About a year after the establishment of the chief authority at DemÁk, the Sultan, accompanied by the different heads of the Mahomedan worship, visited Sheik MulÁna Ibrahim at ChÉribon. On this occasion, the chiefs were distributed over different quarters appropriated for them, in the vicinity of PalimÁnan, and the places where they resided still bear their respective names.

KÁbu KanigÁra, the chief of PÁjang, second son of AndÁya NÍngrat by one of the daughters of BrowijÁya and the princess of ChÁmpa, was put to death, although he had embraced the Mahomedan religion, for refusing to acknowledge the supremacy of Sultan DemÁk, by presenting himself at court when required. The following is the account of this transaction, as given by the native writers.

"The PangÉran KÚdus then departed alone, and having entered the dÁlam was observed by a female attendant of the chief, who demanded his name and errand; to which he replied, that he should have the honour to make himself known to her master. The female observed that the prince was ill, and in mourning for the death of one of his best friends, KiÁi GÉdÉ Tingkir. PangÉran KÚdus then desired her to tell her master that he was a messenger from the Almighty, who brought good tidings. Having thus obtained admittance to the chief, he informed him that he was commissioned to require his immediate attendance at DemÁk, and in case of refusal to put him to death. But KÁbu KanigÁra still persisted in his refusal, and delivered[Vol II Pg 148] his kris into the hands of the PangÉran, who immediately wounded him in the arm, of which he shortly expired. He had however previously stipulated, that as his wife was pregnant, the circumstances of his death should be kept secret from her, and that her life should be preserved. The widow shortly after quitted the dÁlam, and found an asylum with the widow of KiÁi GÉdÉ Tingkir, where she was delivered of a son, destined to perform a conspicuous part in the transactions of those days."

PanambÁhan Jimbua reigned according to some twelve, and according to others nine years after the fall of MajapÁhit. He had several children, one of whom, named PangÉran SÁbrang Lor, succeeded him as sultan of DemÁk: another, named NiÁi BintÁra, was married to MulÁna Ibrahim of ChÉribon, who was in consequence honoured with the title of PanambÁhan Makdum JÁti.

PanambÁhan Jimbun is represented as having resided in a small unadorned dwelling, while the principal buildings at DemÁk were constructed by PangÉran KÚdus, who had married the daughter of HÚsen, and being entrusted with the highest offices, was considered as the second person in the state.

PangÉran SÁbrang Lor, who succeeded his father in 1409, after a reign of less than two years, died of an inflammation of the lungs, and was succeeded, in 1412, by his brother, named PangÉran TranggÁna, the third sultan of DemÁk.

On the inauguration of PangÉran TranggÁna, he received the benediction of PanambÁhan MÁkdum JÁti, and PangÉran KÚdus was appointed high priest. Two krises and a bÁdi bÁdi were made by the celebrated smith named SÚra, from the iron wand which was supposed to have wrought miracles in the MajapÁhit war. One of them was presented to the new sultan, and became a royal pusÁka; the other was delivered to the PangÉran of KÚdus, with the appointment of SusÚnan PangÚhu, or high priest. The bÁdi bÁdi was sent to SÚnan BÓnang.

Before the year 1421, the whole island of Java had submitted to the authority of PangÉran TranggÁna, the chiefs of the several provinces, from Bantam to BalambÁngan, presenting themselves at his court, and universal tranquillity was[Vol II Pg 149] restored. The Mahomedan religion was now firmly established throughout the island: the mosque was completed, and treaties of amity and peace were concluded with the princes of Borneo, PalÉmbang, BÁli, SingapÚra, IndragÍrÍ, and other states of the Archipelago, which had become independent of Javan authority after the fall of MajapÁhit.

This prince is represented to have been an intelligent, good, and virtuous man, and to have enforced the strictest obedience to the laws. Under his superintendence was composed a work, entitled JÁya LangkÁra, in which the principles of the Mahomedan law and precepts were blended with the ancient instructions of the country, and thus rendered agreeable to the people.

It is related, that on the occasion of the assemblage of the different chiefs at the funeral of the deceased Sultan, and the inauguration of BangÉran TranggÁnaa, a dreadful storm arose, with much thunder and lightning, when a youth, named JÁka SisÉla (the son of BrowijÁya by BÚdan KajÁwan, who had been delivered over to the superintendent of his sÁwah or rice fields) going out of the mosque to observe the weather, saw a meteoric stone fall on the ground beside him, without doing him harm. This stone he carried to the SÚnan Kali JÁga, who declared it to be an omen prophetic of much good to the youth. After thanks were returned to the Almighty for having averted the danger from the mosque, a sketch was made of the stone, which is still exhibited on the door facing the north. This youth SisÉla failing in an endeavour to become chief of the sultan's guards, and afterwards in an attempt upon the prince's life, was obliged to fly from the capital.

It is necessary here to advert to JÁka TingkÍr, the offspring of KÁbu KanigÁra, a chief who had been put to death by order of the first sultan of DemÁk. It having been foretold that he would one day become sovereign of Java, he was taken by his mother to DemÁk in his eleventh year, where he soon found means to ingratiate himself with the Sultan, who gave him the name of PÁnji Mas, and caused him to be instructed in the Mahomedan religion and in the precepts of JÁya LangkÁra, appointed him to the command of the body guard consisting of eight hundred men, and afterwards, in the[Vol II Pg 150] year 1449, gave him his daughter in marriage, with the administration of the province of PÁjang, where, with the permission of the Sultan, he built a krÁton; but afterwards having put to death a person who had arrived from the KedÚ, applying for an appointment in the body guard, he was banished to the forests. During his exile he visited a village named BÁnyu-bÍru, near the Solo river, where he was instructed by a PandÍta how to conduct himself for the future, the holy man predicting, at the same time, that he would become sovereign of Java and hold his court at PÁjang.

Several exploits against alligators are recorded of him; and the opinion that no descendant of the princes of PÁjang need fear injury from these animals is so prevalent, that it is not unusual for a Javan of the present day, seeing himself in danger from one of them, to exclaim aloud that he belongs to that family.

Not long after the return of PÁnji Mas, the island of Java was again formed into two separate and independent governments, corresponding with the former limits of MajapÁhit and Pajajaran. The eastern provinces remained subject to the Sultan of DemÁk, and the western were ceded in perpetuity to MulÁna Ibrahim, with the title of Sultan. To both sultans was reserved the right of dividing their lands on their demise among their children, as they might think proper. The SÚnan KÁli JÁga obtained as an hereditary property, free from all kinds of requisitions, the small district of AdilÁngu, in the province of DemÁk, where he was afterwards buried.

From this period until the death of the Sultan of DemÁk, the eastern provinces enjoyed the most undisturbed tranquillity; but the Sultan of ChÉribon found some difficulty in establishing his authority over the western people, and in converting them, particularly those of Bantam, to the Mahomedan faith.

The Sultan of DemÁk, besides several natural children, had two sons and four daughters. Of these daughters one was married to a Madurese prince, who resided at Lampung; another, BalÍga, to a son of the Sultan of ChÉribon, who was the chief of BantÁm; a third to RÁden PÁnji, who after the return of the Sultan from ChÉribon was appointed chief of[Vol II Pg 151] PÁjang pÉng'ging; and the fourth to the son of PÁngÉran KedÍri, who was chief of JapÁra.

PangÉran TranggÁna, the third Sultan of DemÁk, died in the year 1461, having previously made a division of his dominions among his children.

His eldest son, Aria RÁng'ga, was appointed Sultan of PrawÁta, to which was annexed all the land to the eastward along the Solo river, as far as SurabÁya, together with DemÁk and SemÁrang. His son-in-law, PangÉran HadÍri, was made SÚnan of the Kali NiÁmat, and possessed all the districts of JapÁri, PÁti, RÉmbang, and JawÁna. The AdipÁti of PÁjang PÉng'ging (RÁden PÁnji) received the title of BrÉbo PÁti of Pajang and of MatÁrem, with the lands attached to it. His son, Mas Timor, was appointed AdipÁtÍ, with the lands of KedÚ and BÁgalen. His son-in-law, the prince of MadÚra, was made chief of MadÚra, SumÉnap, SedÁyu, GrÉsik, SurabÁya, and PasÚruan. His youngest son, RÁden PanÁngsang, was appointed chief of JÍpang.

The Sultan of ChÉribon, better known by the name of SÚnan GÚnung JÁti, died in 1428, at an advanced age, leaving three sons by his wife, the princess of DemÁk, and one son and a daughter by a concubine. His eldest son, HÁsen, succeeded him as Sultan of ChÉribon and of the provinces lying between the Chi-tÁrum river and TÚgu, and stretching in a southern direction to the KÉndang hills, so as to include all the PriÁng'en districts and lands lying to the east of the Chi-tÁrum. From this prince are descended the present Sultans of ChÉribon. To his second son, Baradin, he left the kingdom of Bantam, which extended westward from the river of TÁng'ran, to the south-east part of SumÁtra, including all the islands in the straits of SÚnda. From him are descended the present kings of Bantam. His third son, named ChenÁmpui, died when young, and was buried at MÁndu in ChÉribon. To his natural son, KÁli JÁtan, he assigned the lands lying between the ChitÁrem and Tang'ran rivers, which had formerly formed part of ChÉribon and Bantam. This prince assumed the title of Raja of JokÁrta or JÁkatra, fixing his capital near the kÁmpung of that name, where he and his descendants continued to reign, until they[Vol II Pg 152] were expelled, in the year 1619 of the Christian era, by the Dutch, who established on its ruins the modern Batavia, the capital of their possessions in the East Indies.

The tomb of the SusÚnan GÚnung JÁti, situated on the mount so called, at a short distance from the present town of ChÉribon, is still an object of the highest veneration and respect.

Thus was the ancient empire of Java divided under no less than eight separate and independent governments. Bantam, JokÁrta, ChÉribon, PrawÁta, KaliniÁmat, Pajang KedÚ, and MadÚra; the several chiefs of which, in general, either assumed the title of KiÁi GÉdÉ or Sultan, or the more religious distinction of SÚnan.

In about a year after the death of the Sultan TranggÁna, the country of PÁjang rose to considerable importance; its chief, on account of his possessing the regalia of state, being considered as the first in rank of the several princes in the eastern districts. Hatred, envy, and ambition, however, soon inflamed the breasts of the different princes of Java. The most ambitious among them, and the first who disturbed the peace of the country, was the AdipÁti of JÍpang, RÁden PanÁngang. The history proceeds thus:

"The AdipÁti of JÍpang, by the advice of SÚnan KÚdus, dispatched one of his body guard, named RÁkut, to Sultan PrawÁta, with orders to watch an opportunity and assassinate him. On the arrival of RÁkut, it happened that the Sultan was labouring under an indisposition; but when he was sufficiently recovered, he went one evening after prayers, and sat down at the second gate of the dÁlam, his wife standing behind and holding his head, accompanied only by some female attendants. At that moment, RÁkut went up to him, and declared his commission; to which the Sultan replied, 'I am aware that my time is come; execute your orders, but do not hurt any one but me.' Upon this, RÁkut drew his kris and stabbed him; after which, retreating a few steps, it occurred to him that the chief might not be actually dead; and returning with an intention of completing his purpose, he missed his aim, and struck the wife. The prince observing this, immediately threw his kris at the assassin, which, striking him[Vol II Pg 153] in the leg, threw him on the ground, where he was soon dispatched by the people, who were assembled by the cries of the women."

The prince and his wife soon after died of their wounds, and left their dominions and property to their brother, the SÚnan KÁli NiÁmat, with authority to administer the same until their son, Aria PangÍri, should come of age. Both the prince and his wife were interred in the burial place of their ancestors at DemÁk; and the provinces of PrawÁta thus became incorporated with those of KÁli NiÁmat.

The SÚnan KÁli NiÁmat immediately went to KÚdus, and demanded that justice and condign punishment should be inflicted on the persons concerned in this murder; and the SÚnan KÚdus, expressing great indignation at the act, promised compliance; but the Sunan, while returning to KÁli NiÁmat, was murdered on the road by persons in the pay of the AdipÁti of JÍpang. This prince, having thus far succeeded in his designs, then plotted the death of the chief of PÁjang, hoping by that means to remove the only obstacle to his obtaining the supreme authority in the eastern districts of Java. The assassins, however, whom he employed for this latter purpose were not equally successful. They found the prince at midnight in an inner apartment, sleeping among his wives: but while approaching him to execute their design, one of them happened to tread upon a woman, whose shriek awoke the prince. He demanded the reason of their visit, and promised them pardon, on their confessing by whom they were employed: they disclosed the whole, and obtained pardon with their dismissal. Thus disappointed in his scheme, the SÚnan KÚdus invited the chief PatÉh of PÁjang to visit KÚdus, and assembled as many religious people as possible, in the hope that an opportunity might be afforded of assassinating him when off his guard; but a letter arriving at this period from the Sultan of ChÉribon, upon whose protection the widow of the SÚnan KÁli NiÁmat had thrown herself, in which the Sultan declared that he should hold the SÚnan KÚdus responsible for the discovery of the murderers, the intended assassination was deferred.

The chief of PÁjang having communicated with his sister, the widow of SÚnan KÁli NiÁmat, who had made a vow never[Vol II Pg 154] to rest or to leave her home until the death of her husband, brother, and sister, should be avenged, informed his PanambÁhan, that if they could find a suitable opportunity to take revenge on RÁden PenÁnsang, they had his full consent. The meeting which took place between the parties is thus described.

"After having laid the troops in ambush, the chiefs of PÁjang crossed the river, and seizing one of the grass-cutters belonging to RÁden PenÁnsang they cut off a piece of his right ear, and told him to go to his master with a letter, which they hung about his neck, containing a challenge from the prince of PÁjang; they then returned to their own camp. In the meanwhile the grass-cutter running with a great noise to the quarters of RÁden PenÁnsang, who happened to be at dinner, delivered the message.

"At this summons the RÁden came forth in a great rage, and ordering his horse and spear, galloped down to the river side, and called upon the prince to come over to him; but the chief of PÁjang answered, that if he was the man of courage he pretended to be, he would himself cross to the side he occupied. The RÁden, accompanied by two Panakawans only, then crossed the river, and inquiring for his opponent, was informed that he remained in his pÓndok, and had sent his son to fight in his room, and would only appear in the event of his being conquered. RÁden PenÁnsang then said with a contemptuous smile, 'Is the BrÉbo PatÉh afraid, that he sends me a child with whom he knows I will not fight? I will teach him something. Go, child, and call your father.' He then amused himself galloping about, until one of the chiefs of PÁjang let loose a number of mares, on which his horse became unmanageable, and he was thrown, and killed on the spot. TÚmung'gung MatÁok, his principal chief, now crossed the river with all his followers; but they were soon overpowered, and the TumÚng'gung being slain, his head was stuck upon a pole by the river side."

From this period the provinces of JÍpang became subject to the chief of PÁjang; and his sister at Kali Niamat, being informed of this success by PanambÁhan expressed her readiness to fulfil a promise which she had made, of conferring upon him all her lands and property, PanambÁhan declined[Vol II Pg 155] accepting this offer, alleging that he had only obeyed the orders of his sovereign. He however received from her, on this occasion, two pusÁka rings, in one of which was set a large diamond, in the other a ruby, which had formerly belonged to the house of MajapÁhit.

The spoil taken in the war was then divided according to usage, and to PanambÁhan was assigned a population of eighteen hundred working men in the district of MentÁuk, afterwards called MatÁrem. The lands of KÁli NiÁmat were left in the possession of his sister, and those of DemÁk restored to his nephew. Aria Pangiri received the title of Sultan of DemÁk.

The province of MentÁuk or MatÁrem, at that period did not contain more than three hundred villages, scattered in different parts of the country. On the arrival of PanambÁhan near BrambÁnan, he was received by the SÚnan Adi JÁga, who would not allow him to perform the usual ceremony of kissing his feet, thus by implication predicting the future greatness of his descendants. At PÁser GÉdÉ, then a wilderness, PanambÁhan was duly installed, under the title of KiÁi GÉdÉ MatÁrem.

When the government of KiÁi GÉdÉ MatÁrem was fully established, he was desirous of obtaining his son from the prince PÁjang, who had retained him as an adopted child, and feared to part with him, in consequence of the prophecy of which he was aware, predicting the future greatness of the descendants of JÁka SisÍla; but on the entreaties of the SÚnan KÁli Jaga, he consented to part with him, under a stipulation, upon oath, from PanambÁhan, that he would not undertake any thing prejudicial to him during his lifetime.

In the year 1490, the chief of PÁjang, from religious motives, paid a visit to SÚnan GÍri, accompanied by KiÁi GÉdÉ MatÁrem, and a numerous retinue of chiefs and priests. He was mounted on an elephant, and assumed all the pomp which had been customary with the sultans of BintÁra. On this occasion he was formally installed as sultan, in the presence of the chiefs of the eastern provinces. The SÚnan GÍri, at the same time, noticing KiÁi GÉdÉ MatÁrem, and being informed of his descent, declared that his family would one day rule all Java, and urged the Sultan of PÁjang to protect and befriend him.[Vol II Pg 156] It was during this visit that the Sultan of PÁjang gave orders for digging the extensive fish-ponds which are now preserved at GrÉsik for the Ikan BÁndang.

On the return of KiÁi GÉdÉ MatÁrem to his capital, he called together his relations, and recommended to their kindness the forty friends who had accompanied him on his first coming to MatÁrem, and their descendants, enjoining them, on no account whatever, to shed their blood, whatever crime they might commit, but if necessary, to punish them in some other way. To this they most solemnly bound themselves; and from this period, strangling is said to have been introduced as a capital punishment among the Javans.

His son, now called Mas AnghebÁi SÚta WijÁya, had an amour with the grand-daughter of Sheik WÁli ben HÚsen, who was intended to become one of the concubines of Sultan PÁjang. Upon her becoming pregnant, he fled first to ChÉribon, where he implored protection from the Sultan, but to no purpose, and afterwards towards LuÁnu, where collecting the rabble of the country, he commenced hostilities against the chief. The Sultan of PÁjang, however, at length offering him a pardon, on condition of his marrying the girl, he returned, and was again received into favour; but not before he had reduced the chief of LuÁnu to submission, and rendered that province tributary to MatÁrem.

The chiefs of SurabÁya, GrÉsik, SidÁyu, TÚban, WirasÁba, PranarÁga, KedÍri, MÁdion, BlÓra, JÍpang, and PasurÚan, declared themselves independent of the prince of MadÚra, and elected PÁnji WÍrÍa KrÁma, the AdipÁti of SurabÁya, who acted as WidÁna to Sultan PÁjang, to be their chief. About the same time, SÁnta GÚnÁ, the chief of east BalambÁngan, with the assistance of auxiliaries from BÁli and Celebes, again reduced the western districts of that province under his authority, subduing the principality of PanarÚkan and expelling the prince and his followers.

KiÁi GÉdÉ MatÁrem died in the year 1497, after having, by his mild and equitable administration, converted the province of MatÁrem, from a wilderness into a fertile and populous country, and induced many of the surrounding districts voluntarily to submit to his authority.

The relations of the deceased appearing at the court of the[Vol II Pg 157] Sultan of PÁjang, he appointed his son, AnghebÁi SÚta WijÁya, to succeed him as chief of MatÁrem, conferring upon him, at the same time, the command of all the troops of the empire, under the title of KiÁi GÉdÉ Agung SenapÁti IngalÁga, commonly distinguished by the single title of SenapÁti, enjoining him annually to present himself at his court on the feast of MÚlut.

It is noticed, that at this period the island was frequented by Portuguese and other European navigators, who had established factories at Bantam.

The ambition of the court of MatÁrem being kept alive by various predictions, dreams, and enchantments, by which SenapÀti was promised the assistance of KiÁi GÉdÉ Laut KidÚl the goddess of the great South Sea, who declared herself wedded to him, he was instigated to build an extensive krÁton on the spot where his dÁlam then stood.

He now placed guards at the limits of his territories, burnt some of the adjacent villages, and assumed an attitude of complete independence, subjecting by degrees many of the neighbouring districts. Ambassadors were immediately sent from PÁjang to demand an explanation. They were in the first instance duped by the flattering manner in which they were received; but afterwards discovering the real state of affairs, and reporting it to the Sultan their master, he is represented as having called his son before him, and having said, "the will of Providence rules all events. SenapÁti will not, during my life, commence hostilities against me, but after my death he will render you subject to him. Yield to his power, on which depends your happiness and that of your descendants." At length, however, the chiefs of TÚban and DemÁk, apprehensive of the growing power of MatÁrem, prevailed upon him first to banish the Tumung'gung PÁjang, as the instigator of this feud, and afterwards to send a considerable force against MatÁrem. The Tumung'gung, however, was rescued by forty chosen men dispatched by SenapÁti, and a stratagem induced the forces of PÁjang to retreat. The PÁjang forces consisted of five thousand men, commanded by the Sultan's son: those of SenapÁti did not exceed eight hundred. The latter seeing that it was rash to risk an engagement against such a superiority of numbers,[Vol II Pg 158] particularly as the few troops he had raised on the emergency were altogether unexperienced and undisciplined, while those of PajÁng were in the highest order, halted at a short distance from BrambÁnan, where the enemy's forces were encamped. During the night he burned all the villages in the vicinity, and set fire to the reeds and long grass at some distance from BrambÁnan, and to the rear of the enemy's camp, by which means he persuaded them that the MatÁrem forces had taken their departure, in order to obtain PÁjang by surprize.

During the succeeding night there was a heavy thunder storm, and on the following morning the mountain MerbÁbu burst with a dreadful explosion, throwing out ashes and large stones; the rivers overflowed their banks and inundated the low country, occasioning great confusion and destruction in the PÁjang camp, and inducing the commander to retreat with his army forthwith to PÁjang. Halting at the village TumpÁit, situated near KÁrbu SÚru, he visited the tomb of the PangÉran of that name, who was descended from AbdÁlah, the eldest son of RÁden PÁtah. Here the sultan is said to have been informed of a prophecy which foretold the immediate downfall of PÁjang, and to have fainted and fallen from his elephant in consequence.

SenapÁti immediately bent his course to PÁjang, where the sultan was again willing to receive him as his adopted son, and to pardon his past conduct; but a youth in the retinue of SenapÁti, after first proposing to assassinate the sultan, a proposition to which SenapÁti refused to listen, at last of his own accord succeeded in administering poison to him, of which he died. This happened, however, after the return of SenapÁti to MatÁrem.

Being summoned by RÁden BenÁwa, son of the deceased, SenapÁti immediately repaired to PÁjang, where he found already assembled PangÉran KÚdus and the principal chiefs of the country, who after the funeral proceeded to the election of a new sultan. SenapÁti was for investing the son of the deceased with the authority enjoyed by his father, but the SÚnan KÚdus, who though he had been the cause of his son's death, still breathed vengeance against the PÁjang family, for the ignominious manner in which the punishment was carried into effect, opposed this nomination, and favouring[Vol II Pg 159] the pretensions of Sultan DÉmak, that chief was duly proclaimed Sultan of PÁjang, RÁden BenÁwa being appointed chief of JÍpang. From this period the different states which had acknowledged the supremacy of PÁjang successively broke off from their allegiance.

The new Sultan of PÁjang commenced his career by removing from office most of the PÁjang chiefs, and replacing them by his adherents from DemÁk, which occasioned a general discontent. At last RÁden BenÁwa, who was not inclined quietly to submit to the loss of his kingdom, succeeded in inducing SenapÁti openly to adopt his cause, and join the forces which he could himself send from JÍpang and the discontents of PÁjang.

SenapÁti accordingly marched against PÁjang, and an engagement taking place, most of the troops deserted the sultan's cause, and the remainder, who continued faithful, were soon put to flight. RÁden BenÁwa, alarmed at a dream, in which he heard a voice saying, "Every thing in life has a beginning and an end, all worldly greatness is vanity, and no man can call himself happy until his death; do you always bear this in mind:" withdrew, and having followed the course of the SÓlo river down to GrÉsik, proceeded thence to KendÁl, where he attracted many followers by his irreproachable conduct. At last he settled on the mountain ParÁkan, where he was buried.

SenapÁti, after this success, proceeded to carry the krÁton by assault, and having entered the front gateway, the wife of the sultan came forth, entreating that her husband's life might be spared; but SenapÁti reminding her that he was the friend of her father, and had nothing to fear, desired her instantly to produce her husband, which being complied with, he informed the sultan that the people of PÁjang being displeased with him he could no longer remain sovereign, but that he and his followers might return to DemÁk as soon as they pleased, the sovereignty being now conferred on RÁden BenÁwa.

Search was made for RÁden BenÁwa without effect, but that chief was duly proclaimed as sultan, and the brother of SenapÁti appointed to administer the country until his arrival. [Vol II Pg 160]

The retreat of RÁden BenÁwa being at length discovered, and that chief declining to accept the government of PÁjang, his brother, PangÉran GÁja BÚmi, was appointed sultan in his room. The latter shortly after died, and was succeeded by the son of BenÁwa, RÁden SidawÍni, on whom the title of PangÉran PÁjang was conferred.

