The extensive prevalence of the Javan language, and its connexion with the languages of continental India, were not overlooked by those intelligent Europeans who visited these islands at an early period; for we find Valentyn[122] quoting the authority of Flaccourt, who published in 1661, and the Portuguese Jan de Barros, for conclusions with regard to the extent of Javan commerce in remote ages, drawn from the resemblance then traced between the languages of Java and those of Madagascar and Ambon (Amboina.) "The Javans," observes this author, "must doubtless have visited Coromandel and Malabar, for the high or court language is, in three parts out of four, derived from the Sanscrit or Brahminical language. Many Malabar words also enter into the composition, and it is besides composed in a great measure from the Dekan, which is the ancient language of India, in the same manner as the Sanscrit is the sacred language."

The alphabet has been exhibited, though imperfectly, by Valentyn, Le Brun, and Reland, and an Alphabetum Bantemense is said to have been found amongst the posthumous papers of the learned Hyde; but the language does not appear to have been regularly cultivated by Europeans until within the last very few years. Some of the outlines of th[Vol I Pg 398]e Javan mythological stories had previously appeared in a Dutch dress, in the transactions of the Batavian Society; and these, with the translation of the Lord's Prayer in the high and low languages, published by Valentyn, some short vocabularies, and a short comparative view of the Javan and Malayan languages, which appeared in a Dutch work entitled "Begin en vortgang den Oost Ind Compen," or the Rise and Progress of the East-India Company, are the only contributions to our knowledge of Javan literature with which I am acquainted.

The native population of Java, MadÚra, and BÁli, islands most intimately connected with each other in every respect, use exactly the same written character, and it appears that one generic language prevails throughout these islands. Of this generic language, however, there are four dialects, differing so materially from each other as to be generally considered separate languages. It is, however, rather by admixture of other languages than by mere difference of dialect that they are distinguished. These dialects or languages are the SÚnda, spoken by the inhabitants of the mountainous districts of Java west of TÉgal; the JÁwa or Javan, which is the general language of Java east of ChÉribon, and throughout the districts lying on the northern coast of the island; the MadÚra and the BÁli, being the dialects or languages belonging to those islands respectively.

How far these dialects or languages radically assimilate with each other, and justify the opinion that one generic language prevails throughout, may be determined by an inspection of the annexed vocabulary[123]. The Lampung is added on account of the vicinity of that part of Sumatra to Java, and the intimate political connection which at all times subsisted between the people; and in order to enable the reader to compare them all with the prevailing language of the Archipelago the MalÁyu is prefixed. Under the Javan is included the BÁsa krÁma, or polite language, which will be more particularly noticed hereafter.

In this vocabulary such words only have been introduced[Vol I Pg 399] as are used in conversation, and in ordinary epistolary composition; but the inhabitants of these islands possess further a classic language, altogether distinct from the ordinary languages of the country, and which is to them what the Sanscrit is to the Pracrit language of Hindustan, and what the Pali is to the Birman and Siamese. This language is termed KÁwi[124]. The annexed vocabulary, No. 2[125], which affords a comparison between the Sanscrit, the Pali, and the KÁwi, will shew how nearly these languages are allied.

These two vocabularies may serve to convey a notion of the extent, peculiarities, and antiquity of the Javan language, which will be found as intimately connected with the MalÁyu, or general language of the Archipelago, on the one hand, as it is with the Sanscrit and Pali on the other.

The SÚnda language, though now confined to the mountainous districts, seems to have been formerly, and probably down to the period immediately preceding the revolution occasioned by the Mahomedan conversion, the general language of the western districts, and is perhaps the most ancient vernacular language of the country. It is a simple uncultivated dialect, adapted however to all the purposes of the simple and uneducated mountaineers who speak it, and has perhaps escaped the influence of foreign innovation, from the peculiar nature of the country and the independent character of that race. It possesses a considerable portion of MalÁyu words, and some of Sanscrit origin; the latter being, generally speaking, proper names or terms of art and science or polity, have probably been borrowed from the eastern or proper Javans, in common with whom the SÚnda people have adopted a B'hasa dÁlam, or BÁsa krÁma, which, however, is by no means extensive. The SÚnda, with reference to the Javan, may be viewed in much the same light as the Welch is to the English. The proportion of the people who now speak it does not exceed one-tenth of the population of the whole island; the remaining nine-tenths speak Javan.

The language of MadÚra, which is again divided into the [Vol I Pg 400]dialects of MadÚra proper and SumenÁp, will be found to contain many words in common with that of SÚnda, but a much more extensive portion of MalÁyu, varied in the termination by a peculiarity of dialect.

The languages of BÁli are intimately connected with those of Java and MadÚra. In the historical part of this work it will be shewn that it was in BÁli the ancient religion, and with it the literature of Java, took refuge in the fifteenth century of our Æra; and although, from the difference which is at this day found to exist between the vernacular languages of the two countries, as well as in their institutions, it is evident that the language, literature, and institutions of Java were there engrafted on a more rude and savage stock, still it is chiefly to BÁli that we must look for illustrations of the ancient state of the Javans. The relation of the political revolutions by which these islands have been convulsed at different periods of their history, will, in a great measure, account for the distinctions of language which at present exist; while, at the same time, these distinctions and peculiarities must serve to confirm many of the facts, for which we should otherwise have only the authority of tradition to rely.

