mr. Forbes was a worthy pious man, who took much delight in relieving the sufferings of his poor countrymen, who were in captivity with him. Upon his liberation, we formed the most sanguine hopes that our own would speedily follow. He shewed great kindness in charging himself with letters and presents for our dear friends in England: and promised to deliver them in person; a promise which he most punctually performed. It was indeed a great source of comfort to both of us, that this opportunity of corresponding was granted. Under any other circumstances, I should be guilty of unpardonable vanity, in transcribing the observations contained in the memoranda of this day; but, you my beloved children will read them, as coming warm from the heart of your angelic mother; dictated by that ardent affection, which was, if possible, increasing in both of us, during the whole of our union.” “A considerable period,” he adds, “elapses from this time, in which I can find no journal. It may have been lost, as in many other instances; or probably was not written, from the state of suspense in which we were constantly kept on both sides respecting an exchange. Alternate hopes and fears were excited by the rumours of the day. I had carried on a correspondence upon the subject, with the Minister of Marine, M. DecrÉs, who expressed in his letter a wish for the establishment of a cartel, which seemed to be retarded, more from punctilio than from any real obstacle. Buonaparte himself appeared by this time to have considered the measure of making hostages of the travellers, in a much less advantageous light than it had presented itself to his mind at first.

“Under these impressions I indulged the hope that were any considerable effort made in England, by persons in power, it might be attended with success. I therefore urged my beloved Isabella to write to the first Lord of the Admiralty in her own name, and her own words, and to urge a further official application. This she did, doubtful, and as it appears almost despairing of success, but anxious to leave nothing undone, which it was in her power to do, particularly when it had been suggested by me. But in this, as in every other act of her exemplary life, she recommended her cause to the power and protection of the Almighty, and with the most delightful resignation, placed all her hopes in him. The application was unavailing. Buonaparte tenaciously insisted upon the Hanoverians, and detenus being first exchanged, against the French prisoners taken in the beginning of the war. This sacrifice we could not expect our country to make, and the preservation of its dignity, even reconciled us to a further captivity. We felt, and appreciated the motive.”

Referring to the memoranda of October the 29th, 1804, Captain Brenton writes, “The apprehensions of our kind friends made them too solicitous respecting the consequences, to allow them to excite any sanguine hopes on either side. They rather seemed to recommend resignation, and acquiescence in what seemed to be unavoidable; and my hopes by this time had entirely vanished. From the tenor of my last letter from the Minister of Marine, I had been convinced that all prospect of an exchange of prisoners, had now become more remote than ever; and I immediately turned my thoughts towards making my captivity as light as possible, by associating with it what was dearest to me in the world. I determined to call for my beloved wife and child, and to take advantage of those blessings, which a most bountiful Providence had bestowed upon me; to enjoy them with gratitude; to resign myself to the Divine will; and to remain in peaceful expectation of the hour, when God might be pleased to liberate me. This plan had often suggested itself to me, but I deferred acting upon it, until I should be justified by having made every effort to procure my liberty. Having failed in these, M. DecrÉs, the Minister, had the kindness to forward my wishes to the utmost of his power, by sending me not only a passport for my family, but letters of recommendation for my beloved wife to wait her arrival at Rotterdam. Having once allowed such a prospect of happiness to present itself to my mind, I no longer gave captivity a moment’s consideration; but counted the days to the return of spring, when I might recommend my darling Isabella to begin her journey. I had travelled sufficiently as a prisoner to know that there was neither risk nor difficulty in the undertaking; and I depended upon that benignant and merciful Power, who had so often supported us, to continue His gracious mercy and protection to my beloved wife and child.”

That this meeting between the husband and the wife who came to share his captivity, was happily effected, is recorded in the note, affixed to the memoranda of New Year’s Day, 1806. “We were permitted to meet early in this year; and to pass it, I may almost say, in perfect happiness. Such at least it appears, although we had great trials in consequence of the ill health of our darling child, as well as from my own indisposition. I was attacked, in the course of the summer with a complaint upon the lungs, which to me wore a most threatening aspect. I however concealed from my dear suffering and anxious companion the most serious symptom, which was spitting of blood; and I believe she never knew it for many years afterwards, nor until I had regained perfect health, and till her’s, still more valuable to me, was menaced by the same alarming indication. I then gladly told my secret, as well to comfort my beloved invalide, as to excite my own hopes. Our dear boy also was attacked, whilst travelling with us towards Tours, with a dropsical complaint, which for some time threatened his life. How little did I think that I should have lived to weep over them both. In one short month they were both taken from me.”