As soon as order was again restored, SenapÁti returned to MatÁrem, carrying with him the saddle called gatÁya, the head-dress called mÁchang gÚguh, and a set of gÁmelan called sekar dalÍma, which he had taken at the assault of PÁjang, as trophies of his victory, together with the cannon called niÁi stÓmi, and all the insignia and ornaments of royalty, which had descended for the most part from the princes of PajajÁran and MajapÁhit, and which are still preserved in the regalia of the princes of Java.

SenapÁti, in consequence of these arrangements and the possession of the regalia, transferred the seat of empire to MatÁrem, and lost no time in raising his family to the highest dignities. Assuming himself the title of sultan, he elevated his nephews to the rank of PangÉrans.

His ambitious views being now so far realized, he consulted the SÚnan GÍri, wishing to obtain his opinion, whether the time for the complete fulfilment of the prophecy was not arrived. The SÚnan replied, that if the Sultan of MatÁrem wished to be sovereign of the whole island of Java, it was essential that he should, in the first instance, bring the eastern provinces under subjection. In consequence of this reply, the sultan immediately collected his troops, trained them to the use of arms and regular discipline, and in the month of mohÁrem marched eastward.

The AdipÁti of SurabÁya, who had held the supreme authority over all the eastern districts, as WidÁna to the sultan of PÁjang, no sooner heard of these preparations, than he directed all the subordinate chiefs with their forces to assemble at JÍpang, there to await the arrival of the army from MatÁrem; but at the moment when a general engagement was about to take place between the two armies, an open letter was delivered to both chiefs from the SÚnan GÍri, requesting them to desist, and proposing an arrangement, by which the eastern provinces were to become subject to[Vol II Pg 161] MatÁrem, but to continue under the immediate administration of the AdipÁti. This arrangement was agreed to by both parties, but the Adipati soon repented of it, who in consequence was preparing for hostilities, when an open rapture was again averted by the interference of the SÚnan GÍri; but soon after being joined by the forces of PranarÁga and Madion, the AdipÁti assembled his troops and marched to invade MatÁrem.

SenapÁti no sooner heard of these hostile preparations, and that the AdipÁti was levying the revenue of PÁjang, than accompanied by his uncle, KiÁi GÉdÉ PÁti, he marched towards Madion, and obtained possession of the dÁlam, the chief having previously fled with his son to SurabÁya, leaving behind him a daughter whom SenapÁti married. His uncle, displeased at his conduct, returned to PÁti; but SenapÁti prosecuted his march towards PasÚruan, with an intention to render himself master of that province.

The chief of PasÚruan was inclined to surrender at discretion, but was dissuaded from doing so by his PÁteh. One day when SenapÁti accompanied by only forty men of his body-guard, was reconnoitering the enemy's camp, he met the PÁteh, who had come out with a similar intention, when a skirmish taking place, the PÁteh was wounded by a lance and fell to the ground. The sultan lifting him up and placing him on a mare, sent him back to the chief, with a letter tied round his neck. The chief no sooner saw him in this disgraceful predicament, than he repented of having taken his advice, and ordering his head to be immediately severed from his body, sent it to SenapÁti in token of submission.

After this SenapÁti returned to MatÁrem, where he married one of his daughters to the son of the late chief of Madion, and appointed him chief of Jipang.

SÚra ManggÁla, a chief of KedÍri, was now willing to submit to the authority of MatÁrem, but SenapÁti returned no other answer to his messenger, than that it was his intention to march at the next mohÁrem, when it would be the duty of SÚra ManggÁla to surrender that province. Accordingly, in the month of mohÁrem, an army proceeded against KedÍri: the MatÁrem forces were successful, and the chief and his three brothers submitted. SenapÁti was so pleased with the[Vol II Pg 162] conduct of SÚra Mang'gÁla on this occasion, that he appointed him to the command of the MatÁrem troops.

This chief, better known by the name of SenapÁti BÁlek, served the sultan of MatÁrem with great ability and fidelity. He gained numerous victories, brought all the western provinces, as far as ChÉribon, to acknowledge the supremacy of MatÁrem, limiting the authority of that chief within the rivers of LosÁri and IndramÁyu. He is said to have removed the mud wall which surrounded the krÁton of MatÁrem, and built in its stead a strong wall of stone. He was at last killed in a desperate engagement with the eastern people, which took place in PÁjang, in which however the MatÁrem troops were successful.

Shortly after the death of this chief, SenapÁti received intelligence of hostile preparations against MatÁrem being made by his uncle, KiÁi GÉdÉ PÁti. He accordingly proceeded to meet him, accompanied by all his sons and a numerous army. After a long and a desperate action, the MatÁrem forces were again successful, and the sultan returned to MatÁrem, with the wives, children, and all the valuables of his uncle.

His son, PangÉran SÉda KrÁpiak, being wounded on this occasion, the sultan published a proclamation, declaring that prince to be his successor after his death, by the title of Panambahan SenapÁti.

The continued opposition of the eastern people, however, and the revolt of KedÍri and PasÚruan, obliged him again to take the field, when finding the numbers and strength of the enemy far superior to his own, he conducted an able but slow retreat to his capital, and during the whole course of his reign found it impracticable to subject these provinces to his authority. To the provinces, however, of MatÁrem, BÁgelen, BÁnyumas, PÁjang and JÍpang, which descended to him from his father, he added those of PÁti, KÚdus, SemÁrÁng, KendÁl, and KaliwÚng'u.

The days of SÉnapati, the founder of the MatÁrem empire, and of the dynasty which still retains a nominal rule on Java, were now brought to a close, after a reign of continued warfare. As the founder of the last native empire on Java, his memory is naturally held in high estimation; but he is also respected for the discipline he introduced into his army,[Vol II Pg 163] and the valour, ability, and noble-mindedness which he displayed throughout. With the Javans he is considered as another Alexander, and he is the first in their modern history who is considered to have understood the art of war.

He was succeeded, in the year 1524, by his son, since called SÉda KrÁpiak, from the place of his interment, but who during his reign, bore the title of PanambÁhan SenapÁti. The succession was, however, opposed by his elder brother, PangÉran PÚger, who did not attend to kiss the sovereign's feet, as customary, on the day following his installation. This chief proceeding to hostilities, was soon taken prisoner near UngÁrang. He was banished to KÚdus, and his minister was put to death, which offended one of his younger brothers, JajarÁga, so much, that he instantly quitted MatÁrem and proceeded to PranarÁga, of which province he had formerly been appointed chief, with an intention of stirring up a rebellion in the distant provinces; but the sultan obtaining information of it, secured his person and banished him also. He was shortly afterwards pardoned and permitted to return.

It was during this reign that the Dutch and English first visited Java.

This prince reduced the provinces of Madion and PranarÁga, and built a palace, the walls of which are still standing at Krapiak, a place at the foot of a range of hills lying along the South Sea, a short distance from MatÁrem. He died after a reign of twelve years, esteemed on account of the general tranquillity which prevailed after the firm establishment of his government.

He was succeeded by his eldest son, named PanambÁhan Merta PÚra, in the year 1540; but this prince not being able to conduct the government, on account of his infirm state of health, or more probably removed by the intrigues of his family, who declared him to be insane, made way for his younger brother, who was raised to the throne in the following year.

This prince, distinguished by the title of Agung, or the great, commenced a flourishing reign by a signal victory over the SurabÁyan and Madurese forces, by which he brought the eastern provinces of MÁlang, Untung, JÁpan, WirasÁba, PasÚruan and SurabÁya, under subjection; and following up[Vol II Pg 164] his success, subdued all the eastern provinces, as far as BalambÁngan. Dissensions arising at this period between the people of Bantam and those of the SÚnda districts, the chief of SÚmedang applied to MatÁrem for assistance; and being invested by the sultan with the chief authority over those districts, soon brought the whole of the western chiefs, alarmed at the approach of MatÁrem arms, to acknowledge his supremacy. A force was now sent to MadÚra, and that island being conquered was united to his dominion, which then extended through all Java and MadÚra. An enemy, more powerful than any with whom he had been accustomed to contend, and destined to strip his posterity of all but the semblance of sovereignty, now appeared. The Dutch, availing themselves of the divisions and convulsions by which the empire had been previously distracted, had established themselves at JÁkatra.

On their first arrival at Bantam, the prince of that country was absent on an expedition against PalÉmbang, which country, as well as a great part of the north and west coast of Sumatra, was then subject to his sway. They found the influence of the Portuguese, who had previously established a factory there, on the decline, and with little difficulty entered into a treaty with the chief, on whom the administration of the country was provisionally conferred during the absence of the prince. By this treaty, the contracting parties agreed to trade honestly and fairly with each other, and to afford mutual assistance in case of being attacked by an enemy.

Complaints, however, were soon made of the high tone which the Dutch assumed, and of the insolence of their menaces. Hostilities ensued, and according to the Dutch account, upwards of a hundred of the natives were killed or wounded. The consequence was, that they were obliged to quit Bantam. Touching at JÁkatra, JapÁra, TÚban, and SidÁyu, they had an affair with the Madurese, but ill calculated to make an impression in their favour. The prince of that country, anxious to pay his respects to the Europeans, requested, through his interpreter, to be permitted to visit the principal person among them, and an arrangement was accordingly made that he should be received on board a particular ship. As the prince left the shore with his suite, accom[Vol II Pg 165]panied by their women and children, the Hollanders became alarmed at the appearance of so numerous an assemblage, and observing that they did not appear to be proceeding direct to the ship pointed out for their reception, discharged three guns. The terror occasioned by the report threw the procession into the utmost confusion, all the people in the boats falling as if killed. The crews of the other European vessels taking these guns as a signal for action, threw themselves with such impetuosity upon the native boats, that out of this numerous assemblage only twenty-one are said to have escaped. Among the slain was the prince, and his interpreter or high priest, and their bodies, as soon as discovered, were thrown with indignity into the sea.

It is remarkable, that the leading traits which distinguish the subsequent administration of the Dutch on Java (a haughty assumption of superiority, for the purpose of overawing the credulous simplicity of the natives, and a most extraordinary timidity, which led them to suspect treachery and danger, in quarters where they were least to be apprehended) were manifested in their earliest transactions in this quarter. On their first arrival at Bantam, we find the clerks of their trading vessels styling themselves captains; and such was the state and consequence assumed by Houtman, the chief of the expedition, who took the title of Captain Major, that a Portuguese, who had known him before, asked him significantly if he had been created a duke since he last saw him. The murder of the unfortunate prince of MadÚra and his followers (for it can be called by no other term) was as detestable and unjustifiable as the subsequent massacre of the unfortunate and unoffending Chinese in the streets of Batavia. In neither case was there a plea to palliate the crying guilt, but such a degree of danger, as the basest cowardice could alone be sensible of.

This aggression did not pass unpunished, for the Dutch Admiral having allowed some of his men to land near ArosbÁya, then the capital of the island, they were seized by the Madurese, and their enlargement was not effected without the loss of many lives and the payment of a liberal ransom.

Bantam was already a place of considerable trade: Chinese, Arabs, Persians, Moors, Turks, Malabars, Peguans, and in a[Vol II Pg 166] word, merchants from all nations were established there. The principal produce for the European market was pepper. With this province the Dutch renewed their commerce in the year 1598 A.D., and four years afterwards they obtained permission to establish a factory there. In the following year, accordingly, they erected a permanent building, and formed a commercial establishment. At this time they had granted passes to the vessels belonging to the chief of TÚban; and, in 1609, they left an agent at GrÉsik. A second treaty was now entered into with the king of Bantam, in which the States General stipulated to assist him against foreign invaders, particularly Spaniards and Portuguese; and the king on his side agreed to make over to the Dutch a good and strong fort, a free trade, and security for their persons and property, without paying any duties or taxes, and to allow no other European nation to trade or reside in his territories. The Dutch observing the serious differences which occurred among the chiefs of Bantam during the minority of the sovereign, made overtures, in the same year, to the prince of JÁkatra, and removed to that province soon after.

In 1612, a convention was entered into between them and the prince of JÁkatra, by which a free trade was allowed to them, together with an eligible place to reside at; both parties contracting to assist each other in war on the territory of JÁkatra. It was moreover stipulated, that all goods should pay duty, except such as were imported in Dutch ships, or Chinese junks; and that the prince should prohibit the Spaniards and Portuguese from trading with his dominions.

On the 19th January, 1619, a further treaty was made with the same prince, confirming the former contracts, and stipulating that the fort should remain in its present state until the arrival of the Governor General, and that the English should be obliged to build their factory, and the other nations their houses, at a certain distance from the fort; but on the 1st of February following, in consequence of the success of the English, who had espoused the cause of the native chiefs, we find a convention entered into by the prince of JÁkatra, the commanding officer of the English, and the commandant of the Dutch fort, by which the latter promised to deliver over[Vol II Pg 167] the fort to the English, and the treasure, merchandize, &c. to the prince: the English agreeing to furnish the Dutch garrison with a ship and a safe conduct for six months.

On the 11th March, a contract was entered into between the king of Bantam and the commissioners of the Dutch Company, still in the fort of JÁkatra, whereby the former promised to protect the Dutch against all hostile attempts, and to permit the re-establishment of a free trade on its former footing. The Dutch, on their part, agreed to keep the fort in good order, and to abandon the same on the arrival of their ships, when they would also deliver to the king (in return for the protection he afforded them) one-fourth of the Company's property, and one-half of the ordnance, &c.

In consequence, however, of the arrival of reinforcements from Europe, under Koen, and of the political understanding which then existed between the English and Dutch nations, the Dutch still maintained their ground, and in the month of August following laid the foundation of their establishment at JÁkatra on an extensive scale. They had previously, in the years 1618 and 1619, plundered and laid in ashes the town of JapÁra, because the chief of that province had, in the former year, taken possession of the factory, made prisoners of the Dutch, and sent them into the interior.

The Javan historians considering the Dutch in the light of other foreign nations, who were in the habit of trading to the sea coasts, do not furnish us with any information concerning the disputes which took place at Bantam, or in the first instance at JÁkatra. Even in their accounts of the occasion of the first hostilities which took place with the sultan of MatÁrem, they convey rather a notion of what is the general impression regarding the first establishment of the Dutch, than any particulars calculated to throw light on the history of that period. "The Dutch," say they, "before they arrived at JÁkatra, had formed an alliance with the sultan of Bantam. They subsequently treated with the English, and with PangÉran JokÁrta; but in a short time they found the way to play off a foul stratagem on the latter. In the first place, when they wished to ascertain the strength and resources of JÁkatra, they landed like mÁta-mÁtas (peons or messengers), the captain of the ship disguising himself with a[Vol II Pg 168] turban, and accompanying several KhÓjas (a term by which the natives of the Coromandel coast are distinguished). When he had made his observations, he entered upon trade, offering however much better terms than were just, and making more presents than were necessary. A friendship thus took place between him and the prince: when this friendship was established, the captain informed the prince that his ship wanted repair; and the prince, at his request, allowed the vessel to be brought up the river. There the captain knocked out the planks of the bottom and sunk the vessel, to obtain a pretence for farther delay, and then requested a very small piece of ground, on which he might build a shed, to store the sails and other property, while endeavours should be made to raise the vessel. This request was also complied with. The captain then made a wall or mound of mud, so that nobody could know what he was doing, and in the mean time courted the friendship of the prince. He afterwards waited on the prince, and requested as much more land as could be covered by a buffalo's hide, on which he might build a small pÓndok. This being complied with, he cut the hide into strips, and claimed all the land he could enclose with them. To this also the prince, after some hesitation, consented. The captain then went on with his buildings, engaging that he would pay all expenses. When the fort was finished, the mud wall was removed; batteries were unexpectedly displayed, and under their protection the Dutch refused to pay a doit. War then commenced, in which the Dutch were reduced to such an extremity, as to be obliged to use stones in lieu of balls, which were expended. Even this resource failed; and, as a last expedient, bags of the filthiest ordure were fired upon the Javans, whence the fort has ever since borne the name of KÓta tÁi."

Such is the aversion of the Javans for the KhÓjas, as well on account of their general character as of their conduct on this occasion, that it is a proverb among them, "If you meet a snake and a Khoja in the same road, kill the Khoja first, and afterwards the snake."

Another account is as follows. "The Dutch having obtained the desired spot built on it a storehouse, and formed a garden for vegetables. When PangÉran JokÁrta inquired[Vol II Pg 169] why they did this, they replied, they must have their conveniences, and that it was not the custom of the Dutch to live and eat like the Javans. The PangÉran was satisfied with the reason given, and allowed the work to proceed; but they had no sooner completed several buildings, by means of the people landed from their ships, than they began to surround them with a battery. The PangÉran again was roused, and inquired the reason of this, to which they replied, that there were a great many traders about to arrive, and that it was necessary to protect their property from thieves. When the batteries were completed they planted cannon in them: the PangÉran inquired the reason of this preparation, to which they only replied, it was to keep off bad people.

"In a short time, however, when the Dutch had increased in numbers, they fired one of the guns, and the ball discharged from it fell in front of the PangÉran's palace. The PangÉran inquired why they did so, to which they replied, they were only trying how far the gun would carry, in order that they might be able to assist the PangÉran, should he be attacked by an enemy. The PangÉran, however, was not satisfied with this reason, and demanded a fine of two thousand dollars for the insult, which the Dutch immediately paid. But it was not long before they fired another gun, the ball of which went over the palace, on which the PangÉran became highly incensed, and demanded a fine of four thousand dollars, threatening if it was not paid forthwith, to write to the sultan of MatÁrem, who would order them immediately to be driven from the island. To this menace the Dutch said nothing, but paid the money, which the PangÉran received with delight. The Dutch, at last, fired a gun, the ball of which fell within the palace, on which the PangÉran conceiving it to be their intention to attack him, immediately considered them as enemies, and collected his people, in order to fall upon them and destroy them without delay. As soon as the Dutch saw the people thus assembled, they fired from their batteries, dealing slaughter all around, and obliged the PangÉran and his people to retreat out of the reach of the shot."

While these events were in progress in the western provinces, a serious revolt took place in the central and eastern districts, in consequence of the intrigues of Aria MandÚra, the favourite and chief minister of the sultan, who by means[Vol II Pg 170] of his treacherous conduct to the chief of PÁjang, had obtained the administration of that province for himself. The chiefs of MadÚra and SurabÁya availing themselves of the disturbance thus occasioned at PÁjang, declared their independence of MatÁrem, and were not reduced to subjection till two armies had been sent to the eastward against them.

Not long afterwards, the chief of SurabÁya, TumÚnggung SapÁnjang, having refused to give up two beautiful horses which the sultan demanded of him, an army was sent to compel his obedience; but the chief being reinforced from MadÚra, repulsed the MatÁrem forces, obliging them to return to their capital.

The sultan, who had hitherto shown himself anxious to maintain a good understanding with the Dutch, and consented to their enjoying a free trade to the different parts of Java, with permission to establish a factory at JapÁra, is represented as having acted upon their advice in the present juncture, in marching to the eastward in person with his whole forces; but they no sooner saw him undertake the expedition, than availing themselves of the opportunity, they took possession of JÁkatra.

He immediately sent two armies against them, under the command of TumÚnggung WÍra KusÚma, and a battle ensued, in which the Javan chief, with about ten thousand of his followers, were either slain or drowned in the river ChilÚang. TumÚnggung NÁta JawÁna coming up afterwards, collected the fugitives, and joining them with his forces surrounded the town. He posted troops on all the roads towards the south and west, at the distance of cannon-shot from the town, at the same time cutting channels to lead off the streams by which the Dutch were supplied. After an unsuccessful attack made by the chiefs MandÚra RÉja and WÍla TÍkta, for which they were put to death by their commander, a sally was made on the part of the besieged with so much success, that TumÚnggung JawÁna determined to break up with his army, and no further attempt against the Dutch was made until the year 1629, A.D.

"In this year a second army from MatÁrem, composed of Javans and Madurese, appeared before Batavia. The siege lasted for a considerable time, and the assaults on the town and fort, as well as the sallies of the besieged, were very[Vol II Pg 171] bloody. Anxious to know the fate of his army, the sultan dispatched his uncle, PangÉran PurbÁya, to Batavia, to obtain information. This chief having destroyed the Dutch factory at JapÁra, embarked in a swift sailing prÁhu of the size of the trunk of the largest teak tree, which when seen at a distance looked like a serpent on the sea. On reaching the bay of Batavia, PurbÁya perceived three ships at anchor. Two of them, after firing upon him, were sunk, and notwithstanding the fire from the third he brought his prÁhu safe up to JÁkatra, when he was fired upon from the fort. On this PurbÁya with three followers landed from the prÁhu, and passing like a shadow to the Dutch fort, which he touched with his hands, proceeded on to the Javan lines, where he informed them that he had come by order of the sultan, to give them a proof how near they might approach the Dutch fort. He then hastened back to MatÁrem and reported the disastrous state of the war, on which the sultan withdrew his forces to KaliwÚngu."

The Dutch sent an ambassador with rich presents, and the war ended in the Javan year 1551.

During the latter part of this prince's reign the country appears to have enjoyed tranquillity, the only two occasions in which it was disturbed being the revolt of the chiefs of BalambÁngan and SÚmedang, which may be considered as the extreme points of the MatÁrem dominion, JÁkatra and BÁntam having been effectually separated from them.

Sultan Agung is represented, even by the Dutch, as a well informed and enlightened prince. He extended his dominion not only over all Java and MadÚra, but carried his conquests to LÁndak and other states on Borneo. He died in the Javan year 1568, and was succeeded by his son, PangÉran Aria PrÁbu, or Aria MatÁrem, then twenty-six years of age.

This prince, on account of his mother being a princess of ChÉribon, succeeded, to the prejudice of his elder brother: he held his court at PlÉret, and is represented as the most severe and tyrannical of Javan sovereigns. During a visit made by the chief of ChÉribon to MatÁrem, he received the distinction of Abdul RÁchman Sakiden, in addition to the title of SusÚnan AmangkÚrat SenapÁti IngalÁga, which he had[Vol II Pg 172] assumed on his accession. On this occasion it is stated, that he again conferred on the sultan of ChÉribon all the eastern districts of the island to the westward of TÚgu, the supposed limit of the MajapÁhit empire, that is to say the districts of BrÉbes, TegÁl, PamÁlang, UlujÁmi, WiradÉsa, PakalÓng'an, BÁtang, KendÁl, and KaliwÚngu. The Dutch had already firmly established their capital at Batavia, and secured an influence in many of the former dependencies of Java, particularly at SukadÁna on Borneo and Palembang on Sumatra.

During the troubled reign of this prince, the Dutch appear first to have entered into a written agreement with the acknowledged sovereigns of Java. A treaty was ratified at Batavia in the second year after his accession, on the 24th September 1646, the conditions of which were that the SusuhÚnan should be informed annually, by an ambassador, of the nature of the curiosities which had arrived from Europe; that all priests, or other persons, whom he might be desirous of sending to foreign countries, should be conveyed thither in the Company's ships; that all persons who should desert to either country, for the purpose of evading their debts, should be given up; that the Company and the SusuhÚnan should assist each other against their common enemies; that the vessels of the SusuhÚnan's subjects should be allowed to trade to all places under the Company's authority, except Ambon, Banda, and TernÁtÉ, and that those bound to MalÁcca, or places situated to the northward of that settlement, should be obliged to touch at Batavia and to apply for passes.

A treaty was also entered into on the 10th July 1659, between the Dutch and the sultan of Bantam, through the mediation of the ambassadors of the PangÉran of JÁmbi, in which it was stipulated, that all prisoners of war and deserters should be mutually restored, with the exception, on the part of the sultan, of those who had embraced the Mahomedan faith more than three months previous to that date, those who had submitted to circumcision since that date to be sent back, or if slaves and unwilling to return, the sultan to pay the value of them to their masters: that the Dutch should, as heretofore, have a permanent residence at Bantam, for which purpose the same building was to be given which[Vol II Pg 173] they had occupied before the war, free of rent, and this building to be secured, at the sultan's expense, against any hostile attempts: that the river of Untung JÁwa should form the boundary of the Bantam territory.

Certain provisions were made also to prevent illicit trading.

Shortly after his accession, the chief of BalambÁngan, aided by forces from BÁli, again revolted, and an army was sent against him. The troops, however, were no sooner set in motion, than a plot was concerted against the prince's life, with the knowledge of his younger brother, Alit; but intelligence of it being communicated to the prince, Aria SalÍngsing, who had been the instigator of the plot, was with his son beheaded, on the spot where a new krÁton was erecting. On the intercession of PangerÁn PurbÁya, the prince was disposed to be lenient to his brother, as well on account of his age as a strong affection which he bore towards him. Ascending the royal eminence, the prince ordered the heads of the parties to be brought, and summoning his brother Alit into his presence, placed the heads before him, saying, "behold the reward of those who have attempted to overthrow my authority. Bring before me without delay all your followers." The PangÉran immediately retired, and not knowing what was to be the result, immediately assembled all his adherents and attendants, and informed them of what had passed, when they unanimously agreed to amÓk the SusÚnan's party, urging that, as soon as the MatÁrem people saw them commence to amÓk, they would join them. The PangÉran, who was quite a youth, gave into the plan, and they forthwith proceeded to the alun alun, where they were not joined by a single man of the MatÁrem people. They however commenced amÓk, and the people fled in every direction, until PangÉran ChÁkra NÍngrat of MadÚra approached Alit, kissed his feet, telling him it was the order of the prince, who was aware of this proceeding, that his person should be seized, but on no account wounded or hurt, and implored him to surrender; but Alit, disregarding his proposal, drew his kris and stabbed the PangÉran, who died on the spot. The Madurese, who witnessed this scene, immediately fell upon Alit, who was soon dispatched. The SusÚnan was deeply affected at the loss of his brother,[Vol II Pg 174] and in the violence of his agitation, on receiving the account of what had passed, wounded himself in the left arm; and from this period, the Javan historians state, "that he never forgave an offence however trifling. When he was unhappy, he always put to death those who were the cause of his unhappiness, and on the slightest occasions was subject to the most violent gusts of anger."

It is related that the prince evinced great sorrow for the loss of his brother, and that when the time of mourning had expired, he wreaked his vengeance on the supposed authors of this calamity, by a massacre unparalleled in the annals of the country. A rigorous investigation was instituted to ascertain the abettors and accomplices in this attack against the prince's life, and for this purpose a commission was appointed under the direction of his favourites. The chiefs of the four quarters of the capital were directed to inscribe the names of all the priests within their respective divisions, under pretext that the prince intended to confer certain marks of distinction upon those who resided at MatÁrem, but in fact to prevent their escape; for no sooner were the registers made than a cannon was fired from the palace, as a signal to commence the slaughter, and within less than half an hour all the priests, whether guilty or innocent, with their wives and children, amounting to upwards of six thousand souls, were inhumanly and indiscriminately butchered.

On the following morning when the SusÚnan appeared in public, he seemed much agitated, and remained without saluting his courtiers or uttering a word for the space of an hour. He then addressed himself to his uncle PurbÁya, saying that the priests, who ought to have set an example to others, had conspired against his life; and to cover the atrocity of the massacre, he brought forward three or four priests, who had been purposely saved from the general slaughter, and from whom it was easy to obtain whatever evidence best suited his purpose.

In the war against BalambÁngan, although the MatÁrem forces were successful in obtaining possession of the capital, the chief and his principal adherents fled to BÁli. WÍra GÚna was anxious to follow them; but a serious illness breaking out among the troops, he was obliged to withdraw them,[Vol II Pg 175] and retreat with the few who had survived, in number not exceeding a thousand. On reaching KedÍri, intelligence was sent to MatÁrem of the failure of the expedition, when the SusÚnan immediately ordered the chief, WÍra GÚna, with all his family, to be put to death, under the pretext of punishing his want of success, but in reality to satisfy a revenge, which he had long been anxious to gratify against this chief, on account of his having, during the lifetime of his father, preferred a complaint against him for carrying off one of his concubines.

It is said that the father of his first rÁtu (queen) having a pet fowl, which had been produced from a jungle hen and a domestic cock, brought it as a curiosity into the krÁton and gave it to the SusÚnan. The SusÚnan conceiving it to be an omen, that as soon as the PangÉran AdipÁti became of age he would quickly obtain the throne, assembled his pengÁwa and informed them of his apprehensions. The PangÉran on hearing of it, immediately called all his family together, to the number of sixty persons, who, on the first day that the SusÚnan appeared in public, sat themselves down in tears under the warÍngen tree. The SusÚnan inquiring their object, they called God and the Prophet to witness, that they were innocent of the bare thought of any thing which should alarm the mind of the SusÚnan, and intreated that, if he anticipated sorrow or misfortune from them, he would put them to death immediately, and avert the apprehended calamity. The SusÚnan desired them not to listen to people who told them such stories, and retired. Some time afterwards, the PangÉran AdipÁti fell desperately in love with a young woman, who from her infancy had been brought up under an aged mÁntri for the royal embrace. Becoming dangerously ill on her account, he at length communicated the cause to his grandfather, PangÉran PÁkik, who prevailed on the mÁntri to part with her for two thousand rings, one thousand dollars, and a kÁti of gold. The young pair were immediately married. As soon, however, as the SusÚnan became apprized of the transaction, he caused his son, the PangÉran AdipÁti, to appear before him with his young bride, and then directed him, in his presence, to stab her to death. He afterwards[Vol II Pg 176] banished his son, and sentenced the PangÉran PÁkik, with all his family, to capital punishment; and this aged chief, with his wife, RÁtu PÁndan, and his relations, to the number of forty, were accordingly put to death on the alun alun.

It is even related, among the atrocities committed by this prince, that he violated his own daughter, RÁtu BrÁwa, who was affianced to the son of PanambÁhan GÍri LÁya of ChÉribon, and that on the death of one of his wives, RÁtu PamÁlang, he confined sixty of her attendants in a dark room, and deprived them of food until they all died.

The injustice and severity of the SusÚnan became still greater as he advanced in years. His fits of anger became more frequent, and the day and night were employed in barbarous executions. Life enjoyed no security: every one was upon his guard, and fears and apprehensions wrought among people of the highest and the lowest rank. At length the attention of the chiefs having been directed to the PangÉran AdipÁti, who had evinced a kind disposition in the presents he was continually making to the poor, they implored him to assume the government; and the young prince, entering into their views, formed an agreement with the celebrated chief, TrÚna JÁya, who was the nephew of the BopÁti of MadÚra, ChÁkra NÍngrat. It was by these means arranged, that while ChÁkra NÍngrat was at MatÁrem, TrÚna JÁya should forthwith proceed to MadÚra, and there heading the Madurese and the people of the eastern provinces, first rear the standard of rebellion, while the young prince himself, to preserve appearances, should remain at the court of his father, in seeming ignorance of what was going on. No sooner had TrÚna JÁya, in prosecution of this plan, declared the independence of MadÚra, than there arrived at PasÚruan a considerable force from MakÁsar, headed by DÁin GalÉngsong and DÁin ManÁpok. An army sent against them from MatÁrem was repulsed, and the provinces of PÁsÚruan, ProbolÍngo, WirasÁba, and JÁpan, submitted to their arms.

The first establishment of the MakÁsars in Java, appears to have taken place A.D. 1675, when a chief from Celebes, named KrÁin Monte-marÁni, with numerous followers, left his country in discontent and settled in Java, to the eastward[Vol II Pg 177] of SurabÁya, near BesÚki, where he collected all the vagabonds of the country, and committed great depredations by sea and land.

In this dilemma, and finding himself unequal either to dislodge the MakÁsar establishment or to reduce the Madurese to submission, the SusÚnan dispatched his son, PangÉrÁn PÚgar, to the Dutch, A.D. 1676, with various presents, soliciting their aid.

A second army was immediately assembled, and directed to proceed by the route of JapÁra, where, according to the Javan accounts, the chiefs had instructions to ask the assistance of all the white people who had factories there, Dutch, French, and Portuguese, and in case of refusal, to drive them from the country. On this occasion the Dutch commandant at JapÁra is represented as having said, "that this application on the part of the SusÚnan, was what the Dutch had been long anxious for, and that he was ready to obey his orders and sacrifice his life in his service."

This army was not more successful than the former in reducing the revolted provinces to submission; but by the aid of the Dutch, who had embarked a considerable force from JapÁra, the MakÁsar chief was driven from his post: all the wounded were brought to JapÁra. They also saved the body of their chief, Pra Wira TrÚna, who was killed on the occasion, and sent it to MatÁrem.

It appears that the assistance sent by the Dutch on this occasion, consisted of four ships and several smaller vessels with troops, which were reinforced at JapÁra by the SusÚnan's troops and vessels. "Having arrived to the northward of MadÚra, they landed the troops, during the night, in the forest, and in the morning sent a present to the MakÁsar chief, requesting his permission to take in fresh water, of which they stood in need, alleging it to be their intention to depart immediately. This request being granted, the guns were landed, and batteries thrown up behind the water-casks. An attack was then made upon the enemy's works, and in a few days the whole were demolished, the chief, Krain Monte-marÁni killed, and numerous prisoners taken."

On this intelligence reaching MatÁrem, the SusÚnan assembled all his family and chiefs, and directed another[Vol II Pg 178] attack to be made upon the hostile forces. A third army was soon assembled at JapÁra, where the Dutch were ready to join them: in the mean time, however, TrÚna JÁya formed an alliance with the MakÁsars.

The PangÉran AdipÁti, who was appointed to a command in this army, had charge of the rear division, which he had so arranged as to be able to act as emergency might require: but he was soon released from his doubts, for TrÚna JÁya forgetting the agreement which he had entered into with this prince, no sooner saw himself thus successful in the eastern provinces, than he assumed the sovereignty himself, and caused himself to be installed, under the title of PrÁbu MÁdurÉta SenapÁti IngalÁga, and confirmed his alliance with the MakÁsars by giving his daughter in marriage to their chief, DÁin GalÉngsong.

The conditions of this alliance are said to have been, that TrÚna JÁya should be placed on the throne of MatÁrem, Dain GalÉngsong appointed chief of SurabÁya and PasÚruan, Dain ManÁpok, chief of the eastern and western districts of BalambÁngan, and Sheik KajÚran, a crafty Arab chief of MadÚra.

After a desperate engagement, the forces of TrÚna JÁya were again successful. As a last effort, therefore, the venerable PangÉran PurbÁyÁ, uncle of the SusÚnan and nearly eighty years of age, summoned all the chiefs to follow him, and going himself into the field of battle, performed extraordinary feats of valour, till his horse having been shot under him, and having himself for some time fought on foot, he was overpowered, and his scattered forces compelled to retreat towards MatÁrem.

TrÚna JÁya being now in full possession of SurabÁya and the eastern districts, pursued his success as far as JapÁra. Here, however, he was effectually resisted by the chief, AngÉbÁi WÁngsa-dÍpa and the Dutch, and obliged to retreat.

As another division of his army, under RÁden DÁnang WichÁna, rapidly approached MatÁrem, the SusÚnan again applied to the Dutch, who sent one of the members of government, Admiral Speelman, to assist him with a considerable force by land and sea. The admiral left Batavia in December, 1676, A.D., and shortly appeared before ChÉribon, reducing[Vol II Pg 179] to submission the coast districts from thence to JapÁra. The fruit of this success, on the part of the Dutch, was the contract of February 1677, of which the chief stipulations were:?—that the SusÚnan and Dutch should assist each other against their common enemies, on condition that the expenses of the war should be repaid by the party assisted: that the Dutch jurisdiction at Batavia should extend to the KrÁwang river, and the Javans living to the westward of a line drawn from that river to the southern shore, should be considered on the Dutch territory: that the Dutch should be allowed to export and import all species of goods and merchandize duty free, and to establish a factory on any spot which they might deem convenient: that MakÁsars, MalÁyus, and Moormen, who had not Dutch passes, should not be permitted to trade or settle in the states of the SusÚnan: that the SusÚnan should engage to reimburse the Dutch for the expense incurred in assisting him against the MakÁsars and Madurese, amounting to two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, and three thousand lasts of rice, deliverable at Batavia: that in the event of a peace being concluded between his highness and his enemies, through the mediation of the Dutch, his highness should abide by their decision; but, that if no accommodation was effected by the 30th July following, he should pay to the Dutch monthly the sum of twenty thousand reals, for the expenses of the war: that the Dutch should station an adequate force on JapÁra hill, in order to preserve that place for the SusÚnan, which force was also to be maintained at the expense of his highness.

Admiral Speelman was invested by the SusÚnan with full powers to act against the Madurese and MakÁsars, and to conclude such treaties with them as he should deem proper, without any restriction whatsoever, and all the SusÚnan's subjects were commanded to join the standard of the admiral wherever he might arrive.

In May following the allied forces of the Dutch and the SusÚnan gained a victory over TrÚna JÁya, who was obliged to fly to KedÍri, leaving behind him upwards of a hundred pieces of cannon.

At length, the enemy being still in possession of all the central provinces, and the trifling force which it was in the[Vol II Pg 180] power of the SusÚnan to raise being defeated in every skirmish, fear and dismay struck the remnant of the MatÁrem forces; and the invading army having subdued PÁjang, were entering MatÁrem, when the SusÚnan, seeing no hope for safety except in flight, assembled his family in the dead of the night, and collecting the regalia, quitted his capital with his four sons, and mounted on an elephant, took a westerly direction. This was in the Javan year 1600.

On the next day June 1677 the hostile troops entered MatÁrem, when a force was immediately detached in pursuit of the fugitive prince, who had pushed on to the KÉndang hills, and halted at KÁjinar, with an intention of making a stand. Hearing of the strength of the pursuing force, however, he left his family at that place, and proceeded with only his son, the PangÉran AdÍpÁti, to the village PasirÁman, where being seized with a mortal complaint he soon died. On his death-bed, informing his son that he felt his end approaching, he thus addressed him: "You must assume the sovereignty of Java, which has descended to you from your forefathers. Make friends with the Dutch, and by their assistance you may be enabled to reduce the eastern provinces to submission. I deliver over to you part of the sacred pusÁka and regalia of the country; and now let my body be carried to a spot where the earth is fragrant, and there let it be buried."

In conformity with the wish of the deceased his body was carried across the country towards TegÁl, in search of a spot where the earth was sweet-scented, and deposited a few miles inland from the town. The tomb is still held in high veneration; and it is from this circumstance that this prince is distinguished by the appellation of SusÚnan TegÁl-wÁng'i, or TegÁl-Árum; Árum and wÁng'i signifying fragrant.

The rebel forces had, in the mean time, taken possession of MatÁrem, and found among the articles of plunder the crown of MajapÁhit, with several other parts of the regalia, which had been left behind in the hasty departure of the prince, together with two of his daughters, named KeletÍng WÚng'u and KeletÍng KÚning. The plunder was immediately dispatched to KedÍri, where the rebel chiefs had established their head quarters, and equally divided between TrÚng JÁya[Vol II Pg 181] and Dain GalÉngsong, with the exception of the regalia and of the daughters of the SusÚnan, whom TrÚna JÁya espoused.

The loss on the side of the MatÁrem people is estimated at fifteen thousand killed, and on the side of the eastern people at somewhat less.

It is said in some accounts that the late SusÚnan having failed to persuade his son, PangÉran AdipÁti, to assume the government, gave to another of his sons, PangÉran PÚgar, the pusÁka kris, mÁisa nÚlar, and the spear kiÁi palÉret, in consequence of which PangÉran PÚgar, with his brothers, returned to BÁgelen, where, assuming the title of SusÚnan SenapÁti IngalÁga Abdul RÁchmen SahÍdin PanatagÁma, he assembled a considerable force, and proceeding to MatÁrem regained possession of it.

After the interment of the deceased SusÚnan at TegÁl, MÁrta LÁya, the chief of that province, urged the PangÉran AdipÁti to assume the government, and first to establish himself at TegÁl, until he had collected a sufficient force to attack the eastern people, offering his services to collect for him as many people as would be required; but the prince still declined, not having the courage to attempt the recovery of the authority that belonged to his family, and requested MÁrta LÁya to procure for him a vessel, in which he might proceed to Mecca, being resolved to relinquish for ever the cares of government, and to become a HÁji. MÁrta LÁya, although he had vessels at his disposal, evaded a compliance with the prince's request, in the hope that he might alter his resolution, and still be induced to assume the government. The prince retired to BÁnyumas, and performed a penance in one of the mosques. He is said on the seventh day to have fallen asleep, and to have dreamt, "that the roof of the mosque opened, as if it were carried up in the air, when a full and bright moon appeared, which diffused its lustre over all Java, after which it approached and entered his breast." Encouraged by this omen, the prince changed his determination, and recollecting the words of his father, bethought himself of obtaining the assistance of the Dutch. He in consequence dispatched two messengers to Batavia for aid.

The prince then sent orders to MÁrta LÁya at TegÁl to collect as many forces as possible; he likewise dispatched[Vol II Pg 182] trusty people to the DÉsa DÚnan, in search of the flower called wijÁya mÁla, there being a superstitious notion among the Javans that if in their distress they are able to obtain this flower, whatever they undertake will prosper.

MÁrta LÁya immediately exerted himself with great zeal and effect to assemble his adherents, in the hope that by shewing a large force he might induce the prince to relinquish his idea of receiving succour from the Dutch. On the arrival of this succour at TegÁl he addressed him publicly as follows:?—"Sire, I have felt excessive shame in hearing that your highness is desirous of soliciting aid from the Hollanders, as if you were yourself in want of men. I am now ready, with numerous followers, to perform whatever you please, if you will only confer upon me the necessary authority. Give me but your orders and I will myself extirpate your enemies." The prince replied, "What signifies your shame, MÁrta LÁya? I have requested assistance from the Dutch, because it is always agreeable to rely on one's friends; and it was foretold by my great grandfather, Sultan Agung, that the Dutch would assist his descendants." MÁrta LÁya was silent. The messengers now returned with the wÍjaya flowers, on which the prince assumed the title of SusÚnan AmangkÚrat SenapÁti IngalÁga, &c.; and soon afterwards the Dutch agreed to give him the assistance required.

When the Dutch force was landed, the SusÚnan received the visit of the admiral and officers in state. The Dutch officers being introduced, stood in a row with their hats in their hands; but MÁrta LÁya, considering it disrespectful that any one should stand in the presence of the sovereign, ordered them immediately to sit down in the manner of the Javans, and was proceeding to compel the admiral to do so, when the SusÚnan, seeing the confusion in which all were thrown, applied to his late ambassador to the Dutch for an explanation. When he learnt that they shewed respect by bowing their heads only, he was satisfied, and desired MÁrta LÁya not to interfere with them.

"The SusÚnan then inquired the name of the commander, who after informing him that he had the rank of admiral, approached him, saying, that he was ordered by the government[Vol II Pg 183] of Batavia to proceed to TegÁl, with a force of Europeans, MakÁsars, &c., and to afford him every assistance he might require in the establishment of his authority. There were landed valuable presents for the prince, among which was very splendid apparel as worn by the Hollanders, to which the prince took such a liking that he immediately clothed himself in it. The Dutch force was then divided, and the admiral embarked with one division for JapÁra, while the other accompanied the prince, who proceded by land to PakalÓngan, and afterwards with his followers by sea to JapÁra."

"On the arrival of the admiral at JapÁra, he inquired of WÁngsa DÍpa, the chief of that place, who had rendered assistance in repelling the rebels, at the time they attacked JapÁra? To which the latter replied, 'The successful resistance was principally owing to the conduct of the French, English, and Dutch factories.' The admiral then consulted with his officers, and observing that the English and French seemed to be preferred to the Dutch, or at any rate considered on the same footing, he called the chiefs of the French and English factories, and presenting them with twenty thousand dollars, said it was the gift of the SusÚnan, who directed that they would quit JapÁra. The chiefs of the two factories took the money, but did not wish to depart, alleging that there were no vessels to convey them away; to which the admiral replied, that in that case he had the further orders of the SusÚnan to provide them with a vessel. The people belonging to the two factories were then, with all their property, public and private, embarked on board a Dutch transport. The vessel sailed, but nothing more was ever heard of the English and French who were embarked in her. The Dutch then repaired their instruments of war."

Another account is as follows: "When the admiral arrived at JapÁra, he found there two foreign vessels, an English and a French ship, the officers of which said they had put in there in distress, and could not proceed further on account of the bad state of their ships. They also represented that they had assisted the Dutch when the rebels attacked JapÁra. The admiral thanked them for the service they had rendered, and presented them with ten thousand dollars, and[Vol II Pg 184] ordered them to proceed to their own country in one of his vessels."

"On the arrival of the SusÚnan at JapÁra, he was joined by a considerable force from TegÁl and DemÁk; and among those who were most active in the support of the SusÚnan's authority was MÁrta LÁya, whose aversion to the Dutch still continued. The admiral, apprized of his sentiments, applied to the SusÚnan for his destruction, supporting his application by a written request to the same effect from the government of the capital, and threatening an immediate departure to Batavia in case of non-compliance.

"To accomplish this end, the SusÚnan first attempted to send him to KedÍri against TrÚna JÁya; but MÁrta LÁya obtaining information of the demand made by the Dutch for his life, refused to attend the summons, on the pretence of sickness. His disobedience so enraged the SusÚnan, that he ordered his instant death, which was effected in the following manner. MÁrta PÚra having received the orders of the prince to put MÁrta LÁya to death, went to his house, accompanied by two hundred followers. MÁrta LÁya having been apprized of the SusÚnan's anger, he collected an equal number of men.

"When MÁrta PÚra approached him he was seated on a yellow carpet with a drawn kris in his hand, and being informed that he was to be put to death by order of the SusÚnan, MÁrta LÁya replied, 'If it is the wish of the prince that it should be so, do your duty, I am prepared.' MÁrta PÚra then drew his kris and stabbed MÁrta LÁya in the belly; but while he did so his neck received in return the kris of MÁrta LÁya, which separating the throat in two, killed him on the spot. The two chiefs were no sooner wounded than the followers of both parties rushed on each other, and a most bloody and obstinate engagement ensued, which lasted till the bodies of nearly the whole lay weltering round those of the chiefs."

Measures had already been taken for the dispersion of the rebel forces in KedÍri. A MakÁsar chief, named KrÁin KadÁdrang, in the service of the Dutch, discovered his relationship to the MakÁsar chief GalÉngsong, and offered to bring[Vol II Pg 185] him to terms. He was in consequence dispatched secretly to KedÍri, where he had an interview with the MakÁsar chief, who was his brother. On the part of the Dutch, he promised that they would assist him on Celebes. He hesitated to come over immediately, lest he should betray TrÚna JÁya, but promised to join the allied forces when they should arrive and attack TrÚna JÁya.

Having thus secured an interest with the MakÁsars, one division of the Dutch forces, under the admiral, embarked for SurabÁya, and the other, with the SusÚnan, commenced their march by land. A decisive battle took place at KedÍri; on the evening previous to which, it is asserted the Dutch had a communication with Dain GalÉngsong, to know his intentions, when the latter told them, "Attack me to-morrow, and I will make arrangements for the flight of my forces." Accordingly the next morning, before the daylight, the Dutch troops marched to the hostile camp, where they found no preparations for resistance. Dain GalÉngsong immediately ordered a retreat, and fled himself the first, leaving behind him all the plunder that had been taken at MatÁrem, and among other things the crown of MajapÁhit.

The siege of KedÍri, according to the Dutch accounts, lasted fifty days, and it was at last taken by assault, TrÚna JÁya making his escape. Great riches were found in the interior of the palace, and many chests of Spanish dollars, besides ingots of gold and the most valuable part of the regalia. The SusÚnan claimed nothing but the crown of MajapÁhit, leaving the remainder to be distributed among the troops.

When the crown was delivered to him, it appeared that its most splendid ornament, the large centre diamond, was missing. This the SusÚnan immediately noticed, and inquiries were set on foot; but to the great affliction of the SusÚnan and all the Javan chiefs, the jewel was never recovered.[272]

Nine MakÁsar chiefs afterwards surrendered to the Dutch on the 9th December, when they received pardon, and a promise that they should be sent to MakÁsar.

After this TrÚna JÁya collected all his forces, and marshalled[Vol II Pg 186] them upon the plain, as if to receive the enemy; but on the approach of the Dutch troops from the left and the Javans from the right, his army was panic struck and fled in various directions, he himself with his two wives escaping to Antang. The SusÚnan allowed the Dutch soldiers to plunder and possess themselves of every thing left by the rebels.

ChÁkra NÍngrat having quitted his place of banishment and joined the SusÚnan, was sent to urge the submission of his half-brother, TrÚna JÁya. ChÁkra NÍngrat accordingly went in search of TrÚna JÁya, accompanied by a very few followers, and having found him at Antang he addressed him as follows. "Brother! what are you doing and whither would you fly? Depend upon it, if you persist in your resistance to the will of the SusÚnan, he will disappoint your expectations, and if you compel him to send people to arrest you, you will excite his implacable displeasure. I have come to you as quickly as possible, for my heart yearns towards you, and I dread lest you should come to any misfortune. If you wish it, I will go and meet the SusÚnan. Bring your two wives, who are both the sisters of the SusÚnan, throw yourselves together at his feet, ask forgiveness for any offence you have committed, and perhaps he will be merciful towards you and grant you pardon. If you come alone in that way, the SusÚnan cannot act against you, for are you not married to his sisters?" TrÚna JÁya reflected upon what ChÁkra NÍngrat said, and was inclined to follow his advice, saying, "I return abundant thanks to you for your kindness towards me. Your advice is good and I will follow it: I will follow you, accompanied by my wives." TrÚna JÁya with his wives afterwards accompanied ChÁkra NÍngrat to KedÍri.

ChÁkra NÍngrat then led TrÚna JÁya with his wives to the hall of audience, where the SusÚnan was seated with the admiral and numerous Dutch officers. TrÚna JÁya on this occasion did not wear his kris, but rolled a chÍndi cloth round his body, as if he were a prisoner.

They fell at the feet of the SusÚnan, imploring forgiveness for the offence of TrÚna JÁya, on which the SusÚnan said, 'It is well! TrÚna JÁya, for this time I forgive you. Go without and clothe yourself in becoming apparel, and[Vol II Pg 187] then return to me, when I will present you with a kris, and instal you as my minister, in the presence of all assembled.' The SusÚnan then gave orders that he should be served with apparel. The heart of TrÚna JÁya became highly elated: he went out and received the apparel from the SusÚnan's people, and then returned into the presence, but without wearing a kris, as the SusÚnan had intimated his intention to present him with one.