Captain Brenton has left some details of his wife’s journey, which as being made through an enemy’s country, under such very peculiar circumstances, are not without interest. He says, “The vigour and energy of mind displayed by my angelic wife, were the theme of praise to all who knew her. Naturally timid and fond of retirement, her habits of life were but ill adapted to the exertion and resolution, which this journey, performed under such formidable circumstances, required. But prompted by her affection for me, and by a sense of duty, she placed herself under the care of her Divine Protector, and was immovably fixed in her purpose, incapable of being deterred by any consideration of personal risk or suffering. Even in her anxiety for her beloved child, she was supported by the same sense of piety, and confidence in the blessing of God upon her virtuous efforts; and the blessing of God attended her through life in all she did.

“My brother was at this time commanding the Amarantha, and most providentially lying at the Nore. He had been alarmingly ill, and was still in a state of great weakness; but he was all activity for the comfort and assistance of my beloved Isabella; who with her boy, and your dear aunt Mary, had embarked in a small Prussian vessel, which was hired to take them to Rotterdam. There they were most kindly received by the respectable persons to whom letters of credit and introduction had been sent, and they there also received assurances of my welfare. In your dear Aunt Mary your beloved mother had a most affectionate and active companion, as her knowledge of the French language, and the energy of her mind rendered her peculiarly well qualified for such a journey. The fears that had been excited in England, at the necessity of travelling through hostile armies, vanished entirely as the ladies proceeded; and they found the road even better protected in consequence of the vicinity of the great French army, and of the number of gens d’armes patrolling in every direction to prevent desertion. Let this part of your beloved mother’s character, which stimulated her to so much exertion, in what she considered the cause of affection and duty, be treasured up, my darling children, for your imitation. Pay a due regard to the advice of your friends, but at the same time bring your own judgment into exercise. Compare the probabilities which may threaten you, with the nature of the duty you have to perform. Pray ardently to God that He would be pleased to direct you in your decision; and then, should the object you have in view appear to be sanctioned by duty, let no circumstance arising from other considerations shake your resolution. ‘Reflect, ponder, and resolve.’ Let this be your motto, and be inflexible in every good purpose. How much happiness should we mutually have lost, had my beloved companion been deviated from her purpose, by an apprehension of danger, which she afterwards found did not exist, or had she possessed less confidence in her Heavenly Protector. In reviewing the different events of our lives, we shall always find cause to regret having allowed the consideration of present convenience and comfort to preponderate, against what conscience had placed before us, as a duty. The same principle of resolution which your exemplary mother evinced, in the exercise of her affection for me, would on greater occasions lead to the most heroic, or the most splendid actions. These always, and only originate in right motives, inflexibly acted upon, to the utter exclusion of all minor considerations. But at the same time, you must never forget, that the object thus unremittingly pursued, should be paramount to all others, and be sanctioned by religious, as well as moral obligations.”

I regret that the only memoranda I have found of this interesting journey, are merely the names of the places, with the period of arriving at each. They are as follows:—

“Thursday, April 16th, sailed from England for Holland.

“18th, arrived at Rotterdam after a passage of fifty-two hours.

“20th, left Rotterdam, took a carriage from thence to Antwerp, crossed to Williamstadt, slept at Breda.

“21st, arrived at Antwerp.

“22nd, arrived at Brussels.

“23rd, left Brussels for Namur.

“24th, arrived at Namur.

“25th, left Dinant, passed through Givet, and the forest of Ardennes, and arrived at Mezieres. Friday, April 26th, hired another carriage to take us to Sedan, or to Verdun, in case of not meeting my beloved Brenton; but heaven allowed me to enjoy that supreme happiness, and I thought no more of the fatigues of the journey. Grant, O most merciful God, that I may never cease to feel a proper sense of Thy goodness, however impossible it must be for me to express half the gratitude I feel for Thy continued proofs of mercy, and favour, to myself and all dear to me.

“Saturday, the 27th, slept at Stenay, and arrived at Verdun on Sunday the 28th.”