"As he approached, the SusÚnan desired his women to bring him the kris named KiÁi belÁbar, which was still unsheathed. As soon as it was delivered into the hands of the SusÚnan, he said to TrÚna JÁya, 'Know, TrÚna JÁya, that I have given my word that I would never sheathe this kris except in your body: receive now your death from it in punishment of your offence.' TrÚna JÁya was silent, while the SusÚnan standing up approached and stabbed him with his kris in the breast. Returning then to his throne he seated himself, and ordered his people who were assembled to finish the work which he had begun, whereupon they all fell upon TrÚna JÁya, the unfortunate wretch, stabbing him in a thousand places and cutting his body to pieces. They then severed the head from the trunk, rolled it in the mud, made a mat of it, and at last cast it into a ditch by the express order of the SusÚnan. The admiral and all the Dutch officers and party were present at this execution; but though they appeared astonished at the conduct of the SusÚnan, they remained quiet spectators of it."

Such is the account given by the Javans, without reference to the share which the Dutch had in the transaction; but from the Dutch accounts it appears that TrÚna JÁya delivered himself up under a stipulation with the Dutch that his life should be spared. A young officer of the name of Jengker, who had been placed by the General (Cooper) in charge of the SusÚnan's guard, was sent by the SusÚnan to treat with TrÚna JÁya, without any communication with or authority from his commanding officer. Valentyn says positively, that JengkÉr promised him pardon, and assured him of his life; but Cooper, annoyed that the credit of taking this chief should thus have been wrested from him by a junior officer acting without authority, exasperated the SusÚnan against TrÚna[Vol II Pg 188] JÁya, and threw that unfortunate chief in his way at a moment when his passion was at its height. This catastrophe, says Valentyn, is to be ascribed to no one but the jealous Cooper, who brought it about, in order that his bad conduct, oppressions, and extortions, which were well known to TrÚna JÁya, and which he had intended to complain of, should remain concealed.

TrÚna JÁya, at the time of his surrender, was dressed in a Portuguese jacket, and wore on his head a black turban edged with lace. He gave short and pertinent answers to the questions put to him. On his coming before Jengker he fell at his feet, saying, that in his youth it had been predicted that, however great his fortune might be, still he should, at one time of his life, be taken prisoner, and that since this was his destiny, he rejoiced in having fallen into the hands of a person so well known for his humanity. He then presented to him his krÍs with a golden bow, requesting Jengker to keep them in token of his esteem. Jengker lifted him up, promised that his life should be spared, and further, that all his influence with the Dutch government and the SusÚnan should be used in his behalf. It is alleged in the Dutch accounts, that the immediate cause of the SusÚnan's conduct on this occasion, was the irreconcilable hatred which TrÚna JÁya still evinced towards that prince, who, he said, had in his youth encouraged him to the steps he had taken, and afterwards abandoned him.

TrÚna JÁya surrendered on the 25th December, 1679, A.D., and general tranquillity ensued, which however was not of long duration. The PanambÁhan GÍri having in his possession the kris deposited in the tomb of the first SÚnan, it was demanded of him by the SusÚnan as royal property; but the PanambÁhan not being inclined to part with it, and disapproving of the conduct of the SusÚnan, who was guided by Dutch councils, and had even adopted their dress, replied, that he did not wish to know any thing of the SusÚnan, or to be acquainted with him; that he wished to wear the kris, kÁlam mÚning, himself, and that he preferred his own dignity to that of such a chief. The SusÚnan, enraged at this answer, proceeded to GÍri with his Dutch allies, where an engagement took place and the GÍri people were obliged to fly: the PanambÁhan was taken and put to death. In this affair, a[Vol II Pg 189] cousin of the SÚnan KÁli JÁga of AdilÁngo, who had followed the SusÚnan, distinguished himself in destroying the brother of the PunambÁhan PangÉran SÍnga SÁri, who was running amÓk, and doing much mischief; as a reward for which service the SÚnan, in the presence of the Dutch commander, declared that, for ever after that, the descendants of that chief should be permitted to reside at AdilÁng'o, and not be called upon to perform any duties of the state.

The whole of the eastern provinces having now submitted, the SusÚnan returned to SemÁrang, where when he had made acknowledgments to the Dutch for the assistance they had rendered him, the commander requested that he would give them a small piece of ground at SemÁrang to build a fort upon, which would not only be convenient for the protection of their trade, but would enable them to come to the assistance of the SusÚnan, if necessary, at a shorter notice.

The admiral having promised that he would station a suitable force at SemÁrang, which the SusÚnan might at any time employ as he thought proper, obtained the permission he applied for.

The Javans have a superstitious belief, that when once misfortune has fallen on a place so generally as to extend to the common people (which was the case at MatÁrem), it will never afterwards prosper; it was therefore determined by the SusÚnan to change the seat of empire, and some were for fixing it at SemÁrang, but at last it was determined to erect it in the wood WÁna KÉrta, in the district of PÁjang, which was good land but uninhabited.

The new capital was called KÉrta-sÚra, the walls of which are still to be seen on the road to SÚra-kÉrta, the present capital of the SusÚnan.

During all these transactions PangÉran Pugar remained at MatÁrem. The SusÚnan now, for the first time, sent him information of his establishment, and required his attendance at court. The PangÉran, who having heard that the SusÚnan was in the constant habit of dressing after the Dutch fashion, had been strengthening himself as much as possible, under an impression, that the SusÚnan supported by the Dutch was not his brother, but a foreigner, whom they had raised to answer their own purposes, received this intimation with great[Vol II Pg 190] surprise, and sent two of his family to ascertain the truth. The messengers, who were interested in upholding the separate authority of their master, determined to encourage his mistake, and they represented the SusÚnan as a foreigner from SÁbrang, elevated by the Dutch. Upon this report the PangÉran informed the SusÚnan that he could not proceed to KÉrta SÚra, as he preferred remaining at MatÁrem, where he was established as the legal sovereign. A force, consisting of Dutch and Javan troops, was in consequence marched against MatÁrem; at first the troops of KÉrta-sÚra were defeated, but in a second attack they were more successful, and the PangÉran was obliged to take to flight.

By means of the AdipÁti, the PangÉran was afterwards assured of the SusÚnan being his brother, when he agreed to go to KÉrta-sÚra, provided the SusÚnan would throw off his Dutch dress and appear in his native costume. To this the sovereign consented, and publicly received his brother with the greatest demonstrations of joy and affection.

The authority of the SusÚnan was now firmly established, and general tranquillity prevailed for some years.

A new character now appears on the stage, under the title of SurapÁti. This man, whose name was SÍ Untung, had been the slave boy of a Dutchman at Batavia, of the name of Mor, who is represented to have been of low origin, but to have been advanced to the highest dignities, even a seat in the high regency, by means of the riches and influence he had acquired through the services of this slave, to whom he became, in consequence, much attached. Mor, however, discovering an improper intimacy between Untung and his natural daughter, chastised him severely, and afterwards had him confined in the public block or stocks. Untung contrived to effect his escape from them during the night, and to release his fellow prisoners. They then fell upon the guard which came to mount at daylight, and taking them unawares massacred the whole. Being thus committed, Untung bent his course to the high lands, and afterwards to ChÉribon. While in the high lands he formed a connection with a formidable party from Bantam, where a civil war had been excited, in consequence of the Dutch having elevated to the throne a son of the deceased king, contrary to the express[Vol II Pg 191] directions of the father. One of the brothers, PangÉran PurbÁya, was prevailed upon to join a certain Abidin, a fanatic rebel, who had raised about two thousand followers, and with him passed through JasÍngÁ and the JÁkatra and PreÁngan highlands, increasing their numbers as they went.

Abidin having proposed to proceed by that route to MatÁrem, there to stir up the SusÚnan against the Dutch, the PangÉran being tired of the journey surrendered to the Dutch force sent against them; but Abidin stood a severe engagement, and was only induced to surrender by means of an artifice practiced upon him. An European officer belonging to the Dutch troops disguised himself as an Arab, and being well versed in the Arabic and Malayu languages, obtained an interview with Abidin, to whom he represented, that having himself been once taken prisoner by the Dutch he had been so well treated that he would advise him to go and surrender himself. The unfortunate man took his advice, and was conveyed to the commanding officer, then at ChikÁlong, who immediately forwarded him to Batavia, whence he was sent to the Cape of Good Hope for the rest of his life.

The party of runaway slaves under Untung, who had now assumed the name of SantÁna being surprized by the Dutch force, were by special orders from Batavia allowed to remain undisturbed for the present. The chief appears to have been useful to the Dutch, and to have been employed, in order the better to secure the surrender of PangÉran PurbÁya. When the Dutch officer went with a small party to receive the submission of this chief, he found that he had already tied his spears together (the sign of surrender) and kept no arms but his kris. Ignorant of the customs of the country, the officer demanded that the PangÉran should also deliver this weapon and his personal ornaments. The demand created the utmost astonishment in the PangÉran, who instantly asked if it was not sufficient humiliation to a prince of the royal blood that he and his people had given up their arms. SantÁna entreated of the Dutch officer not to urge the delivery of the kris, and to consider "that the bird, although caught, was not yet in the cage," but to no purpose: the officer persisted in his demand, and insulted SantÁna in presence of all who were there assembled. The PangÉran seeing that resistance[Vol II Pg 192] was now vain, promised compliance next morning; but during the night, to the inexpressible mortification of the officer, he effected his escape. The rage of the officer now fell so violently upon SantÁna, that a quarrel ensued. SantÁna and his followers fell upon the Dutch party and killed many of them; the officer however escaped. SantÁna then moved towards ChÉribon, where he had an affair with a chief, named RÁden SurapÁti, which being reported to the sultan, that chief was put to death, and his title of SurapÁti conferred upon Untung. SurapÁti then proceeded towards KÉrta-sÚra to beg assistance against the Dutch, leaving several of his followers in BÁnyumas, under the direction of two chiefs, who soon became dreaded as noted kramans or rebels. At KÉrta-sÚra he found protection from the prime minister, to whom he related all the particulars of the story, with the exception of that part which related to the establishment he had formed in BÁnyumas. This district being now declared in a state of revolt, he offered to bring it to submission, and was employed by the SusÚnan for that purpose; he accordingly proceeded secretly to BÁnyumas, where, aided by the plan he had before laid, he caused the heads of the two krÁmans to be secretly cut off in the night, and the rebels to disperse; when returning to KÉrta-sÚra and producing the heads, he was received into the highest favour by the SusÚnan.

The Dutch hearing of his fortune, demanded from the SusÚnan that his person should be given up; but the reply of the SusÚnan was, "that SurapÁti having thrown himself on his protection and performed a signal service to the empire, he could not give him up; but that if the Dutch wished that he should be arrested, they were at perfect liberty to arrest him in any part of his dominions."

The Dutch, accordingly sent a force, consisting of four hundred Europeans and six hundred islanders, under the orders of one Tak, an officer who had incurred the suspicion of having purloined the centre diamond from the MajapÁhit crown, and on whom, according to the impression which pervades the Dutch accounts, the SusÚnan had determined to be revenged.

On the approach of the Dutch troops, the SusÚnan, alarmed lest they should succeed in arresting SurapÁti, determined to[Vol II Pg 193] afford him every assistance, and for that purpose directed, that when they arrived, the RÁden AdipÁti (prime minister), who had given his daughter in marriage to SurapÁti, should openly espouse his cause, and proceed, in the first instance, to attack the lines of the AdipÁtis of MadÚra and SurabÁya, who after a skirmish should retreat to the alun alun in confusion, exhibiting all the appearance of a defeat, while the united party of the RÁden AdipÁti, and SarapÁti should appear to threaten the krÁton. The PangÉran PÚgar being strongly attached to SurapÁti, received orders, that if, in the affair with the Dutch, the party of SurapÁti and the minister should be worsted, he should render them assistance, by sending his people to them clothed in white, the distinction adopted by SurapÁti.

When the Dutch arrived, to cover appearances, a new prime minister was appointed. The commander requested assistance from the SusÚnan, who pointed out to him the apparent state of affairs, and induced him to believe that he was himself in danger from the attack of SurapÁti. Under this impression, Tak made his arrangements; and the Dutch troops appeared on the front alun alun at eight o'clock in the morning, when they were immediately attacked by SurapÁti. After four hours of hard fighting, SurapÁti was repulsed; but reinforcements being sent by PangÉran PÚgar, and by the whole population of the city, the Dutch were completely destroyed. Tak, at his last extremity, ordered out from the fort two hundred soldiers remaining there; but as they could not join their companions, they were immediately surrounded and cut up. Of the two thousand men, eleven hundred and eighty-three lost their lives; and among them Tak, who was mortally wounded in the neck by the celebrated pusÁka spear of PangÉran PÚgar. The weapon was found blunted at the point by the chain jacket which Tak is said to have worn on the occasion.

The SusÚnan now directed the RÁden AdipÁti and SurapÁti to take refuge in the province of PasÚruan, and assume the habit of devotees; while to the AdipÁtis of MadÚra and SurabÁya orders were given to follow them at a certain distance, burning the villages and laying waste the country, as if[Vol II Pg 194] in pursuit of an enemy. When SurapÁti reached PasÚruan, he took the name of AdipÁti WÍra NagÁra.

The few Dutch who had survived made their escape to the fort of JapÁra, which was then more extensive than that at SemÁrang.

After this the SusÚnan wrote to the commanding officer at JapÁra, informing him that Tak, with all the party, had been killed by the RÁden AdipÁti and SurapÁti, who had also attacked him, but that they had at last driven them to the eastward, by the force he had collected under the AdipÁtis of MadÚra and SurabÁya. He also informed him that he had elected a new prime minister, in lieu of the one who had espoused the cause of SurapÁti. The SusÚnan, fearing lest this story might not be believed, and that he might be suspected of having assisted SurapÁti, sent with this letter five pÍkuls of birds' nests, forty oxen, and other articles of value, which he entrusted to the care of a priÁi gÁndok (a messenger of distinction) named JÁga RÁga, with instructions to mark well the thoughts of the commander or officer who was the chief of JapÁra, and if he shewed the least suspicion of the part the SusÚnan had taken, mainly to deny it, and firmly to insist that the SusÚnan was true-hearted to the Hollanders. He moreover promised to his ambassador, that if he succeeded in averting the anger of the Dutch, he would reward him on his return.

This messenger accordingly proceeded to JapÁra, when the chief officer, after reading the letter, said he had heard the SusÚnan was of one heart with SurapÁti; to which JÁga RÁga replied, that what he had heard was false, and that perhaps the story might have originated in the part taken by the RÁden AdipÁti, whose attachment to SurapÁti was well known. He then referred to the circumstance of the country's being laid waste by SurapÁti on his flight to the eastward, in proof of his enmity. The commander heard this explanation with patience, and after receiving the presents, with which he was much pleased, returned for answer to the SusÚnan, that he had first heard that he was favourable to SurapÁti, but was now convinced, from the explanation afforded, that these reports were unfounded, and that he was satisfied of the lasting attachment of his highness to the Dutch. He then[Vol II Pg 195] thanked him for his present, and in return sent one thousand ducatoons, with an assortment of velvets and cloth. The messenger having thus succeeded, was raised to the rank and station of TumÚng'gung of JapÁra, by the name and title of KiÁi TumÚng'gung MÁrta PÚra.

The next indignity offered to the Dutch was by this man, who laid hold of a half cast Dutch soldier at JapÁra, and insisted upon his sitting on the ground on his hams and dancing the tandÁk, after the fashion of the Javans, for his amusement. The Dutch, highly incensed, demanded the immediate release of the man; but the TumÚng'gung refusing, an application was sent to the SusÚnan, requesting that MÁrta PÚra might be put to death. The SusÚnan immediately sent for PangÉran PÚgar and his minister, and desired them to communicate with MÁrta PÚra, and if they found he had the courage to oppose the Dutch to give him assistance under hand, or to promote his success by some stratagem, in the same manner as he had done to SurapÁti; but if not, to let him be sacrificed, as a punishment for his cowardice. He then replied to the commodore, saying, that he had sent his own people to arrest MÁrta PÚra, and to deliver him to the commander, who might act with his person as he thought proper. When the minister arrived at JapÁra it was agreed that MÁrta PÚra should be invited into the Dutch fort, and there apprehended early next morning; but in the meantime the agents of the SusÚnan had a secret interview with the chief, who declared himself ready to oppose the Dutch, and it was determined that their pretending to seize him should be a signal for all to join and amÓk the Hollanders: but in the morning the heart of MÁrta PÚra failed him. He twice refused to quit his retreat, and when at last he came into the presence of the party, he appeared trembling and pale, and his knees tottered under him, so that he was scarcely able to stand. They then gave him a chair to sit down upon, and plied him with wine. An officer having taken his kris from behind him, he rose from his chair and attempted to escape, but was bayoneted by a soldier on his way. The agents of the SusÚnan, enraged to see him so thoroughly frightened, gave him no assistance, but ordered the dogs to devour his carcase. When the SusÚnan heard of the cowardly conduct of MÁrta[Vol II Pg 196] PÚra he ordered that it should be publicly prohibited, on pain of his severest punishment, to harbour or afford assistance to his relations or children.

Afterwards the former TumÚng'gung of JapÁra, SÉcha NagÁra, was replaced, and a communication was, through him, made to the Dutch, intimating the willingness of the SusÚnan to co-operate against the SurapÁti, in consequence of which orders were given for the Dutch troops to proceed from Batavia. When the SusÚnan had thus drawn the Dutch into a second attack upon this chieftain, he is represented "as being most delighted at the prospect which it afforded, that on the present occasion more of the Dutch troops might be sacrificed, in the same manner as in the recent affair at KÉrta SÚra."

The AdipÁti of SurabÁya and MadÚra were immediately dispatched to PasÚruan to meet the Dutch, but having waited some time in vain for the arrival, a mock battle took place with SurapÁti, when it was arranged that the KÉrta SÚra troops should take to flight, burning and laying waste the country as they retreated. A regular communication appears to have been kept up during the whole time between SurapÁti and the SusÚnan, who allowed him quietly to possess himself of the adjoining districts of MÁlang and MÁdion. The RÁden AdipÁti AÚrang KasÚma died about this time.

The Dutch troops now arrived in the eastern districts, and the commandant of JapÁra applied for the assistance of the SusÚnan; but the latter, alleging that his chiefs had been recently beaten and obliged to retreat from PasÚruan, urged delay, on the plea of waiting a more favourable opportunity of attack.

In the meantime family feuds disturbed the peace of the krÁton. The hereditary prince, PangÉran AdipÁti AmÁngku NagÁra, had married the daughter of his cousin, PangÉran PÚgar, but after the expiration of the forty days he disregarded her, and she returned to her father's protection. One of the most distinguished characters at the court was the son of the prime minister. The hereditary prince, jealous of the universal admiration which he enjoyed, determined to lower him by the infliction of the greatest disgrace which could be endured. Naturally of a fiery disposition, he became exces[Vol II Pg 197]sively enraged at an accident which occurred to him while hunting in the forest of RÁnda WahÁna, and which occasioned a lameness in his legs. As soon as he returned home he sent for this youth, whom he immediately ordered to be bound and severely flogged with a rattan: he then directed him to be tied to a tree abounding with ants, which soon covered his body; a favourite mode of inflicting cruel punishment. There the young man suffered dreadfully, but his tortures were not at an end: he was afterwards flogged till he nearly expired, and then sent to the house of his father, the prime minister, who, although much enraged, was obliged to suppress his resentment. Determined afterwards to revenge himself, he seduced the wife of the PangÉran AdipÁti, who had returned to her father's house, as above stated. The connection was discovered, and all parties were put to death.

The SusÚnan becoming now dangerously ill, from an affection of the spleen which he had contracted at the time of the massacre of the Dutch under Tak, called into his presence his eldest son, the PangÉran AdipÁti, his brother, PangÉran PÚgar, and his two firm adherents, the AdipÁtis of MadÚra and SurabÁya, and thus addressed them: "The time which is allotted to me in this world has nearly expired; but before I depart let me impress upon you all the necessity and advantage of your mutually supporting each other. If you hold together, then will the sovereignty of Java become pure and strong. The AdipÁtis of MadÚra and SurabÁya will be as the surface of the tÁmpa (or sifter) on which rice is cleansed from the husk; the PangÉran PÚgar as the wÁngku (or rim of the sifter); and the PangÉran AdipÁti will be as the one who sifts or fans the rice. When the PangÉran AdipÁti ascends the throne, let him attach himself to the other three, by which means he will cleanse and strengthen his government, even as the rice is cleansed from the husk in the tÁmpa. Let him study the writings NÍti PrÁja, NÍti SastrÁ, SrÚti, Asta BrÁta and JÁya LÁngkara; to abandon his vicious habits, never to ill use his wives, and to be kind and constant to his present wife (another daughter of the PangÉran PÚgar.)"

In a short time the SusÚnan died. The PangÉran AdipÁti, who was destined to succeed him, excited much disapproba[Vol II Pg 198]tion and disgust by his ungrateful neglect of the customary rites due to the body of the deceased, and his indecent eagerness to ascend the throne before it was even vacated. The practice of the country required him to wash and purify the corpse with his own hands; but he left the task to the women, while he shut all the gates of the krÁton and seated himself in front on the setÍngel. The deceased was buried at MegÍri, and his widow, RÁtu KanchÁna, attended the procession, distributing money as she past along, to the amount of one thousand dollars and more.

As soon as the body was removed the PangÉran AdipÁti assembled all his chiefs, and addressed them to the following effect: "All ye who are present bear witness, that the PangÉran AdipÁti AmÁngku NagÁra has succeeded to the sovereignty of his late father, SusÚnan MangkÚrat, and as ye acknowledged and respected the father, now do the same to the son;" to which they all ejaculated assent. To this RÁden SubrÁta, who wished to shew his attachment to the young prince by raising him in the eyes of the people, added, "the sovereignty descends to you by the will of the Almighty; it has not been assumed by yourself;" but no one answered. All the chiefs present, however, approached the prince and kissed his feet, in proof of their acknowledgment of his authority. The new SusÚnan then declared RÁtu KanchÁna his queen, and nominated the principal officers of state: and as soon as he returned to the dÁlam addressed three letters, one to the Governor General of Batavia, one to the commandant at JapÁra, and one to the commandant at SemÁrang, informing them of his having assumed the sovereignty in succession to his ancestors. He likewise entrusted a letter for Batavia, and another for the Governor General, to the care of Captain Knol at SemÁrang.

On first granting their support to the deceased prince, the Dutch required that he should enter into a bond, dated 10th October 1677, confirming the treaty of the 25th February preceding, and acknowledging a debt to the Dutch of thirty thousand dollars, together with three thousand kÓyans of rice, as a security for which he was required to mortgage to the Dutch all the sea-ports from the river KrÁwang to the eastern extremity of the island. The whole revenues of these places,[Vol II Pg 199] including in particular all the rice deliverable to the state, were also to be received by the Dutch in diminution of this debt.

At the same time, also, the SusÚnan was called upon to execute a deed of cession, confirming the act of the 28th February preceding, and setting forth that his father, having already verbally expressed an intention to make over to the Dutch his rights on the kingdom of JÁkatra (or land lying between the river of UntÚng JÁwa and KrÁwang and the northern and southern sea-coasts), the said grant was further confirmed, and the whole of the province of JÁkatra ceded accordingly, the inhabitants who wished to remain being ordered to acknowledge the Dutch as their lawful sovereign, but all being at liberty to place themselves under the SusÚnan and to leave the Dutch territory, till the expiration of twelve months after the publication of this act.

By this deed of cession, the SusÚnan also ceded to the Dutch, in acknowledgment of the services rendered by Admiral Speelman against the rebels, the country between the KrÁwang and PamanÚkan rivers, in a straight line to the South Sea, with all the immunities and privileges attached to it.

This document further prohibited the importation of cloths and opium by any one except the Dutch, and contained the appointment of AdipÁti MandarÁka to be chief of Tegal and the western, and Aria UrawÁn to be chief of JÁpara and the eastern sea coast.

On the 15th January 1678, a charter was procured from the SusÚnan, placing the sugar trade of JapÁra entirely in the hands of the Dutch. A grant was made them of the management of the town and jurisdiction of SÁmrang and the village of KaligwÁi, that is to say, the right of appointing governors of their own at those places, without the least interference on the part of the SusÚnan; on condition, however, that the revenues should be duly accounted for and paid to his highness's officers by those of the Dutch. But as his highness was still in debt to the Dutch, those revenues were provisionally taken in diminution of the debt.

In Bantam the Dutch had made various treaties with the princes. [Vol II Pg 200]

On the 17th April 1684 a contract was signed with the sultan of Bantam, by which it was stipulated, among other articles, that the contract of the 10th July 1659 should be renewed and confirmed; that the sultan should give no kind of assistance to the enemies of the Dutch, and undertake nothing hostile against their allies, particularly the SusÚnan and the prince of ChÉribon; that the TÁng'ran river, from its mouth to its origin, and from thence a line drawn from south until it meets the South Sea, should be the boundaries fixed upon between the Dutch jurisdiction and the Bantam country, it being understood that the whole of the TÁng'ran or Untong JÁwa river, with its mouths, should be the property of the Dutch, together with six hundred rods of land to the northward from fort BÁbakan to the sea, with liberty to erect such pÁggars, or forts, on the western banks of the river, as should be deemed necessary for purposes of safety; the inhabitants of the Bantam side to be permitted to fish in the river, and to appropriate its waters to the purposes of cultivation, but no vessels to be allowed to enter the river from the sea without Company's passes; that the claims of the Dutch on the government of Bantam should be reduced to twelve thousand rix dollars, or one-eighth of its original amount; that his highness should give up all claims to the principality of ChÉribon; that the fourth article of the contract of 1659 should remain in force, and consequently that no ground or factory rent should be paid by the Dutch, but that the sultan should give as much ground gratis, as the purposes of the factory might require; that his highness should conclude no contracts with other powers contrary to the present treaty.

On the same day, however, a bond was executed by the Sultan, in favor of the Dutch, for the payment of the expenses incurred in assisting his highness against the rebel sultan, and his friend the British resident, who it is stated in this document would have received the punishment due to his conduct but for the interference of the Dutch, to whose protection he was indebted for the moderation with which his highness had restricted his punishment to a final removal from Bantam. This obligation states the sultan's debt to be six hundred thousand rix-dollars, which he promises to pay[Vol II Pg 201] either in specie or pepper, or by remission of duties; and he also grants therein to the Dutch the sole trade in pepper and cloths, in the countries of Bantam, Lampung, and Silebar.

On the 28th April 1684, a deed was executed, by which the sultan of Bantam's debt of six hundred thousand rix-dollars was remitted, on condition that the Company should enjoy the privileges mentioned in the bond of the 17th instant; but whenever the above privileges were violated on the sultan's part, the Dutch held themselves justified in requiring payment of the debt in question.

On the 15th February 1686, an agreement was entered into with the sultan of Bantam, by which, among other stipulations, the Dutch engaged to assist the sultan against his rebellious subjects, with men, ammunition, and vessels, on condition that he would pay the expense; it being stipulated that they should not leave their factory during the night; that they should not be permitted to walk outside the town without the sultan's and the Resident's permission; that they should not enter the houses of the natives, much less stay there during the night; that they should not take away any articles in the bazars without duly paying for the same; that they should not enter any gardens or premises without permission from the proprietors; that they should not enter any temples without previous leave; that they should not detain any females in their houses, nor stop them in the streets; on meeting the sultan in the streets, that they should shew his highness the accustomed honours; that they should not stop whenever the sultan or sultana bathed in the river, but pass without looking at their highnesses; that they should not interfere with the disputes and judicial proceedings of the natives. By the eighteenth article it was mutually agreed, that offenders, of either party, should be punished according to their respective laws, and each by his own nation; and that the whole of the black and white pepper produced at Bantam should be sold to the Dutch at a fixed price.

On the 4th December 1687, on the occasion of the accession to the throne of a new sultan of Bantam, an act of renovation of all former treaties was passed, together with a renewal of the bond for six hundred thousand dollars, and of[Vol II Pg 202] the deed remitting the same, on condition that the privileges heretofore specified were granted to the Dutch at Bantam.

On the 3d March 1691, on occasion of the elevation to the throne of another sultan, an act of renewal was passed of the contracts concluded at different periods between the Dutch and the sultans of Bantam.

On the 6th January 1681 an agreement was signed with the three chiefs of ChÉribon, setting forth the gratitude of those princes for the signal services rendered them by the Dutch, and their determination to follow the Dutch Company's advice under all circumstances, and to assist the Dutch government whenever their aid might be required, on condition that they should, in like manner, be assisted by the Dutch in cases of emergency, each party bearing the expense of all armaments undertaken for his benefit. The three princes promised to live upon good terms with the SusÚnan.

In the event of one of the three princes, or other persons, committing any acts prohibited by the present articles, or derogatory to his highness the SusÚnan, it was agreed, that such conduct should be punished with the utmost severity.

The other stipulations of importance were, that no fortifications should be erected by the princes without the consent of the Governor-General, who should have leave to build a factory at ChÉribon, and to cause all species of merchandize to be imported duty free. That all pepper growing in the kingdom of ChÉribon should be disposed of to the Dutch at the bazaar price; that the trade in sugar and rice should be free to all, upon payment of an export duty of two per cent. to the princes; that vessels belonging to powers at war with the Dutch should not be permitted to enter the ports of ChÉribon, but be dealt with as enemies.

On the 7th September 1680, another contract was entered into with the princes of ChÉribon, by which all former differences were declared to be forgotten, and PanambÁhan, ChÉribon, and sultan Anom, promised to respect and honour their elder brother, sultan SÉpu, as the first-born of their PanambÁhan KiÁi GÍri LÁyah. Sultan SÉpu promised, on the other hand, not to slight his brothers in any way, but on the contrary to treat them, on every occasion, with the deference due[Vol II Pg 203] to their rank. It was agreed, that there shall be one place only for holding tournaments, where the royal brothers would appear every Saturday in their state dresses, attended by their mÁntris, and that, to prevent disputes, they should be seated to the right and left of sultan SÉpu, and all the mÁntris below; but that, should indisposition prevent one of them from attending the tournament, they should send due notice thereof on the Saturday morning. At the tournament the sultan only had the right to speak; but sultan SÉpÚ not being present, that right was to devolve on the second, and in his absence on the third chief. In the event of all the princes being prevented from attending, the eldest sons of sultan Sepu and Anom should make their appearance, and the command devolve on the PangÉran. That in consequence of frequent disputes having arisen among the princes, with reference to the appointment and super-cession of prime minister, the right of nominating to that office was vested exclusively in the governor-general of Batavia. That in the event of any difference occurring between the princes, which they could not adjust themselves, the resident of ChÉribon should be requested to act as arbitrator on the part of the Dutch. That should one of the princes refuse to comply with this article, the other brothers should on no account molest him, but simply report the matter to the Batavian government, through their ambassadors. The dissenting prince should, however, in that case, voluntarily place himself in the resident's custody, who should not be permitted to convey him out of ChÉribon.

Mr. Middlekoop mentions, that during the reign of this prince, the principality of MadÚra was conferred by the SusÚnan on ChÁkra DinÍngrat; but the inhabitants of SÚmenap being discontented with this choice, they informed the SusÚnan that they would rather die than submit to that authority; upon which the SusÚnan thought proper to divide that country into two parts, giving to ChÁkra DinÍngrat the western district, and the eastern, or SÚmenap district, to Mas YÁng WÚlan, who took the name of YÚdha NagÁra. In the year 1683, the whole island of MadÚra revolted, and became subject to the Dutch government.

But to return to PangÉran AdipÁti AmÁngku NagÁra,[Vol II Pg 204] usually called MangkÚrat MÁs. The authority of this prince seems to have been attacked almost immediately after his accession to the throne; for RÁden SÚria KasÚma, a son of the PangÉran PÚgar, having accompanied the procession which attended the body of the late SusÚnan to the grave, persuaded many of the party to declare him sovereign of Java, under the title of SÚnun PanatagÁma. The SusÚnan MangkÚrat Mas no sooner heard of this, than he became highly enraged with his uncle, the PangÉran PÚgar, and sent back to him his daughter, the queen Ratu KanchÁna. He afterwards ordered the PangÉran with his wives and children into his presence, and commanding them to be seized, publicly exposed them on the alun alun, in a pen or railing made for that purpose, which the Javans call betek. RÁden Suria was apprehended.

On the one hundredth day after the death of the late SusÚnan, the wives of the chiefs being assembled to prepare a customary feast, intended "to give a blessing to the journey of the deceased," the SusÚnan conceived a passion for Ayu PakÚwati, the wife of the AdipÁti of MadÚra, and availed himself of his power over her to gratify it. She, however, soon made her escape, and reported the particulars to her husband, who in revenge concurred with the AdipÁti of SemÁrang, in urging the Pangeran PÚgar to assume the sovereignty. "So large a party," said these chiefs, "being in favour of your pretensions, you can never be condemned for assuming the government; for as with men who drink a bottle of wine, if there are few of them they must necessarily become intoxicated, but if there are many, truly it is nothing at all."

Being assured by the AdipÁti of SemÁrang, that the Dutch were not cordial friends of the present SusÚnan, the PangÉran was at last prevailed upon to escape with his family and a chosen band to SemÁrang, where the Dutch received him, and conditionally proclaimed him sovereign of Java.

As soon as the SusÚnan MangkÚrat Mas was informed of the departure of the PangÉran, he applied to the commissioners at SemÁrang to have him delivered up; but received for reply an intimation, that he was under the protection of the Dutch, and that if the SusÚnan wanted him he must[Vol II Pg 205] come for him himself. Enraged at this evasion, he ordered that RÁden SÚria KasÚma, the son of the PangÉran, should immediately be put to death. The young prince was accordingly brought into his presence for the purpose, when a great eruption suddenly took place from MerÁpi, the mountain emitting a sound louder than thunder, and flame which enlightened all KÉrta SÚra. The SusÚnan, thinking that his end was approaching, sent the young king back into confinement, when the sounds immediately ceased, and the mountain emitted no more flame. The SusÚnan conceiving all danger at an end, once more ordered the execution of the prince, but a more violent eruption than the first instantly rent the mountain asunder. The alarm of the SusÚnan was increased, and considering this was a gÁro-gÁro, or sign, that the prince was favoured by the Almighty, he altered his intentions, received his intended victim into favour, and appointed him a PangÉran, under the title of PangÉran Ang'ebÁi SalÉring PÉken, with an assignment of one thousand chÁchas of land.

He appointed the AdipÁti of MadÚra, under the name of PanambÁhan Chakra NÍngrat, chief over all the coast districts, from BrÉbes to BanyuwÁngi, and the TumÚng'gung of SurÁbaya, under the name of AdipÁti Jaeng RÁna, to be his PÁteh. To the TumÚng'gung of SemÁrang he also gave the title of AdipÁti SÚra Adimang'gÁla.

Immediately after his accession he had written to the Dutch government; but it appears that the letter was not forwarded from SemÁrang to Batavia until after the PangÉrang PÚgar had taken part against him. According to the Dutch accounts, the ambassadors of both parties arrived nearly at the same time at Batavia, were admitted to audience the next day, and were received, not like ambassadors, but rather as messengers.

The objections urged by the Dutch to the acknowledgment of the SusÚnan were the following:?—1st. Because he was a great tyrant, and well known to have instigated his father to a rupture with the Dutch, and to have himself menaced hostilities against them, as soon as he should have mounted the throne. 2d. Because his embassy did not consist of princes of his family, and the prime minister, as usual, but of two[Vol II Pg 206] common regents only. 3d. Because the letter which communicated his father's death, and announced his own accession, although it contained a request for protection against his enemies, did not apply for their sanction or confirmation, nor declare his readiness to renew the contracts, to acknowledge the debts, and to fulfil the engagements formerly stipulated, though he ought to have known that this was the basis upon which alone the Dutch could have recognized his title as sovereign of Java. 4th. Because letters had been intercepted, in which he invited the prince of MadÚra to join him against the Dutch, calling them his mortal enemies, whom he intended to expel from the island of Java.

These combined circumstances induced the Dutch government not to acknowledge him as successor to his father, although they, with a view to gain time until the arrival of a fleet expected from Holland with a reinforcement of troops, wrote to him, merely declining to receive his ambassadors as such, and requiring him to send others, whose family connections and rank might entitle them to more consideration, and with whom they might treat.

After it was arranged that PangÉran PÚgar should become sovereign, the three chief Dutch authorities then at SemÁrang waited upon him, to inform him thereof, at the same time requiring that, in return for the assistance intended to be afforded him, he should, on assuming the authority, cede to the Dutch the provinces of DemÁk, JapÁra, and TÉgal, in compensation for the expenses they might incur on his account. PangÉran PÚgar feeling no inclination to comply with these conditions, though anxious to avoid a rupture with the Dutch, proposed, instead of a cession of territory, that he should become generally responsible for all the expenses of the war; "for," said he, "if it is through the assistance of the Dutch that I am placed upon the throne, of course it would not be becoming in me to refuse them any thing they require: but with respect to this request, is it not better that, at present, we attend to what is necessary to secure the throne, and afterwards talk of minor matters? I am willing to pay all the expenses which it may occasion to the Dutch." With this the commissioners were satisfied; and the troops having[Vol II Pg 207] arrived from Europe, it was resolved, on the 18th of March, 1704, to place PangÉran PÚgar upon the throne, and to maintain him on it.

The Dutch ships and troops having reached SemÁrang in April, and the part they intended to take being now for the first time manifest to SusÚnan MangkÚrat Mas, he dispatched three messengers to the Dutch representative at SemÁrang, with the sum of seventy thousand dollars in specie, and authority to renew former contracts, and comply with every requisition which the Dutch might make, provided they would acknowledge his succession to the throne; but these messengers had only reached TÍnker when they fell in with the Dutch troops, and were obliged to secure their safety by flight, leaving the money behind.

The PangÉran PÚgar was publicly installed by the Dutch at SemÁrang[273] on the 19th of June.

The districts of DemÁk, GrobÓgan, SisÉla, and all the lands beyond SemÁrang as far as Un'gÁrang, were immediately taken possession of by the Dutch, and the troops of the SusÚnan MangkÚrat Mas, which had moved towards SemÁrang, were forced to retreat on Kerta SÚra.

Before the departure of the PangÉran, the Dutch had again pressed him to cede the provinces of SemÁrang, TÉgal, and JapÁra, but by the advice of the PanumbÁhan of MadÚra and his principal chiefs, he still refused compliance, and they were not able to obtain any decided promise from him, beyond reimbursement for the expenses of the war. When they were arrived, however, at Ung'Árang, the prince happening to be alone, unattended by any of the BopÁti, the Dutch commander seized the opportunity which he had been so long watching for, to assure him how truly and sincerely the Dutch were inclined to assist him, not only on the present occasion, but hereafter, whenever he might require their aid. "The Dutch," added he, "are in great want of rice, and request your highness will have the kindness to grant them a thousand koyans (two thousand tons) a year without payment." [Vol II Pg 208]

The PangÉran made no reply: he wished for time to think upon it; but the chiefs of the Dutch came up to him, and returned him many thanks and compliments for his having thus, as they said, agreed to their request. The prince, though he wished to say he had not given his promise, yet felt ashamed, after the thanks and compliments he had received, to express what he thought. He therefore bowed his head and was silent. They then entreated him to draw out his assent in writing, and to affix his seal to it, as a proof of his voluntary surrender of the present. With this he complied.

The paper was no sooner obtained, than the Dutch officers again returned their thanks. They then withdrew, and the troops being under arms, a salute was fired on the occasion. When this circumstance came to the ears of the AdipÁti of SemÁrang, he hastened to the PangÉran, and thus addressed him, "Be not offended, my prince, if I presume to open your eyes to the proceedings of these Hollanders, who are so rapacious in their demands. They had already consulted with me on the subject of this rice, and they knew the opinion of your advisers to be against it, they therefore watched for their opportunity to find you alone. I little thought you would have taken upon yourself to act thus, without consulting your chiefs. I imagined the Dutch were satisfied with the answer I had given them, and would not have thought of going to you about it." The SusÚnan gave him in return the history of the grant, and promised faithfully that, if ever they made another request of the kind, he would send for his advisers immediately.

Before the Dutch moved towards the interior, they contrived to bribe JÁga DinÍngrat, the chief who commanded the KÉrta-sÚra troops, and with his assistance possessed themselves without difficulty of the fortified stations of Pedak-pÁyang, Ung'Árang, and SelatÍga. The main force of the KÉrta-sÚra troops, consisting of about forty thousand men, was encamped in a strong position, not far from the latter place. After making considerable resistance, they were obliged to retreat in confusion, and the combined army prosecuting its march towards the capital, carried Asem by assault, and reached KÉrta-sÚra shortly after SusÚnan Mang[Vol II Pg 209]kÚrat Mas had quitted it. All the chiefs who remained submitted to the new authority, and were received under its protection, with the exception of the son of PangÉran PÚgar, who was strangled. SusÚnan MangkÚrat Mas, called also SusÚnan PÍnchang, on account of his lameness, was at this time about thirty-four years of age. His reign was short, but remarkable for severity and cruelty.

PangÉran PÚgar was fifty-six years of age when he ascended the throne. He had seven legitimate children, PangÉran MatÁran, Ang'ebÁi LÉreng PÁser (who had remained with the deposed SusÚnan), JÁga RÁga, MÁngku NagÁra, MÁngku BÚmi (who was declared hereditary prince, and succeeded his father), BlÍtar, and Tepa SÉna.

The title assumed by PangÉran PÚgar, with the concurrence of the Dutch, was SusuhÚnan PakabÚana SenapÁti IngalÁga Abdul RÁchman PanatagÁma, which may be rendered "The saint who is the nail of the empire, the chief commander in war, the slave of God, and propagator of the true faith."

An occurrence which took place shortly after the assumption of the government by this prince is noticed by the Javan writers, and argued highly in favour of the justice and impartiality of this prince.

The wife of MÉrta YÚdha, writer to the SusÚnan, and nephew of the AdipÁti of SemÁrang, presented herself before him, alleging that her life was endangered by the cruel treatment of her husband, and imploring that she might be divorced from him, or protected against his ill usage. The SusÚnan inquiring into the particulars, ascertained from the testimony of the woman herself, that she was attached to PangÉran AdipÁti, the son of the SusÚnan, who had frequently visited at her house in the absence of her husband, and that the severities she had suffered were the consequence of the rage which a discovery of that fact had occasioned. He called upon the PangÉran AdipÁti to say if it was correct; and the prince, being ashamed to tell a falsehood, acknowledged the fact: wherefore his father reproved him in the strongest terms, and cautioned him not to be guilty of a like transgression a second time. Then calling for MÉrta YÚdha, he thus addressed him: "MÉrta YÚdha, your wife has come to me requesting my interference to procure her a divorce from[Vol II Pg 210] you, or that I should prohibit you from again ill-treating her in the same severe manner you have before done, on account of her attachment to my son, the PangÉran AdipÁti." To which MÉrta YÚdha replied, "Respecting this affair, allow me to explain. She committed an offence towards me, and she now comes to you to complain of me, saying I had beaten her until she was nearly dead. That I did beat her is true, but that I did so until she was nearly dead is utterly false. I beat her when I was enraged; but, as my anger subsided, I quickly became kind to her again; and yet she has the audacity to request a divorce. This completes three offences; in the first place, she committed the fault; in the second, she has told a falsehood; and in the third, she has requested a divorce. These points I submit to the justice of your majesty." The SusÚnan then reflected that as the PangÉran AdipÁti's conduct had been the cause of this woman's offence, it would not be just to punish her, without also punishing his son; and being disinclined to be severe with him on account of his youth, he felt at a loss how to decide with justice. At length, seeing but one way to get rid of the difficulty, he thus addressed MÉrta YÚdha: "Enough, MÉrta YÚdha; the fault rests with my son the PangÉran AdipÁti, and your wife cannot be condemned to punishment, unless my son be also condemned. Now I have not the power to condemn my son, on account of his youth; therefore, I publicly request your pardon for my son's offence. If you wish to be divorced, the permission is granted, and I will provide you with another wife. You want her immediately?—it is well;?—but I have no women at present except my own, none but the RÁtu and my own daughters. Make your choice, and whichever you prefer of them, I will present to you in marriage. Place your confidence in what I say, and believe that I say no more than what I will do."

MÉrta YÚdha, struck with astonishment, knew not how to reply. At last, after bowing his head several times to the ground, he declared that he was overcome by this act of magnanimity; that he forgave the young prince from his heart, and would willingly receive his wife back again, and treat her with kindness. The SusÚnan then dismissed the parties, giving[Vol II Pg 211] them advice as to their future conduct, and presenting them with a sum of money and several rich presents. MÉrta YÚdha and his wife, say the Javan writers, afterwards lived most happily together, and never ceased to praise the justice and magnanimity of the prince.

In the spring of 1705, the Dutch government again sent a force to SemÁrang, which was joined by seven thousand Madurese, under the command of PanambÁhan ChÁkra DinÍngrat.

At this time SurapÁti, who, after his first arrival at MatÁrem, had offered to surrender, again made an application to the Dutch for protection, and offered to send six thousand auxiliaries, promising at the same time to conduct himself as a faithful subject; but his offer was rejected.

On the 5th October, 1705, a contract was entered into by the new sovereign with the Dutch, by which, 1st, the contracts of the 24th September, 1640, and 20th October, 1677, and all privileges and immunities granted by SusÚnan MangkÚrat Mas to Messrs. Speelman and Cooper, were confirmed. 2d. His highness ceded to the Dutch the district of GebÁng as situated within the following boundaries; viz. "From the mouth of the DÓnan, on the southern shore, in a westerly direction along its banks as far as PasÚruan, where there is an inland lake; thence along the north-eastern sea-shore to the mouth of the river Che-brom, and further on along the north-eastern side of an accessible swamp to Che-satia, near the village MadÚra, thence in a north-easterly direction over the mountains of DÁyu-luhur to mount SumÁna or SubÁng, and then south-east over the mountains of Bonkok, where a northerly direction is taken, and continued to the river LosÁri, and further on along the banks of that river to its mouth on the northern coast of the island." 3d. The SusÚnan acknowledged ChÉribon as an independent state, in consequence of that country having, in 1680, been saved by the Dutch from the ravages of a banditti. 4th. The SusÚnan resigned to the protection of the Dutch the countries of SÚmenap and PamakÁsan, stated to have been forced on them during the reign of SusÚnan TegÁl-arom, by the chief YÚdha NagÁra. 5th. The SusÚnan renewed and confirmed the cession of SemÁrang and KaligawÉ, as stated in the transfer of 15th[Vol II Pg 212] January, 1678. He further ceded to the Dutch the ports of TorbÁyÁ and GumÚlak, on condition that the tolls continued to be collected for his own benefit, as at SÁmÁrang. The Dutch, on the other hand, agreed to restore about fifty villages which belonged to DemÁk and KaligÁwe.

It was agreed that the tolls on goods imported into, or exported from, the SusÚnan's dominions by the Dutch, should be levied according to the above-mentioned contract of 25th February, 1677, and that the SusÚnan should in future require a duty of three instead of two per cent. from individuals trading with Dutch passes, it being left to his highness to fix the duties to be levied on goods belonging to persons who were not furnished with licences from the Dutch. 7th. The Dutch obtained liberty to establish factories in every part of the SusÚnan's dominions, for which sufficient lots of vacant ground were to be given them, to answer every purpose of safety and convenience, and also to establish yards for building vessels. The Javan chiefs were bound to supply the Dutch at all times, payment being made for the same, with timber, labourers, &c. but they were to pay no capitation, and only to be considered as Company's subjects, as long as they should be employed by the Company. 8th. His highness promised to supply the Dutch with as much rice as should be required, at the market price, the Dutch being also at liberty to purchase that article from his highness's subjects, who were also allowed to export rice to Batavia, and all countries at peace with the Dutch. 9th. Pursuant to the contract of 1677, the SusÚnan agreed to continue to shut his ports against MakÁsars, BÚgis, MalÁyus, BÁlians, and other foreigners, except such as should obtain the permission of the Dutch. 10th. It was agreed that the Dutch, and all persons authorized by them, should continue to enjoy the exclusive privilege of importing and selling opium and clothes, as granted to them by SusÚnan MangkÚrat, on the 20th October, 1677: that the native chiefs should carefully prevent all encroachments on this monopoly, and that all seizures of prohibited goods made by them and by the Company's servants, should be for the profit of his highness, to whose discretion it was left to remunerate the officers making the seizure. 11th. That all seizures made at sea by the Company's cruizers should be for[Vol II Pg 213] the sole benefit of the captors, although afterwards brought into his highness's ports. 12th. The SusÚnan's subjects were to be prohibited from trading otherwise than with Company's passes, and their trade eastward was restricted to BÁlÍ and LÓmbok, northward to Borneo and BanjarmÁsin, and westward to BantÁm, LÁmpung, JÁmbi, IndragÍri, JohÓr and MalÁcca. They were prohibited from visiting the eastern governments, or BÚton, TÍmor, BÍma, &c., on pain of confiscation of vessels, cargo, &c. It was declared, that whenever his highness should be desirous of sending vessels to these quarters on his own account, the Dutch should attend to his wishes, as far as might be consistent with their regulations. 13th. The balance remaining due to the Dutch of the debts of his highness, adverted to in the contracts of 25th February and 15th October, 1677, was remitted, together with the sum to be paid to Captain Jonker for the delivery of the rebel TrÚna JÁya, and all other claims of the Dutch on his highness, for expenses incurred in re-establishing him on the throne, &c. on the express condition that this contract should be faithfully observed; otherwise the said claims and pretensions to retain their former validity. In consideration of this important remission, his highness promised to supply the Company during twenty-five years, commencing in 1706, with eight hundred lasts of good rice annually, deliverable at Batavia by his highness's own vessels. An article was afterwards added to this treaty, by which it was stipulated, that no other European nation than the Dutch should ever be permitted to trade or build factories on Java.

On the 11th October, 1705[274], a further agreement was entered into by his highness, by which he promised to bear the expense of keeping a detachment of two hundred men of the Dutch troops at KÉrta-sÚra, for his highness's protection and security, amounting to thirteen hundred Spanish dollars per month.

On the 12th July, 1706, a treaty for determining the boundaries between the territories of the SusÚnan and those of the Dutch was entered into. [Vol II Pg 214]

The deposed prince, SusÚnan MangkÚrat Mas, after flying from his capital, proceeded to the eastern districts, and joining SurapÁti, reduced the eastern provinces under their authority, and appeared confident of success, being possessed of immense treasures in specie and jewels, which he had carried off with him.

In 1706, however, the army of SurapÁti was defeated by the allied Dutch and Javan forces, and KedÍri was taken. Subsequently, the large combined army of MangkÚrat Mas and SurapÁti was put to the rout and dispersed. SurapÁti shortly after died in the mountains of BÁngil, according to some accounts, of the effect of his wounds. He was succeeded in office by his son, PangÁting, who took the name of AdipÁti WÍra NagÁra, and being allied by marriage to the chiefs of KedÍri, BalambÁng'an, and GrÉsik, brought many of the eastern districts again to acknowledge the authority of MangkÚrat Mas. Additional forces were, in consequence, sent from Batavia by the Dutch, which arrived at SemÁrang in 1707, and immediately proceeded, first to KÉrta-sÚra, and then to the eastward. Falling in with the enemy of MÁdion, they put him to flight, and continued their march to SurabÁya, where the disturbances which had broken out on the island of MadÚra obliged them to halt.

On the death of the native chief of MadÚra his eldest natural son, SÁstra NagÁra, had declared himself his successor, and placed troops round the island to oppose the landing of his uncle, RÁden SÚria NagÁra, who had been appointed to the succession by the Dutch. The Dutch, however, found means to satisfy both parties, by conferring the separate charge of SÁmpang on SÁstra NagÁra.

At SÚmenap they met with greater difficulty. The native chief, NÁga SidÉrma, had been stabbed by his secretary: the secretary was afterwards killed by the slave of the chief. A tumult was thus excited, and the Dutch commanding officer having given offence to the principal inhabitants they proceeded with a large proportion of the population to the northern part of the island. The Dutch at length succeeded in establishing the infant son of the deceased as chief of SÚmenap, with the title of RÁden TumÚng'gung PrÍng'ga Ka[Vol II Pg 215]sÚma, under the guardianship of his mother, RÁtu SidÁyu. With these proceedings the campaign closed for that year[275].

In the following year, 1708, the Dutch sent further reinforcements to the eastward, and preparations were making for opening the campaign, when the fugitive SusÚnan, hearing of the arrival of the Dutch at SurabÁya, sent ambassadors to their representative (Knol,) soliciting his pardon, and an assignment of some lands, independent of any other authority than that of the Dutch government. No sooner had he been promised this than he came to SurabÁya, where he was received on the 17th July by Knol, who delivered to him a letter of pardon written in the Dutch and Javan languages, promising to him the independent possession of a district as a principality, subordinate only to the Dutch government. But, alas! these concessions were soon found to be nothing more than a stratagem to get possession of the prince's person. The unfortunate SusÚnan, unsuspicious of the treachery, was quietly embarked at SurabÁya on the 24th August, and with his three sons, his wife, concubines, and attendants, conveyed to Batavia.

The Dutch accounts relate, that as soon as the prince arrived at Batavia, the commissioners, who had received him on board and accompanied him to the castle, demanded that he should deliver up his kris before being admitted to an audience, which he refused to do. When, however, introduced to the high regency, who had been especially assembled for his reception, he prostrated himself at the feet of the governor-general, surrendered his kris, and implored the fulfilment of the conditions on which he surrendered. The governor-general replied, that Mr. Knol had not been authorized either[Vol II Pg 216] to grant him a pardon or to make promises, yet that government would take the matter into consideration: his krÍs was then returned to him. He was lodged in the castle as a prisoner of war, and soon afterwards transported to Ceylon.

The account of this transaction by the Javan writers is as follows:

"The SusÚnan MangkÚrat Mas and the AdipÁti WÍra NagÁra (son of SurapÁti) had not been long at MÁlang before they were attacked by PangÉran BlÍtar, and forced to seek safety in the forests with only a few followers. There they suffered severely from disease; and most of them dying, the rest removed to the land of BlÍtar, whence the SusÚnan sent a letter to the chief Dutch authority at SurabÁya, asking him why the Dutch had thus assisted the PangÉran PÚgar against him, and deprived him of the sceptre which had descended to him from his ancestors, adding that he was himself equally the friend of the Dutch, that he had never harboured a thought injurious to them, and that if they still believed that he had been guilty of a fault against them, it would be well if they would point it out that he might exert his utmost to make amends: for this they might fully depend on him; 'therefore,' said he, 'let the Dutch place confidence in me, let them consider my youth, and that it is yet but a short time that I have been a sovereign.' To this the Dutch authority replied, 'If the SusÚnan wishes to act thus, and his intentions are good, let him come to SurabÁya.' SusÚnan MangkÚrat then requested, that if the Dutch would not again place him on the throne, they would assign him a province, in which he and his family might reside in peace. A promise being given to that effect he immediately proceeded to SurabÁya, where he was received with all honours and the customary salutes, and afterwards entertained with the Dutch officers in the PassangrÁhan of the AdipÁti of SurabÁya. The Dutch authority at last said to him, with the utmost kindness and softness of speech, 'If the SusÚnan has no objection, I am anxious that we should go to SemÁrang to see the commissary; from thence the SusÚnan can at once proceed to KÉrta-sÚra, and request the Dutch again to acknowledge him as sovereign of Java.' The SusÚnan[Vol II Pg 217] immediately assented to this arrangement. He was then, with his family and followers, embarked on board a ship; but instead of being conveyed to SemÁrang, he was taken to Batavia, and afterwards banished to Ceylon."

It appears, that after the arrival of MangkÚrat Mas at Ceylon he found means to dispatch letters of complaint to the prince of Orange and the Court of Directors in Holland. Two Mahomedan priests were charged with the mission, but the letters being intercepted, the messengers were subjected to severe punishment.

With MangkÚrat Mas was lost the celebrated makÓta, or crown of MajapÁhit. The regalia of the sovereigns of Java, with the exception of this important article, were duly delivered over, by order of the Dutch, to the acknowledged sovereign PakabÚana, but nothing more was ever heard of the crown, and since that time, the princes have worn a cap, as described in another place. As the Dutch were now become supreme on Java, a crown was perhaps but an empty pageant. It cannot, however, escape notice, that this proud ornament of state should first have been deprived of its brightest jewel, and afterwards, as there is too much room to suspect, filched by the Dutch, who probably stripped it of its remaining jewels, and melted down the gold for its value!

The removal of MangkÚrat Mas did not, however, extinguish the flame of internal discord which still blazed forth in the eastern provinces of Java, and which increased till the year 1712-13. The SusÚnan sent several embassies to Batavia, requesting assistance against the chiefs of BalambÁngan and of the island of MadÚra, as well as against the sons of SurapÁti, who had their hiding places in the mountains. On this occasion the Dutch sanctioned the nomination of the PangÉran MÁngku NagÁra as the hereditary prince, and promised the required succours against the rebels, but took care to point out the value which they put upon their assistance: a piece of policy which, on no occasion, they seem to have forgotten. They adverted to the immense sums they had at different times advanced, and the extent of the obligations which the SusÚnan lay under to them, admonishing him to act with greater circumspection in future, and to adopt such[Vol II Pg 218] measures as might put a stop to the civil wars and commotions which desolated the country.

It was not long, however, before various circumstances concurred to render the rebels still more formidable. The chiefs of SurabÁya, ProbolÍng'o, and KÉdÍri, as well as those of MadÚra and BalambÁng'an, united at the instigation of the chief of WinÁng'un (whose life had been unjustly attacked,) in a league to shake off the yoke of the SusÚnan, and at the same time to rid themselves of the Dutch, whose aim they conceived to have been eventually to depose the SusÚnan, and to render themselves sovereigns of the whole island.

A circumstance is related by the native writers, which is said to have contributed essentially to the distractions which at that time existed in the country.

"The Dutch requested that the SusÚnan would immediately put the AdipÁti JaÍng RÁna of SurabÁya to death, alleging that he was attached to the cause of the rebels, and that if an example were made of this chief, it would strike fear into the others. On this the SusÚnan became excessively grieved at heart, for he was sincerely attached to the AdipÁti; and now that the PanambÁhan of MadÚra, who had been as his right hand, was dead, if he were to lose the AdipÁti of SurabÁya also, who had been as his left hand, he would in truth find that he had lost both hands. He wished, therefore, to refuse compliance with this request; but at the same time feared, that if he disappointed the Dutch, there would be an end of his friendship with them. On these two accounts he gave the subject his deepest consideration. At length he wrote a letter to the AdipÁti, informing him of the request made by the Dutch; and to the Dutch at Batavia he wrote in reply, that he wished to reflect upon the affair, until the time appointed for the chief to pay his usual visit to the capital should arrive.

"As soon as the AdipÁti of SurabÁya received these tidings he assembled his brothers and his PÁteh, named WÍra TantÁha, and showed them the letter. His brothers immediately advised that they should unite and oppose any one, whoever it might be, who should attempt the life of the AdipÁti; for, said they, 'Is it not better to die nobly[Vol II Pg 219] 'in war, and to let one's enemies know how dearly the death of our brother is to be purchased, than to be quietly killed in one's bed? will only know of the death and not of its value.' But the PÁteh replied to them, 'What you say is correct, and in the service of the state we are bound to act as you advise; but this is a request made by the general, that the AdipÁti should be put to death. Is it not better that he should deliver himself up? for if he does not there will be a rupture between the general and the SusÚnan, and then (which God forbid) the land of JÁwa will be destroyed, and universal misery will follow. You have now, for a long time, enjoyed happiness and a good name, and now that you have grown old in honour, it would not be fitting in you to do any thing that could bring sorrow or ruin on your sovereign, or that would disgrace your followers or descendants, which would be the case if you now got a bad name.' The AdipÁti was well pleased with the advice of his PÁteh, and after considering for a short time, then addressed him, 'What you say is true, oh PÁteh! I am old, and have not long to live. It is indeed right that I should deliver up my life for the benefit of my sovereign and the character of my family.'"

This resolution being taken, the AdipÁti shortly after set out for KÉrtasÚra, accompanied by his brother and about two thousand followers. When he arrived, the SusÚnan inquired how he wished to act; to which he replied, that he preferred to die rather than to be the cause of misfortune to his sovereign or to the people of Java; that he was now old; that if his life was spared on this occasion he could not expect to live many years, and that he was already satisfied with this world. The SusÚnan then said, if such was his determination and wish, he must of course follow it, but urged him to speak his mind freely, adding that he would think of it, and do what would turn out best for him: but the AdipÁti replied, that he had no other wish than what he had already expressed; that it was much better that he should die, than become the cause of misfortune to others. All he requested was, that after his death the SusÚnan would not be forgetful of his family and children, and that until his son was of a proper age, his brother, RÁden JÁya PuspÍta, might succeed him in his public[Vol II Pg 220] administration. The SusÚnan then said, "It is well. If the Dutch again make the demand you must prepare for your fate; and I promise you that, in that case, your request shall be complied with." At the expiration of about a month, during which period the AdipÁti clothed himself in white and gave himself up entirely to his devotions, another letter arrived from the Governor General, making a peremptory demand that the AdipÁti should be immediately executed. The SusÚnan then sent for the AdipÁti, and directed that he should be brought into the dÁlam. Dressed in white, he immediately attended the summons. When he reached the entrance sri meng'Ánti, he quitted his followers, who were not allowed to come further but remained without; and the people who guarded the entrance of the krÁton, having received the orders of the SusÚnan to that effect, seized him, and plunging their weapons into his body, immediately dispatched him. They then carried out the corpse and gave it to his followers, charging them to give it proper burial. They were all struck with deep grief at the sight, for the AdipÁti was much beloved. They interred the body at LawÉan, but immediately afterwards the brother, with about two thousand followers, assembled in the alun alun, determined upon vengeance, and the disturbance was not quelled until the SusunÁn entered into an explanation. He then appointed JÁya PuspÍta to succeed provisionally to the administration of his deceased brother, and otherwise conciliated the parties, who were at last induced quietly to return to SurabÁya; not, however, without a determination of one day being revenged on the authors of this calamity. On receiving the appointment from the SusÚnan, while JÁyÁ PuspÍta returned their grateful acknowledgments for this mark of kindness, they as openly avowed that they would never rest in peace, until they had given a due return to whoever was the cause of their brother's death.

"In pursuance of this determination, JÁya PuspÍta took an early occasion to league with other discontented chiefs, and soon became the most formidable enemy to the tranquillity of the country.

"The forces of the SusÚnan were completely defeated in a pitched battle, and the rebels made themselves masters of[Vol II Pg 221] several important provinces to the eastward of PasÚruan, which place they also besieged until the arrival of the Dutch auxiliaries. They were then driven beyond PanarÚkan; but being reinforced from BÁli, soon forced the combined Dutch and Javan troops to retreat again to PasÚruan."

The effect of this civil war was now severely felt at Batavia. The country was laid waste, cultivation was neglected, and a great scarcity of rice was felt at Batavia. This induced the Dutch to march a more considerable force in 1717, and again to take an active part in re-establishing the tranquillity of the country.

On the arrival of this force at MadÚra, it was found that the chief of that island had made two unsuccessful attacks on the troops of PamakÁsan and SÚmenap, and been forced at last to leave his capital with his son, brother, wives, and relations, and seek safety with the Dutch.

"When PangÉran ChÁkra DenÍngrat," say the Javan authors, "saw that nothing more was to be done against his enemies," he resolved to throw himself on the protection of the Dutch; and a Dutch ship arriving at MadÚra he dispatched a letter, soliciting their assistance. This letter the captain forwarded to SurabÁya, and received the instructions of the admiral to take the chief and his family on board, and convey them to that capital. The captain immediately sent a messenger on shore to the PangÉran, informing him of the wishes of the admiral, and inviting him to come on board with his family. PangÉran ChÁkra DenÍngrat, who was unconscious of treachery or duplicity, and consequently void of suspicion, with a joyful heart accepted the invitation, and, accompanied by his family, immediately went off in a small fishing-boat. When arrived alongside of the ship, the followers who carried the upachÁra (emblems of state) were ordered to go on board: after them the PangÉran himself ascended, and then his wife, RÁden Ayu ChÁkra DinÍngrat. When the PangÉran came upon deck, Captain Curtis took him by the hand, and delivered him over to one of his officers, who immediately led him into the cabin. The captain remained till the RÁden Ayu had ascended, and as soon as she came on deck he likewise took her by the hand, and after the European manner kissed her cheek. Not understanding the custom she became[Vol II Pg 222] alarmed, and thinking that Captain Curtis was offering an insult to her, screamed out, and called aloud upon her husband, saying, "the Captain had evil intentions." The PangÉran hearing the cries of his wife became furious, and drawing his kris rushed out, and without further inquiry stabbed the Captain. The attendants of the chief, who had come on board with the state ornaments, following the example of their master, raised the cry of amÓk and immediately fell on the crew of the vessel. The latter, however, were too powerful for them, and in a short time the whole of the Madurese party were killed, together with the chief and his wife.

When a question arises respecting the chastity of the Javan women, this story is usually referred to.

The rebels, both in the eastern provinces of Java and on MadÚra, were joined by auxiliaries from BÁli. Those, however, on MadÚra were soon overmatched by the Dutch troops, and obliged to fly again to BÁli. JÁya PuspÍta was more successful. Moving from SurabÁya through the central districts towards KÉrta-sÚra, he subjected the provinces of JÁpan, WÍrasÁba, KedÍri, MÁdion SukawÁti and the neighbouring districts. While his head quarters were at KedÍri, he was joined by PangÉran DÍpa NagÁra one of the sons of the SusÚnan, who setting himself up as sovereign of Java, under the title of PanambÁhan HÉru ChÁkra SenapÁti PanatagÁma appointed JÁya PÚspita to be his PÁteh, with the title of RÁden AdipÁti PanatagÁma, and commenced the establishment of a government at MÁdion.

An army was sent from KÉrta-sÚra against MÁdion, under the command of PangÉran BlÍtar, another son of the SusÚnan; but before they reached that place the PangÉran was summoned to return, in consequence of the severe indisposition of his father. This prince died in the Javan year 1648, and was buried at MegÍri. He had previously written to the Dutch authorities, requesting them to select one of his three sons PangÉran AdipÁti AmÁngku-nagÁra, PangÉran PurbÁyÁ, or PangÉran BlÍtar, to succeed him in the government.

Thus ended the reign of a prince, which had been one constant scene of commotion and rebellion, directed perhaps not so much against the authority of the prince himself, as[Vol II Pg 223] against the Dutch, who now took so active a part in the affairs of Java, that the power of the native sovereign was merely nominal.

The Javan writers, whether from a desire to exclude from the regal line a prince who thus became the mere puppet of the Europeans, or from a conviction of the truth of the circumstance, seem anxious to prove that he was not the real son of SusÚnan TegÁl Arom, as related, but a son of the PangÉran Kajuran, father-in-law of TrÚna JÁya, and who afterwards, when he established himself in the southern hills, took the name of PanambÁhan RÁma. The story runs, that the RÁtu of MangkÚrat being delivered of a deformed and imperfect offspring, the SusÚnan secretly sent the child to KajÚran, who was supposed to deal in witchcraft, and that the PangÉran took the opportunity of destroying it, and substituted his own child in its place. This child, however, was born of a daughter of PangÉran Purbaya, the younger brother of Sultan Agong; so that on the mother's side it was of royal extraction. "But," say the Javan writers, "as the present princes of Java are descendants from PakubuÁna, this story is not talked of in public; although in private societies there are many who put faith in it."

On the 13th of December, 1705, articles were agreed upon with the Sultan of Bantam, to ensure the weight and quality of the pepper to be delivered.

On the 9th of October, 1708, a further contract was entered into with the sultan, with the view principally of renewing and confirming the contracts, bonds, deeds of remission, &c., entered into and concluded with his predecessors.

In August, 1731, another contract was entered into with the sultan, of which the following were the most interesting articles.

That all BÚgis, MalÁyus, Javans, and other native traders, shall be allowed freely to dispose of their wares at Bantam, without any interference on the part of the Dutch Resident, provided they do not trade in articles which constitute the Company's monopoly. The subjects of Bantam shall be permitted to trade to Java on condition that they do not abuse the confidence thus placed in them by engaging in illicit commerce. The sultan promised to adopt immediate measures[Vol II Pg 224] for increasing the annual deliveries of pepper to the Company, and engaged to hold out every possible inducement to the LÁmpung people to extend the cultivation of the article, instead of depressing them by unnecessary acts of severity. A deed was also executed about this time ceding PÚlo PÁnjang to the Dutch, for the purpose of keeping an establishment on it for assisting vessels in distress.

On the 9th December, 1733, a further contract was entered into with the sultan of Bantam, by which many regulations were made respecting the pepper monopoly.

Being called upon to renew the bond for the sum of six hundred thousand Spanish dollars in favour of the Dutch, the sultan, after previously stating whence this lawful debt originated, bound his kingdom and revenues for the same, and at the same time conferred on the Dutch the exclusive trade in pepper and other privileges. The deed of remission, bearing date 28th April, 1684, was further renewed, by which a conditional remission of the above-mentioned bond was granted. An act of donation from the price of ground, called kÁmpung bÁli, was at the same time granted.

Of the three sons of the deceased SusÚnan, the Dutch government made choice of the PangÉran AdipÁti AmÁngku NagÁra, as his successor; he was accordingly publicly installed, under the title of SusÛhunan PrÁbu SenapÁti IngalÁga Abdul RÁchman SahÍdin PanatagÁma.

The first and principal event in this reign was the rebellion of the younger brothers of the prince, PangÉran PurbÁya and BlÍtar, occasioned principally by their being deprived of the lands and honours which they had enjoyed during the lifetime of their father. They first raised a party in the capital, and made an attempt, during the night, to enter the krÁton and put the SusÚnan to death, but being repulsed, they fled to MatÁrem, and collecting their followers, the youngest (BlÍtar) assumed the title of SÚltan Ibni MustÁpha PakubÚana SenapÁti IngalÁga Abdul RÁchman PatagÁma. His brother, PurbÁya, was satisfied with a secondary authority, under the title of PanambÁhan SenapÁti IngalÁga.

In a short time the provinces of BÁnyumas, MatÁrem, and KedÚ, submitted to these chiefs, and a union taking place with the party under PanambÁhan HÉru ChÁkra, the[Vol II Pg 225] authority of the newly elected SusÚnan became endangered.

PangÉran Aria MatÁrem, uncle of the SusÚnan, at the same time quitted KÉrta SÚra, and reared the standard of rebellion in GrobÓgan and BlÓra. This chief was, however, soon after decoyed into the hands of the Dutch in the following manner.

"The PangÉran was induced to go to PÁti, and afterwards to JapÁra, on an understanding that the Dutch would raise him to the throne, where troops were immediately assembled, apparently for that object, but in reality to secure his person. On his arrival at the fort with his family, he was received with salutes of cannon and small arms, and separated from his followers, who were excluded. After he had been seated a short time, the gates of the fort were shut, and the PangÉran and his sons were disarmed, and placed in close confinement. He died in a few days. When the gates of the forts were closed, the followers of the PangÉran suspecting the treachery, would not disperse, until many were destroyed and the rest fired upon."

The Dutch force uniting with those of the SusÚnan, the rebels, who were now united under the sultan Ibni MustÁpha, were defeated, and obliged to retreat to KedÍri. Here they were pursued, again beaten, and driven in disorder to MÁlang. The sultan fled to GÚnung DampÚlan with only a few followers, while PanambÁhan SenapÁti and PanambÁhan HÉru ChÁkra rallied their remaining forces at LamÁjang. The Dutch army now returned to KÉrta SÚra, and the tranquillity of the country was once more for a short time restored.

Sultan Ibni MustÁpha having returned to the village of KÁli GÁngsa, was seized with a violent illness and died, and his family and followers, worn out with fatigue, conveyed the body to KÉrta SÚra, and threw themselves on the mercy of the SusÚnan. Notwithstanding this unconditional submission, their chief, JÁya BrÁta, was immediately put to death, and his body thrown into the river: the body of the deceased sultan, however, received honourable interment.

The rebels established at LamÁjang still held out, and it was not until the arrival of a considerable Dutch force at[Vol II Pg 226] SurabÁya that they were induced to submit. According to the native writers, "The Dutch commander wrote from SurabÁya to the rebel chiefs at LamÁjang, informing them that he had been ordered to the eastward with a formidable force purposely to destroy them, and that if they did not quietly submit, he would force them to do so, in which case no quarter should be given, adding at the same time, that if they were willing to submit quietly, they should be received with favour, treated with kindness, and want for nothing during their lives. The chiefs seeing no prospect of success from further opposition, were induced to close with these terms. Accordingly PanambÁkan SenÁpati and HÉru ChÁkra, with AdipÁti NÁta PÚra, attended by only a few followers, surrendered themselves at SurabÁya, where they were received with great honour, the firing of cannon and musketry, and by the sound of the gÁmelan, which struck up on their approach. It was not long, however, before their persons were placed in confinement, and they were embarked on board a ship from Batavia, from whence PanambÁhan HÉru ChÁkra and AdipÁti NÁta PÚra were afterwards banished to the Cape."

The only circumstance from which the peace of the country appears to have been subsequently disturbed during the reign of this prince, was by a krÁman, or rebel, named RÁden IbrÁhim, who gave himself out as a descendant of SurapÁti; but this movement was instantly suppressed, and all that arose out of it appears to have been an attempt on the life of the SusÚnan, made by a woman, who with a small party endeavoured to force her way into the krÁton, but with several of her followers was killed in the attempt. The authority of the prince was now fully established; and in return for the services rendered by the Dutch in the late war, he was required to enter into a new treaty with the Dutch, containing the following, among other less interesting stipulations.

In acknowledgment of the services lately rendered, and also to his highness's forefathers, and in consideration of the considerable quantity of rice still owing by him to the Dutch, on the deliveries stipulated by the contract of 1705, his highness now promised to deliver to the Company annually at Batavia, with his own vessels, for a period of fifty years,[Vol II Pg 227] to commence from the year 1734, a quantity of one thousand koyans of good rice, or its equivalent in money, it being at the same time understood that the Dutch are not bound to take money for any proportion of the said annual delivery, except when it was sufficiently proved that a failure of the crop of rice rendered it impossible to supply the whole quantity.

That with the view to encourage the cultivation of pepper, the Dutch should, in future, pay five rix-dollars for each pÍkul of that article; while, on the other hand, the SusÚnan engaged to issue an edict, directing the total annihilation of the coffee culture, with the exception of a few plantations near the houses of the regents, for their own amusement and consumption, but by no means for trade, on severe penalties. The SusÚnan moreover authorized the Dutch to cause all plantations, without distinction, in the low countries, on the coast, or in the mountains, to be destroyed, and to confiscate, for their joint profit, any quantity of coffee which might be found, for purposes of trade, in the hands of any of his highness's subjects, at the expiration of six months from the date thereof. That his highness should direct the coast regents to deliver, in the year 1734, the annual quantity of timber for repairing and extending the forts of SemÁrang and JapÁra, the other materials being furnished by the Company. The seventh article stipulated for the delivering annually about ten thousand beams of teak timber (specified) at JapÁra, DemÁk, WalÍri, and BrÉbes, the same to be duly paid for on delivery; and the Dutch engaged to assure themselves that the regulation should be complied with, by causing the residents of the timber places to transmit the receipts and other vouchers relative thereto, while, on the other hand, the SusÚnan promised to take care that the timber should be of good quality and of the stipulated dimensions.

The Dutch remitted to the SusÚnan the arrears on account of the quantity of rice (the delivery of which was stipulated by the contract of October, 1705), consisting of no less than 6,537 koyans; and also the sums advanced by them in the wars and during his minority, on condition that, on the part of the SusÚnan, all previous treaties, deeds, and charters, contracted and granted by his highness's predecessors, should[Vol II Pg 228] be fulfilled by him; in default whereof the above pretensions were to regain their full force and value. It was further agreed that the Dutch should remain in possession of their former commercial privileges at Java, his highness promising to render the Dutch trade still more flourishing and considerable, and to increase the deliveries of cotton thread. His highness further bound himself to supply every day two hundred and forty bÁturs, or Javan labourers, for the service of the fort, free of expense to the Dutch.

The act which closed the reign of this prince, and which affords good evidence of the undisturbed state of public affairs at the period, was a visit to the burial-place at BÚtah, where KiÁi Agong BÚtuh, and sultan PÁjang had been interred. The Javans have such a superstitious veneration for this spot, that they declare it is never overflowed, notwithstanding the waters rise to a considerable height round it, and that it is lower than the adjoining ground. Here the prince was taken ill, and after a long confinement died, in the Javan year 1657.

He was succeeded by his son, under the title of SusÚnan PakubuÁna SenapÁti IngalÁga Abdul RÁchman SÁhedin PanatagÁma, who ascended the throne when he was only about fourteen years old, and was yet unmarried.

The young prince was entirely under the superintendance of DÁnu RÉja, his father's prime minister, until, as he attained maturity, he by repeated acts shewed a disposition to shake off the controul of that chief. He was desirous of appointing ChÁkra NÍngrat to be WidÁna of the eastern districts of PasÚruan, BÁngil, and ProbolÍng'o; but that chief being on bad terms with the minister DÁnu RÉja, the SusÚnan privately, and without the knowledge of the minister, wrote to the Governor-general at Batavia, requesting his sanction to the measure. Shortly after this the SusÚnan made a further application to the Dutch, that they would remove from Java the person of PangÉran Ria MÁngku NagÁra, on a plea that he had been discovered in an improper intimacy with one of his concubines. On this occasion the minister, DÁnu RÉja, was dispatched to Batavia; and the interview he had with the Governor-general is thus related by the native writers:?—"The General was displeased with DÁnu RÉja, because he had not adjusted these two affairs; and afterwards, when he[Vol II Pg 229] went to Batavia with presents from the SusÚnan, the General asked him if he was willing that ChÁkra NÍngrat should be WidÁna of the three districts? DÁnu RÉja, not aware of the application made by the SusÚnan, replied, that if that chief was entrusted with so extensive an authority he should tremble, as the heart of ChÁkra NÍngrat would thereupon become great; for he had already been married to the SusÚnan's sister. The General observed, that it was easy to remove this uneasiness from his mind. 'Let,' said he,'this chief be under the authority of the Dutch only. Let him pay the money tribute to the SusÚnan, but in other respects let not the SusÚnan trouble himself about him. Let him look to the Dutch only for keeping him under due restraint.' To this DÁnu RÉja replied, 'If such is the wish of the General, I cannot follow it, because I fear that hereafter the SusÚnan would object to such an arrangement, and, repenting of having followed the General's advice, would be justly enraged against me and my successors, for having in any way consented that ChÁkra NÍngrat, or these lands, should be placed under the immediate authority of the Dutch.' A pause then ensued. At length the General resumed, and in a peremptory and angry manner demanded of the minister, why he had not prevented the SusÚnan from applying for the banishment of his brother, Ria MÁngku NagÁra, observing that it had not yet been proved, that he was guilty of any offence against the SusÚnan. DÁnu RÉja replied, 'The offence of the PangÉran is clear and decided; it is known to many that he had an attachment for the SusÚnan's concubine.' He therefore requested he might be banished the island, adding, that he would request the SusÚnan to make a proper provision for his maintenance. The General conceiving that DÁnu RÉja was not inclined to follow his wishes, became enraged, and desired him not to trouble himself further about the PangÉran, saying that, whether he was banished or not, was not his business; it depended entirely on the government. He then dismissed him to his pÓndok, where the minister was allowed to remain upwards of a year, until the death of the General, when, on the elevation of his successor, he was directed to return to KÉrta-sÚra. While thus detained at Batavia, he was repeatedly visited by[Vol II Pg 230] some of the counsellors, urging him to accede to the wish of the General respecting the lands; but he continued to use to them the same arguments he had before used to the General."

After the return of DÁnu RÉja to KÉrta-sÚra, he is represented as having had an interview with WangsarÁna, a celebrated devotee, who resided in the first KalÁngbrit, and who foretold the misfortunes which were to ensue.

On demanding of this tÁpa what would be the future fate of KÉrta-sÚra, he replied, "that it was destined to misfortune, destruction, and sorrow: RÁden MÁs SujÁna and RÁden Mas SÁyed will however profit by it." This RÁden SujÁna was a younger brother of the SusÚnan by a concubine, and afterwards took the name of PangÉran MangkubÚmi. RÁden Mas SÁyed was a cousin to the SusÚnan, son of his elder brother, PangÉran Mangku-nagÁra, who had been sent to Batavia with a request that he might be banished. They were both at this time youngest children (timur).

This prophecy made a deep impression on the mind of the minister; and his uneasiness became still greater, when one day a woman, named NiÁi SÚka WÁti, came to him from her mistress, RÁtu Agong, the mother of the SusÚnan, saying that the RÁtu had just dreamt that she beheld the moon descend from the heavens and rest on the top of the large dÚku tree in the krÁton; and that this had no sooner occurred, than that RÁden Mas SujÁna immediately came, and seizing hold of the moon swallowed one-half of it, the other half slipping from his grasp, and resuming its place on the top of the tree: the RÁtu then awoke and found it daylight. These were the first signs of what was soon to befal KÉrta-sÚra.

The fate of the minister was, however, to be first decided; for on the occasion of the SusÚnan raising a chief, named SÚra-DinÍngrat, to be BopÁti of PakalÚngan, with a thousand chÁchas, without the knowledge of the minister, the latter refused to acknowledge him in that capacity; in consequence of which the SusÚnan requested the Dutch to arrest him, and banish him from the island. As soon as the Dutch had consented to do so, the unfortunate minister was dispatched to SemÁrang on a special embassy from his master, where he was decoyed into the Dutch fort and confined. He was soon after embarked for Ceylon, in the same vessel which[Vol II Pg 231] conveyed PangÉran Ria MÁngku NagÁra, at whose feet he fell, acknowledging the justice of his own punishment, for having assisted in the banishment of that chief, who had in fact committed no fault. The SusÚnan then appointed NÁtu KasÚma to be his minister.

Accounts were now received from Ceylon of the death of the ex-SusÚnan MangkÚrat Mas, and at the request of the SusÚnan, the family of the deceased were permitted to return to KÉrta-sÚra. On these were conferred distinguished titles and considerable assignments of land. To MÁngku NagÁra the SusÚnan gave the name of WÍra MengÁla, with one thousand chÁchas of land; to MÁngku NÍngrat he gave the name of PangÉran TÉpa SÁna, with nine hundred chÁchas; and to RÁden JÁya KasÚma he gave the title of PangÉran, with three hundred chÁchas. PangÉran PurbÁya, who had assumed the title of PanambÁhan SenapÁti IngalÁga, shortly after died at Batavia, and his body was conveyed to MegÍri. The eldest son of this chief married a younger sister of the SusÚnan, and received the title of PangÉran PurbÁya, with an assignment of sÁwa. The SusÚnan became much attached to him, and at length followed his counsel in all things. "What was right was declared wrong, and what was wrong, right, just as he pleased, and the SusÚnan believed it."

This increasing influence of the PangÉran PurbÁya alarmed the minister, who secretly acquainted the Dutch with it, and by their interference the PangÉran PurbÁya was removed from the councils of the prince, and obliged to fix his residence at a distance from the capital.

Various signs now foreboded approaching war and misfortune, and led the people to expect that PangÉran TÉpa SÁna would attempt to regain the throne of his ancestors. The SusÚnan and his ministers entirely disregarded these signs; but PangÉran WÍra MengÁla sought the friendship of the Dutch commandant, in the hope of obtaining his assistance.

At this time occurred the rebellion of the Chinese at Batavia; and as the Dutch accounts of the transaction are far from complete or satisfactory, I shall quote two Javan records without variation. One of them is as follows:

"The city of Batavia was now in the highest state of prosperity: traders came from all quarters, merchandize was[Vol II Pg 232] in abundance, and the slaves were numerous. The latter becoming arrogant, in consequence of the wealth and power of their masters, committed outrages on the Chinese, in the first instance by beating them, and afterwards by attempting their lives. At first there were but few who committed these outrages, but at last they formed themselves into parties and committed more public acts of hostility. The Chinese applied to the European officers in authority, to put a stop to these outrages, or to punish those who committed them: they could, however, obtain no redress, the slaves testifying with one accord that the Chinese were the aggressors. The Chinese finding they could not obtain justice from the great people, assembled near the sugar mills at GandÁria[276], to the number of more than a thousand, and chose a chief, with the determination to oppose the Dutch and the slaves; but as yet they thought it advisable not to do so openly, and therefore committed their depredations in small parties during the night. The Dutch, as soon as they heard of this, empowered several natives from SÁbrany (of the opposite coasts and islands) to take up the Chinese who were at GandÁria; these people succeeded in apprehending the Chinese one by one, and as soon as they gave them over to punishment they received a reward of six ducatoons for each. In this way they secured about two hundred. These were immediately embarked on a vessel to be banished to another country, but when they had got out to sea they were all thrown overboard. Many of them who could not swim perished; but a few having succeeded in reaching the shore, found their way to GandÁria, and related to their companions how they had been treated. The Chinese, upon this, concluding that the Dutch had resolved to extirpate their race, now openly prepared their warlike instruments, gave notice to their countrymen at Batavia of the manner in which the Dutch had determined to destroy them, and requested that those who were willing to join them would immediately repair to GandÁria. The Chinese in other quarters, equally harassed by the slaves, against whom they could gain no redress, became of one mind, when they received the intelligence of their countrymen having been thrown overboard [Vol II Pg 233]by the Dutch, and when they reflected that the destruction of their race was determined; they therefore collected quietly at GandÁria, until their numbers amounted to upwards of five thousand. Here the whole placed themselves under the orders of a chief, named SÍpanjang."

The other account is as follows:

"It is related of Batavia, that General Valkenier was excessively liberal in his favours to the Chinese. The consequence of this was, that of all the races then resident at Batavia, with the exception of the Dutch, none were so wealthy as they. Whatever was profitable fell into their hands, while the other races, the natives of the country and the adjacent islands established there, found it difficult to discharge the duties and demands made upon them. On this account all these races became discontented with the Chinese; and as it is usual with the latter for their hearts to swell as they grow richer, quarrels ensued, and disputes continually took place between the parties. These increased, until complaints were carried before masters of slaves, where slaves were concerned, and before the regular courts, where free people were concerned. But the Chinese being always defeated in these suits, and fined for their conduct, they assembled in bands, for the purpose of revenging themselves, and began to plunder the villages in the neighbourhood of the town. This happened in the Javan year 1663 (gÚna-rÁsa-mÓbah jalma)[277].

"It is related that at this time there was at Batavia a certain Edel Heer, the Baron Van Imhoff, who had arrived from Ceylon. On his arrival at Jokarta, he learned from General Valkenier the particulars of the conduct of the Chinese, who were thus committing depredations in the villages; he said there were too many Chinese at Batavia, and proposed that a proportion should be sent to Ceylon. This was accordingly agreed to by the high council, and a search was in consequence made to take up the poorest of these, that they might be transported to Ceylon. The expences, in the first instance, were to be advanced by the Dutch, who were afterwards to be reimbursed when the Chinese should have acquired the means at Ceylon. The Chinese captain was accordingly directed[Vol II Pg 234] to beat the gong, and give public notice of this order; but there was not one Chinese inclined to follow it: and in order to carry the proposition of Van Imhoff into effect, it was agreed to arrest all the Poor Chinese. This order was given to the captain of the Chinese, but he declined to arrest his countrymen. Van Imhoff then inquired by what distinction of dress he might know the rich from the poor? The captain replied, "the clothing of the Chinese which may be considered a proof of their being poor, is black (blue)." Upon this the governor directed the Baillieu to arrest all Chinese so dressed; and the Baillieu again entrusting the execution of this order to his MÁta MÁta, who belonged to the races inimical to the Chinese, the latter, to gratify particular enmities, arrested many who did not wear blue, some of them of the most respectable families. The Chinese, in general, were much offended, when shortly the whole of those who were arrested, were embarked on board ship apparently for Ceylon; but they had been only a few days at sea, when they were amÓk'd. Most of them were killed, and the rest were thrown overboard. Of these some escaped to land, and arriving secretly at Batavia, communicated to their countrymen the particulars of the cruel treatment of the Company towards them. On this all the chiefs of the Chinese entered into an agreement to raise the standard of rebellion against the Dutch, and to endeavour to carry the fort of Batavia. There were, however, one or two who did not chuse to become the enemies of the Dutch.

"A Chinese named Liu Chu, informed the government of what was going on among his countrymen, for which he received a reward of eighty ducats, and other valuable presents, with a promise of future patronage. This man went as a spy to the Chinese at GandÁria, and endeavoured to persuade the chief to submit to the Dutch, promising him free pardon; but Si-pÁnjang suspecting that, however fair might be the promises of the Dutch in the first instance, they would not fail to revenge themselves upon him, by seeking out some offence of which to accuse him, would not listen to these overtures. The Dutch then ordered, that of the Chinese who were at Batavia, such as wished to join their countrymen at GandÁria might do so, but that such as wished to follow the Dutch, must[Vol II Pg 235] shave their mustaches as a sign, and deliver up all their sharp instruments of every description, even to the smallest knife, and neither burn a lamp nor make a fire at night. All the Chinese within the city were inclined rather to remain in their houses, and conform to the wish of the Dutch according to this order, than to quit their houses and join their companions at GandÁria. The Dutch troops were now making preparations in the fort, and shut the gates of the city, hearing that the Chinese from GandÁria were approaching. These came towards Batavia in three parties, burning and laying waste every thing in their way, until they arrived close under the walls, in numbers not less than ten thousand. Some of the guns being inefficient, the Chinese became bolder, and made a furious attack in which they were repulsed with great slaughter. In this affair the Chinese are estimated to have lost one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine lives. They retreated in confusion, but assembled again at GÁding MelÁti.

"The next morning the Dutch landed all the sailors from the shipping in the roads, and having confined the Chinese to their houses, according to the regulation, the Dutch government gave orders for their own people, the free black inhabitants, and the native Christians belonging to the fort, to slay all the male Chinese, old and young, who were within the city. Of these, amounting to nearly nine thousand souls, only one hundred and fifty escaped to join their countrymen at KÁmpung MelÁti. The property of all the Chinese was seized by those who committed the slaughter, not one of whom was killed, the Chinese having previously, as before related, delivered up their weapons to the Dutch.

"After this the Dutch troops, to the number of eight hundred Europeans and two thousand natives, under the orders of the Baron Van Imhoff, proceeded to KÁmpung GÁding MelÁti, where the Chinese under Si-Panjang had entrenched themselves in considerable numbers, and soon drove them from this position. The Chinese then retreated to Paning'-gÁran, where also they were defeated. The loss of the latter affair was on the part of the Dutch four hundred and fifty, on that of the Chinese eight hundred."

While these transactions were going on at Batavia, many of the BopÁtis of the coast provinces had arrived at KÉrta[Vol II Pg 236] SÚra, to present themselves at court, according to custom, at the ensuing mÚlud. The BopÁti of DemÁk informed the minister, NÁla KasÚma, that before he quitted his district, the Chinese, in considerable numbers, had assembled in arms and elected a chief of their own nation, named SÍngseh. The BopÁti of GrobÓgan also reported, that the same thing had taken place in his district, in consequence of their having heard that the Dutch at Batavia were determined to destroy every Chinese on the island. On this the minister waited upon the SusÚnan, and informed him of these commotions. The SusÚnan replied, that he had already heard of what was going on at Batavia, and was much surprized that the general had not sent him any intimation of the insurrection. The RÁden AdipÁti observed, that perhaps it would not come to any thing, and that very probably the disturbance would subside of itself. To this the SusÚnan replied: "if so, it was well; but if the war was brought into his country, what was he to do? He feared this was to be apprehended, or why should the Chinese on his lands be thus preparing to defend themselves against the Dutch. It is proper at any rate," added the SusÚnan, "that we should agree with all the BopÁtis who were assembled, whether it would be most advisable to assist the Dutch or the Chinese, for if the war is to be brought into my country, it appears to me that this point must soon be determined. In the mean time should this event happen, let them fight between themselves, don't let us interfere or assist: don't drive the Chinese away." On this the RÁden AdipÁti observed, "that if the general requested their assistance, they were bound, according to treaty, to afford it." The SusÚnan replied, "if the general requests assistance from me in men, it is an easy matter, and we can readily chuse the right course, but he must not force me to render assistance." The RÁden AdipÁti then said, "as this was the wish of the prince, he would assemble the chiefs and be ready to give assistance to the Dutch, should they request it." The SusÚnan replied, "very well, let them agree how to act."

The RÁden AdipÁti then proceeded to his house, where, assembling the chiefs, the point was discussed as follows. The RÁden AdipÁti having informed them of the desire of[Vol II Pg 237] the SusÚnan, that they should agree how to act, in the event of the war between the Chinese and Dutch being brought into the SusÚnan's country, whether they should assist the Dutch or the Chinese. The AdipÁti of PakalÓng'an, JÁya NÍngrat, first delivered his sentiments. "I think it is best," said he, "that the SusÚnan should assist the Dutch, but on condition they should release him from all the burthens which have been imposed upon his ancestors." The RÁden AdipÁti said, "That is good; but I must remain of opinion, that the Chinese who are on Java do not concern our affairs as to the Dutch: they are not under my orders; they are only engaged in trade; they have done good, and brought profit to Java: why must we assist the Dutch, and destroy the Chinese?" DepÁti JÁya NÍgrat replied, "It is true the Chinese do not interfere with our business, and it is our own fault that we have any thing to do with the Dutch. Is it not better to take this opportunity of ridding the SusÚnan of the exactions he is under to the Dutch? Let us assist them; they are strongest. The Dutch are as iron, the Chinese as tin: therefore it is better to assist the party most likely to be victorious." The RÁden AdipÁti observed, "that it was on account of the Dutch being so strong that he thought it wrong to assist them; for," added he, "if we do they will only become more powerful and great, when perhaps we shall not be able to oppose them, and must remain entirely at their mercy. Is it not better, therefore, to destroy their strength while they are not too powerful for us?" The DepÁti JÁya NÍngrat then said, "If on this account we do not like to assist the Dutch, let us not assist the Chinese, but remain neutral, and leave them to fight it out among themselves." The RÁden AdipÁti said, "That would not be according to the will of the SusÚnan: he wishes to take part with one or the other, and he only asks which." The other BopÁtis inclined to the advice of JÁya NÍngrat; but observing the desire of the RÁden AdipÁti to assist the Chinese, were silent, concluding that the part he took was in conformity with the wish of the SusÚnan. The TumÚng'gung of GrobogÁn, RÁden MÉrta PÚra, then said, "We are as the people who bear two burthens: the Dutch are on the right shoulder, the Chinese on the left;[Vol II Pg 238] if we throw off one the other still remains. If we can accomplish it, why should we not get rid of both? In the first instance, let us assist the Chinese, and get rid of the Dutch; when that is done we can easily get rid of the Chinese also." DepÁti JÁya Ningrat replied, "It is very well for you to wish this, but perhaps you are not sufficiently strong to effect it. In an affair of this importance we should consider the consequences. If we succeed, it is well; but if we destroy one party we commit an offence against the Almighty: what then if we destroy both parties, who have done us no harm? You must have read in history what has happened in the land of Java, and what occurred to those who injured others who did not offend them. Recollect, for instance, the case of Jaing RÁna of SurabÁya, who was put to death unjustly: was his death not avenged, and for this one innocent life was there not afterwards a retribution of sixteen lives?" MÉrta PÚra was embarrassed, and knew not what answer to make. The RÁden AdipÁti laughed, and was followed by all the chiefs; he afterwards said, "This is the effect of experience. MÉrta PÚra is a young man, and not able to contend in argument with AdipÁti JÁya NÍngrat, his elder." However, RÁden MÉrta PÚra, taking a cup of tea, recollected himself, and prepared to reply. After drinking the tea, and replacing the cup, he immediately addressed AdipÁti JÁya NÍngrat: "How can you talk thus? Is it not better to finish the business at once, and not by halves? Of what use is it to talk of precedents? What was the case formerly is one thing; the present affair is altogether different: they cannot be compared together. We have now our own master, whose wishes we must follow. We must make a new example, and leave others to act up to it." The RÁden AdipÁti then demanded of all the other BopÁtis their opinion in this affair, to which they replied, "Let us advise the SusÚnan to follow his own inclination, either to assist the Dutch according to treaty, on condition that they cancel all obligations, &c. on the part of the SusÚnan to the Dutch, or to assist the Chinese in destroying the Dutch, and after that to get rid of the Chinese altogether, or allow them to remain, as the SusÚnan may think proper." [Vol II Pg 239]

This opinion was on the next day carried to the SusÚnan by the RÁden AdipÁti, who further suggested, that it would be well to encourage the Chinese to act against the Dutch; that when the war took place it would be easy to perceive which was the best side to assist, and that the SusÚnan should appear to remain neutral for the present. The SusÚnan having listened to this advice approved of it. He in consequence directed that MÉrta PÚra should quietly return to his province, and should encourage the Chinese to act against the Dutch, and promise them, that in the event of their success the SusÚnan would join them. He also directed that the other BopÁtis should make preparations for collecting their forces.

In pursuance of these orders MÉrta PÚra secretly proceeded to GrobÓgan, and communicated with the chiefs who had been elected by the Chinese, named Inchi MÁchan and MÚda Tik. The Chinese of GrobÓgan immediately wrote to SÍngseh, the chief at TÁnjung Welakan, who was equally pleased with this promise of support. The Chinese from GrobÓgan then went and joined those at TÁnjung WalÁkan, it being arranged that MÉrta PÚra should make a sham attack upon them, from which they should appear to fly.

MÉrta PÚra then wrote to the Dutch commander at SemÁrang, telling him that he had orders from the minister to attack the Chinese, and requesting to be supplied with ammunition, which was immediately sent. The Dutch were completely deceived. They furnished MÉrta PÚra with twenty muskets, eight carbines and eight pistols, and eight barrels of powder: they also sent thirty Dutch soldiers. MÉrta PÚra commenced the attack before they came, and thus secured the retreat of the Chinese. On this occasion he shot three horses with ball, and shewed them to the Dutch as having been wounded under him.

In the mean time the commandant at SemÁrang, deceived by the assurances of MÉrta PÚra, requested the officers at KÉrta SÚra to call upon the SusÚnan for assistance. He directed that MÉrtu PÚra should be reinforced, but that the chief who commanded the party should receive secret instructions not to annoy the Chinese in earnest, but to act as[Vol II Pg 240] MÉrta PÚra had done. With respect to the Chinese at KÉrta PÚra, he directed that they should be informed that on the next morning the Javans would make a sham attack upon them, when they must retreat and join a party of Chinese assembled at the DÉsa SarÓja in KedÚ, to which place they would be pursued, and from whence the Javan chief was to return, saying, that on account of their numbers he could advance no further.

Secret orders to this effect were immediately given to all the chiefs. The AdipÁtis of PÁti, DemÁk, and KedÚ were at the same time directed to go and make a false attack upon the Chinese at TÁnjung WalÁhan, and afterwards to retreat to SemÁrang, as if beaten, in order that the commander might believe that the SusÚnan was determined to assist the Dutch.

The captain and lieutenant of the Chinese at SemÁrang having been put in confinement by the commandant, all the Chinese at that place joined their countrymen at TÁnjung WalÁhan. The Chinese then moved to KÁrang Anyer, where they were attacked. The Javans retreated to SemÁrang, and were assisted by the Dutch. The chief, SÍngseh, in concert with MÉrta PÚra, now laid siege to SemÁrang.

The commander at KÉrta SÚra requested assistance against the Chinese at AmbarÁwa, which was granted, with the same instruction to the chiefs as in the former instances. These marched as far as SalÍatga, where they held secret communication with the Chinese; but the chief, Aria PringalÁya, caused ten Chinese to be put to death while both parties were about to meet privately, and sent the ten heads to KÉrta SÚra, which were delivered to the commandant. This at first exasperated the Chinese leader at SemÁrang, but he was soon pacified.

At this time the SusÚnan discovered that one of the sons of MangkÚrat Mas, TÉpa SÁna, was carrying on an intrigue with the commandant of the fort at KÉrta SÚra, and caused him to be bow-stringed. WÍra MÉja and RÁden Garendi, the two sons of TÉpa SÁna, with his other relations, joined PangÉran WÍra Meng'ala, and quitted KÉrta SÚra: they were well received by the Chinese.

The Chinese, besides laying siege to SemÁrang, had also[Vol II Pg 241] by this time taken and destroyed RÉmbang. JawÁna and DemÁk were abandoned by the Dutch troops, and a want of provisions was felt through the country.

Affairs had come to this pass, when the SusÚnan resolved to massacre the Dutch garrison at KÉrta SÚra. The Javans were collected under the fort, as by order from the SusÚnan, in readiness to march against the Chinese, when one of them who had entered within the walls fired a shot. The cry of amÓk was given, and many lives were lost on both sides; but the plan did not succeed, and it was not till after he was reinforced by the Chinese that he could effect his object. On the renewal of the attack, the garrison was compelled to surrender. The commanding officer and some others were barbarously murdered in cold blood; the rest of the troops, with their wives and children, made prisoners, and distributed among the Javans: the greatest part of the men being circumcised and forced to adopt the Mahomedan religion.

The Dutch authorities, in endeavouring to account for this act, incline to an opinion that the SusÚnan was (not without an appearance of probability) immediately impelled to it by many acts of oppression and injustice exercised against his subjects, by a total disregard of all his representations for redress, by an evident intention on the part of the Dutch to become masters of the whole island, and by the harsh and uncivil conduct of the Resident towards the first men of the court, which was the more obnoxious from his being the son of a Javan woman, and for that reason, and the illegitimacy of his birth, much despised by the natives.

When this intelligence reached SemÁrang, the Dutch began to open their eyes. The first step that was taken was to pass a decree, absolving the PangÉran of MadÚra from his allegiance to the SusÚnan. This decree was formally signed by the government of SemÁrang, and accepted by the PangÉran, who being married to a sister of the SusÚnan, returned his wife back to her brother. No sooner had he declared himself the ally of the Dutch, than he ordered all the Chinese on the island of MadÚra to be put to death, and embarking his forces immediately, took possession of SidÁyu, Tuban, JÍpang, and LamÚng'an. At GrÉsik about four hundred Chinese were put to death. [Vol II Pg 242]

The Chinese, in the meantime, finding themselves reinforced by the Javans, spread over the whole country without encountering opposition, and laid siege at the same time to nearly all the Company's settlements along the coast, from TÉgÁl to PasÚruan.

After many feeble and unskilful attacks on the fort of SemÁrang, and the loss of many lives, the united forces of the Javans and Chinese were compelled to raise the siege.

A negociation was now brought about by means of the PangÉran of MadÚra, who represented to the Dutch that the attack upon the fort, as well as the subsequent part taken by the Javans, was solely at the instigation of the minister, NÁta KasÚma, and that the SusÚnan himself was personally averse to these measures. The SusÚnan, according to the Dutch accounts, regretted the precipitate steps he had taken, either as beginning to fear that the Dutch might again, as in former wars, obtain the ascendancy, and make him pay dear for his temerity; or, which appeared to him most likely, apprehending that the Chinese, who, though comparatively few and unused to arms, had hitherto taken the lead in every affair of consequence, and evinced their superiority to the Javans in ability and courage, should become too powerful, and might, in concert with some discontented chiefs, think fit to depose him. From one or other, or both of these motives, the SusÚnan desired to renew his alliance with the Dutch.

The Dutch, on their part, considering the precarious state of the time and circumstances, found it advisable to enter into amicable relations, and accordingly concluded a peace, by which were ceded to them the island of MadÚra, the sea-coast, and SurabÁya, with all the districts to the eastward, as BalambÁng'an, and RembÁng, JapÁra, and SemÁrang, with all their subordinate posts.

According to the Javan accounts, this treaty was concluded without the knowledge of the minister, NÁta KasÚma, who with the Javan and Chinese forces still lay encamped not far from SemÁrang: and it was agreed upon by the SusÚnan, at the request of the Dutch, that the Chinese should be kept in ignorance of what was passing, in order that they might be the more easily massacred by their supposed friends the Javans. NÁta KasÚma, however, no sooner heard of the con[Vol II Pg 243]ditions on which the peace had been concluded, and of the intention to massacre the Chinese, than he took part with them, and revealed the whole plot. To preserve appearances, however, he made a sham attack on the Chinese, in which the sick alone were sacrificed. The rest moved off unmolested to the eastward, meditating vengeance against the SusÚnan, by whom they had been thus deserted. Their principal force was now assembled in the districts of PÁti and JawÁna, where they were joined by many of the chiefs who had hitherto been attached to their cause. Here they proclaimed as SusÚnan RÁden Mas GarÉndi, son of PangÉran TÉpa SÁna, who had recently been put to death by the SusÚnan, and grandson of SusÚnan Mangkurat Mas, who had died at Ceylon. He assumed the title of SusÚnan MangkÚrat Mas PrÁbu KÚning, but is usually distinguished by the name of SusÚnan KÚning. This prince was about ten years of age, and therefore the transactions which ensued are to be attributed to his ministers, MangunÓnang and MÉrta PÚra, and to the Chinese chiefs, SÍngsih and PÁnjang.

NÁta KasÚma, the minister, still feigning allegiance, returned to KÉrta SÚra; but the part he had taken being discovered, he was sent to SemÁrang on a false mission, as was customary in such cases, and there entrapped by the Dutch and conveyed to Ceylon.

The Chinese, with their emperor, now marched with great expedition to KÉrta SÚra, in order to attack the SusÚnan, and met with but little resistance. The troops of the SusÚnan, under the command of RÁden PrÍnga LÁya, were defeated, KÉrta SÚra was surprised, and the SusÚnan was obliged to leave his court, and treasures to the enemy. His queen, sister, and children, on horseback, together with his mother, carried by two Europeans, under the conduct of two Dutch officers, through a back gate of the dÁlam, were pursued and overtaken. The SusÚnan and the hereditary prince only were enabled to save themselves by flight.

It was not likely that an alliance between the Chinese and Javans, people so different and hostile to each other, could be of any long duration. While the Chinese became relaxed in their discipline, and indulged in every species of irregularity, the fugitive emperor, being now joined by the Dutch and Ma[Vol II Pg 244]durese, received the submission of many of the rebel chiefs, and pardoned them; but he refused to pay attention to the offers of submission made by the Chinese. The prince of MadÚra, at length, succeeded in making himself master of KÉrta SÚra, from whence the SusÚnan Kuning was obliged to fly, after a reign of four months.

The Chinese being afterwards defeated in a pitched battle at AsÉm, retreated to BrambÁnan, and the SusÚnan again arrived in his capital. When, however, the prince of MadÚra, who was by no means well inclined to the SusÚnan, found himself in possession of KÉrta SÚra, he made an attempt to raise to the throne PangÉran Angebai, the SusÚnan's brother. The SusÚnan was once more obliged to quit his capital, and it was not until after much negociation between the Dutch and the Javans, that he was re-established. Whether this attempt on the part of the Madurese prince was serious, or only intended to render the sovereign more complying to the demands of his allies, is not known. The negociation, however, as was usual in similar cases, turned out highly advantageous to the Dutch interests, a treaty being dictated by them without the walls of the palace, and before the prince was permitted to enter it.

The Chinese, who had meanwhile remained at BrambÁnan unmolested for two whole months, were now joined by PÁku NagÁra, a man noted among the Javans for his eminent abilities, and distinguished afterwards for the conspicuous part he acted in what is called "the war of Java," and through his means the party were enabled still to make a stand: they were at length, however, defeated by the Dutch troops, and compelled to retreat over the southern hills. A general amnesty being proclaimed, and the Chinese having availed themselves of it, the ex-emperor at length surrendered to the Dutch at SurabÁya, by whom he was banished to Ceylon, where he died. This event happened in the Javan year 1667, and terminated the Chinese war.

After a few months the SusÚnan, in conformity with ancient custom, removed the seat of government from KÉrta SÚra to the village of Solo, about six miles distant, where a palace was built. The new capital was called SÚra KÉrta, and is the present residence of the emperors of Java. [Vol II Pg 245]

On the subsequent accession of Mr. Imhoff to the post of governor-general, he was of opinion that, notwithstanding the favourable terms of the treaties granted by the SusÚnan, sufficient atonement had not been made to the Dutch nation for the outrage committed against the Christian religion, and the barbarous treatment of the garrison of KÉrta SÚra. He therefore required that the two principal ringleaders should be delivered up and punished; and to ensure compliance, measures were taken for seizing upon the SusÚnan and his son, and bestowing the throne on the eldest son of PangÉran MÁngku NagÁra. But the SusÚnan thought it prudent to comply, and delivered over two priests to the Dutch; and a new treaty was on this occasion concluded with the SusÚnan.

Fresh disturbances soon succeeded. The PangÉran of MadÚra, ChÁkra DenÍngrat, a man of a selfish and haughty character, considered himself, in consequence of the part he had taken, so far exalted above the other chiefs, that he neglected to make his annual appearance at court. Of this the SusÚnan complained to the Dutch, who interfered, but without effect. The PangÉran, who, as before stated, had taken possession of the provinces of SidÁya, TÚban, JÍpang, and LamÚng'an, now refused to restore them either to the SusÚnan or the Dutch, to whom they had been ceded, claiming them, as well as all the plunder he had obtained at KÉrta SÚra, as conquered property. Determined to keep them by force, he engaged in his service a number of men from BÁli, and fortified the island MenÁri, so as to command the harbour of SurabÁya.

He now commenced open hostilities by attacking a Dutch vessel, and putting to death several European seamen. Two thousand MadÚrese entered the district of SurabÁya, burnt some villages, and laid the country waste; and five thousand BÁlians were posted on the frontiers of PamakÁsan. After having been twice or thrice defeated, the PangÉran made a sudden attack upon SÚmenap and PamakÁsan, and gained a complete victory over the natives fighting under a Dutch commander, who lost six thousand men on the occasion, the chief being obliged to fly the country.

It was not long before the Dutch regained possession of SÚmenap and PamakÁsan, on which occasion a brother-[Vol II Pg 246]in-law of the PangÉran, with two chiefs, submitted to them; but the Dutch troops were no sooner withdrawn, than those provinces again fell under the authority of the PangÉran, who laid them waste with fire and sword. The Dutch tried in vain to dislodge him. RÉmbang was now besieged by an army of fire thousand MadÚrese and Javans. LÁsÉm, PÁjang-kungung, and all the villages as far as ParadÉsa, were in possession of the PangÉran, who made himself master also of the fort of RÉmbang, and of the building yard established there; but his fortune suddenly changed. The prince was, in his turn, defeated in several engagements, and at length compelled to fly from Java; and the Dutch forces landing on MadÚra, took the capital SÁmpang, by storm, and in a short time made themselves masters of the whole island.

In this extremity, the prince of MadÚra still refused to come to terms, and went with his sons, SÁsra and RÁna DenÍngrat, to BanjermÁsin on Borneo, where he engaged his passage on board an English ship bound to Bencoolen; to which place he had previously, on his affairs taking an unfavourable turn, sent his son, RÁden TumÚng'gung WÍra DenÍngrat, to request assistance from the English, and procure men and warlike stores. His plan, however, of proceeding to Bencoolen was frustrated; for the sultan of BanjermÁsin, on application from the Dutch, sent him, with his son SÁsra, to Batavia, whence the father was banished to the Cape of Good Hope, and the son to Ceylon.

In effecting a settlement of the country, the Dutch were compelled to appoint another son of this prince, SÚra DinÍngrat, to succeed as chief of MadÚra, under the name of SÉcha DenÍngrat. In the year 1758, this chief was also appointed WidÁna, or chief, of several of the eastern districts.

But, however these successes on the part of the Dutch might tend to the immediate tranquillity of the country, the authority of the SusÚnan had been seriously shaken. The prince possessed neither the esteem nor attachment of his subjects. To his evil star it was attributed that the empire had not only lost much of its ancient grandeur, but was brought to the brink of ruin. The chiefs no longer placed[Vol II Pg 247] any confidence in him; they despised the man who had granted such humiliating terms to the Dutch, and who, to obtain their temporary aid, had thus sacrificed the permanent integrity of the empire: they, therefore, were inclined to make an effort to regain what had been lost.

The principal character and prime mover in this rebellion was the PangÉran MungkubÚmi, a younger brother of the SusÚnan. During the Chinese war he had obtained considerable experience, and was distinguished for boldness and enterprize of character. On the Chinese being driven from KÉrta SÚra, he had thrown himself on the protection of the Dutch, and was now residing with his brother at KÉrta SÚra. Next to MangkubÚmi, the most prominent character in the war of Java was PÁku NagÁra, who was also called Mas SÁyed but perhaps better known as the grandfather of PrÁng WidÓno. After the defeat of the Chinese at BrambÁnan, this prince had also returned to court; but being coldly received, again reared the standard of revolt, and escaping into the southern mountains assumed the title of SusÚnan Adi PrakÚsa.

MangunÓnang, the minister of SusÚnan KÚning, and MÉrta PÚra, had established themselves in the province of SukawÁti, refusing to come into any terms. They invited MangkabÚmi to come over to them, and promised their assistance in raising him to the throne. MangkubÚmi accepted their invitation; but finding himself deceived by them, he, by his own exertions and those of the son of MÉrta PÚra, obtained possession of that province, and established himself under the title of PangÉran AdipÁti of SukawÁti. He was, however, afterwards induced to listen to terms offered him by the SusÚnan, who again received him into favour, and conferred upon him the independent government of SukawÁti. But these terms were not granted by the emperor without exciting the jealousy and apprehensions of the minister PrÍnga LÁya, who easily availed himself of an early opportunity, when the Governor-General, Van Imhoff, was on a visit to SÚra KÉrtÁ, to represent the danger arising from any subject possessing so independent and extensive authority, as that recently granted by the SusÚnan to MangkubÚmi.

It was accordingly determined to deprive MangkubÚmi of[Vol II Pg 248] this tract of country, and the resolution was personally communicated to him in the hall of audience. The chief feigned obedience; but in the course of the night, secretly quitted the capital, and assembling his party proceeded to SukawÁti, where he again reared the standard of rebellion. From the flight of this prince is dated what is usually termed the war of Java, which took place in the Javan year 1671.

The Dutch now took an active part in the war, but found that they had enemies to contend with who possessed considerable ability and enterprize, and who in the past disturbances of the country had gained much experience. PÁku NagÁra was, in the first instance, defeated, and fled for protection to MangkubÚmi, who received him kindly, gave him his daughter, RÁtu BandÁra, in marriage, and appointed him his Pateh, or minister. The united forces of these two chiefs resisted the attacks of the Dutch for about twelve months, when MangkubÚmi assumed the title of SusÚnan MatÁrem; but a dispute arising between him and PÁku NagÁra, who demanded his own nomination as presumptive successor, MangkubÚmi took back his daughter, and the chiefs parted in enmity.

While MangkubÚmi lay with his forces at BunÁran, a village on the south coast, and distant about ten miles from the present YÚgya KÉrta, intelligence was received of the death of the SusÚnan; and such was the extensive power of MangkubÚmi at the time, that the body of the deceased could not be removed to the consecrated burial place at MegÍri in the southern hills, on account of his forces, and was in consequence interred near the tomb of JÁka TÍngker, sultan of PÁjang, at Lawian, near SÚra KÉrta, whence this prince received the appellation of SusÚnan SÉda Lawigan.

MangkubÚmi had evinced a desire to come to terms, and gave assurances to the governor of his attachment to the Dutch, but demanded that his son should be proclaimed PangÉran AdipÁti MatÁrem (heir apparent); a condition to which the Dutch would not listen.

The reduced state of the SusÚnan's authority before his death, and the distracted condition of affairs, afforded an opportunity too favourable to be overlooked by the Dutch, of at once attaining the grand object of all their political inter[Vol II Pg 249]ference, the sovereignty of the country. A weak prince on his death-bed was, under existing circumstances, easily brought to any terms, in the hope of continuing even the nominal succession in his family. He was compelled, by a formal official deed, "to abdicate for himself and his heirs, the sovereignty of the country, conferring the same on the Dutch East India Company, and leaving it to them to dispose of it, in future, to any person they might think competent to govern it for the benefit of the Company and of Java." After recommending his children, and especially the heir apparent, to the protection of the governor, the unfortunate monarch expired. This singular and important deed was dated on the 11th December, 1749.[278]

From this deed is derived the right by which the Dutch East India Company subsequently granted in fee to the[Vol II Pg 250] native princes, the administration of those provinces which still continued under native government.

On the death of this unfortunate prince, MangkubÚmi caused himself to be formally proclaimed SusÚnan PakubÚana SenapÁti MatÁrem, in the presence of a more numerous assemblage of the princes and chiefs than attended the investiture of the new SusÚnan raised by the Dutch. He sent ambassadors to the Dutch governor with many assurances of attachment and fidelity, requesting to be acknowledged as sovereign, and soliciting that the body of the deceased might be delivered to him, for the purpose of solemn interment.

The son of the deceased SusÚnan, however, was preferred, and at the age of nine years was raised to the throne, under the title of PakubÚana the third.

The enmity of the rebellious chiefs to each other soon vented itself in open hostility, and a pitched battle ensued, in which MangkubÚmi was defeated and driven to the westward. Soon, however, recruiting his forces, he returned, and had two successful engagements with the Dutch, one at JÁnar, a village in BÁglen, the other at TÍdar, a hill in KedÚ. In the battle of JÁnÁr the Javan forces allowed the brunt of the action to fall upon the Dutch, who were completely routed: of those who had escaped the sword many were drowned in an adjoining marsh, and the rest were murdered in great numbers by the country people. The affair of TÍdar was of less importance. The forces of MangkubÚmi were sometimes reduced to a few hundred, and at other times amounted to as many thousands, the chiefs and people deserting him in his distress, and flocking to him in his prosperity. After three victories obtained over the Dutch, he marched towards the northern coast, fell upon PakalÓng'an, and plundered the place.

MangkubÚmi now carried all before him, and was once at the gates of SÓlo, which capital the Javans represent to have been saved from plunder by the superstitious veneration for the gun niÁi stÓmi, which the rebels no sooner descried on the alun-alun than they sounded a retreat. The Dutch, in the hope of allaying his displeasure, had given the SusÚnan the choice of his officers of state, and prohibited the resident[Vol II Pg 251] from taking his seat on the throne with him (an indelicate assumption which had previously given the greatest disgust to the Javans); but after nine years of harassing warfare it was still found impracticable to reduce the rebellious chiefs, or to restore the country to order. The Dutch, therefore, availing himself of the abdication in their favour executed by the deceased SusÚnan, listened to the proposals of MangkubÚmi, who offered peace, on condition that one half of Java should be ceded to him. A meeting took place at GingÁnti, a village not far distant from SÚra-kÉrta, at which were present the SusÚnan, MangkubÚmi, and the governor of the north-east coast of Java, when a treaty was signed.

One of the conditions of this treaty was, that MangkubÚmi should use his utmost exertions to subdue PÁku NagÁra. In conformity with this condition he immediately proceeded against him; but PÁku NagÁra making his appearance with his whole force, obliged him to retreat and conceal himself in a cavern, while his troops, flying in every direction, allowed his camp to be burned. MangkubÚmi, however, soon collected his forces again. The Dutch offered a reward for the head of PÁku NagÁra, who was obliged to proceed to the eastward, being pursued and his whole force finally overthrown. He still refused to submit, and the celebrity of his name and exploits was sufficient to recruit his ranks.

In the year A.D. 1755, MangkubÚmi was solemnly proclaimed by the Dutch Governor, under the title of SÚltan AmangkubuÁna SÉnapÁti IngalÁga Abdul RÁchman SahÉdin PanatagÁma KulifatÓlah.

The united forces of the SusÚnan and Sultan now resumed the attack upon PÁku NagÁra; several of his chiefs were forced to submit, and he himself, after having prolonged the war for upwards of two years, seeing no favourable chance or hope of ultimate success, at last sent his brother to the SusÚnan, requesting that certain districts and the southern mountains might be granted to him for his support, promising on that condition to lead a quiet and peaceable life for the future. In reply to this he was informed, that the partition of the lands had already taken place; that part of these lands might, however, be granted, but that it was first necessary he should make his appearance at court. To this he assented; and it[Vol II Pg 252] being stipulated that the SusÚnan should pay him the compliment of receiving him at the distance of half an hour's walk from Sura-kÉrta, he came in, and throwing himself at the feet of the SusÚnan was kindly raised again, desired to sit on the bench, and assured that he had nothing to apprehend.

Peace was then concluded, on the conditions that PÁku NagÁra, commonly called Mas SÁyed, should assume the rank and title of PangÉran AdipÁti Mangku NÁgara, with an assignment of land to the extent of four thousand chÁchas, in the districts of Kadwang, MalÉsa, and the southern mountains.

Thus ended, in the year 1758, a war which had lasted twelve years, in which the finest provinces of the island were laid waste, thousands slain on both sides, and the independence of the empire finally annihilated. The expenses incurred by the Dutch on account of the war, from the year 1746 until the peace, amounted to 4,286,006. 12. 8. florins; but, in the result, they acquired, if not the acknowledged sovereignty of the whole island, at least an effectual control over its future administration.

The SusÚnan, on his death, was succeeded, in the Javan year 1714, by his son, the present SusÚnan, under the title of SusÚnan PakubuÁna the fourth.

The sultan established his capital a few miles distant from the ancient capital of MatÁrem, at YÚgya-kÉrta (Djocjo Carta) the present residence of his successors. He died, after a long reign, in the Javan year 1718, and was succeeded by his eldest surviving son, under the title of AmangkubuÁna the second. This prince was deposed by the British government in the year 1812, and succeeded by his son, AmangkubuÁna the third, who dying, was again succeeded, in 1815, by his son, a child of nine years of age, the present sultan, AmangkubuÁna the fourth.

PangÉran Prang WidÓno, still residing at SÚra KÉrta, is the grandson of PangÉran AdipÁti MÁngku NagÁra, and continues to enjoy the independent administration of the lands assigned to him at the settlement in 1758.

By the final settlement of the country in 1758 the Dutch reserved to themselves the direct administration of all the pro[Vol II Pg 253]vinces lying on the northern sea-coast, from ChÉribon to the eastern extremity of the island of MadÚra; but the inland and southern provinces stretching from the islands of ChÉribon to MÁlang, were restored to the native princes, between whom the lands were divided in nearly equal portions by chÁchas, according to the population and the peculiar usage of the country, four thousand chÁchas from the share of the SusÚnan being set apart for Mangku NagÁra.

The terms on which the successors of these princes were permitted to exercise the sovereignty, suffered no material alteration until the year 1808, when Marshal Daendels officially declared that the clauses of the existing treaties, by which those princes held their territory in fee from the Dutch, were void, and that in future he should consider them as independent princes, having no other relation to the European government than such as must of necessity exist between a weaker and stronger state in the immediate neighbourhood of each other. At this time the court of YÚgya KÉrta, sensible of owing its establishment chiefly to the military success of its founder, and the weakness of the Dutch and the SusÚnan, and that it never fully submitted to the terms of the treaty of 1755 (which it is even stated were imposed upon the sovereign by a false translation in the Javan language) evinced a desire of independence and an appearance of internal strength, which called for the immediate interference of the European authority. Marshal Daendels, therefore, marched to YÚgya KÉrta with a considerable force, and a negociation being opened, a treaty was entered into, by which the reigning sultan consented to resign the administration of the country into the hands of his son, who was appointed to exercise the same under the title of regent, and to cede certain provinces.

But the stipulations of this treaty, thus entered into, had not been carried into effect, when in the month of August, 1811, the British forces arrived in Java. The sultan, it is true, had ostensibly resigned the administration to his son, but he still took his usual place on the throne, and not one of the districts ceded by treaty to the Dutch had then been actually transferred.

LINE OF THE MAHOMEDAN SOVEREIGNS OF JAVA,
Who have ruled subsequently to the Destruction of the Hindu Government of MajapÁhit down to the Javan Year 1742, corresponding with the Christian Year 1815.

The present SusÚnan is consequently the eighteenth in succession from the first Mahomedan sovereign, and not perhaps less than the fortieth from the first Hindu prince. The average reign during the Mahomedan government is nineteen years. Taking the same average for the period of the Hindu government, its origin would be four hundred and eighteen years anterior to the destruction of MajapÁhit, A. J. 1400, and may be referred to the close of the tenth century of the Javan era, or the middle of the eleventh century of the Christian era.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS,
Which have occurred in Java (from the Traditions and Records of the Javans.)