At Bantam the language is much mixed with MalÁyu and SÚnda. The language in ordinary use at Batavia and its immediate vicinity is a jargon of Dutch, Portuguese, Chinese, Javan, and MalÁyu, the latter forming the principal component. In BÓgor and Chai-Ánjur, the SÚnda is pronounced in a more drawling manner than in ChÉribon, where it is probably most correctly spoken, as in the word nÁh, what? which at ChÉribon is pronounced short and sharp, naÙ. At TÉgal the Javan words are in like manner lengthened in pronunciation, while at SemÁrang they are spoken short and full. At the courts of Sura-kÉrta and Yugya-kÉrta, the words are pronounced short, strong, and full. In the provinces east of SurabÁya, the language partakes much of the Madurese, and in the extreme district of BanyuwÁngÍ, the BÁli is discernible.

The alphabet of Java is peculiar: it consists of twenty consonants (y and w are of the number), termed aksÁra or letters. In common with all other characters properly Indian, these letters may be considered as syllables, composed[Vol I Pg 401] of a consonant and an inherent vowel sound, which is invariably expressed, unless contradicted by a particular sign.

Besides the aksÁra, there are twenty auxiliary characters, termed pasÁng'an, which in this application means corresponding or similar. They have the same power as the aksÁra against which they stand, except that they are only used in connexion with and immediately after the aksÁra, for the purpose of suppressing their inherent vowel sound. Three of them are always placed after the aksÁra, the others below them.

When the inherent vowel sound in the aksÁra is not contradicted, the aksÁra is termed lagÁna. The vowel sound in this case is that of a in "water," or of o in "homo;" the o being at present invariably used at the native courts and their vicinity for the inherent vowel of the consonant, instead of a. The latter, however, is still preserved on MadÚra, BÁli, and in the districts of Java, west of TÉgal, and was doubtless the original inherent vowel. The consonant sounds correspond with the sounds usually attributed to the English consonants, with the exception of a second d and t, which correspond with similar sounds in the DevanÁgari alphabet; ch, which is used as ch in "church;" nia, and ng', which latter is frequently used as an initial letter.

Besides these there are five vowel signs, which supplant the inherent vowel. These signs are termed sandÁng'an, the clothing or dress. The rÉpa consist of certain contractions of consonants and other signs used in composition. These, with a pÁngkun, or sign of elision, corresponding with the bÁris mÁti of the Malayu, which has no sound of its own, but being placed at the end of a word or sentence denotes its termination in a pure consonant, and some few other marks corresponding with the DevanÁgari, complete the orthographical arrangement, which though complex and intricate, is remarkable for its precision.

Some of the letters occasionally occur under a capital, or rather peculiar form, for they are of the same size; but these are seldom used, and when they are, it is not as capitals are employed in European languages. They are principally found in proper names, and titles of office, and are placed alike in the beginning, middle, or end of a word. [Vol I Pg 402]

The annexed table is intended to exhibit the powers and application of the different letters and orthographical signs. No. 1. exhibits the characters now in general use. No. 2. contains the square characters in which the KÁwi is usually written, and in which the different inscriptions in that language, cut in stone and copper, are found. No. 3. contains specimens of the varieties which the alphabetical characters have at different times assumed, arranged, according to the judgment of the native writers, in the order of their relative antiquity.

AKSÁRA JÁWA, or LETTERS of the JAVAN ALPHABET.

[Vol I Pg 403]

[Vol I Pg 404]

[Vol I Pg 405]

The Javans write from left to right. Every consonant (aksÁra) is written separately, not being joined to that which precedes it, and no space is left between the words. One or two short diagonal lines are used at the close of every poetical stanza, and sometimes a comma, and this is the only mark in the language which simply indicates a stop.

In Java the natives usually write with Indian ink upon paper manufactured by themselves, as already described, and sometimes on European and Chinese paper; but in BÁli the natives invariably use an iron style, and cut the letters on a prepared palm leaf, in the same manner as in Western India. This practice is still partially continued in some of the more eastern parts of Java, and was no doubt, at a former period of their history, general throughout the island. The leaf is called lÓntar (from ron a leaf, and tal the palm tree, the first and last letters being transposed), and the leaves or manuscripts are strung together to form books in the same manner as on continental India. Of these I have several specimens, containing nearly all the interesting compositions of the country.

As in the MalÁyu, by far the greater proportion of primitive Javan words are dissyllables, pronounced with a slight stress or accent on the former of the two. There are a great number of derivative words, formed after the same manner as those in the MalÁyu, by prefixing or annexing certain inseparable and otherwise non-significant particles. Compound words, formed by the junction of two or more significant terms, are frequently met with, though they by no means form an extensive portion of the language.

Many words, in their primitive sense, are not confined to one particular part of speech, but are common to two or more. Nouns, as in the MalÁyu, cannot be said to possess the distinctions of either gender, number, or case. The males and females of all animals are, with few exceptions, as in the instances PÚtra?—PÚtri, DÉwa?—DÉwi, BramÁna?—BramÁni, and some few others, denoted by adding to the general terms words applicable to the different sexes. Number is not denoted by any variety of termination or change in the form of the noun, but by separate words, expressive of plurality or singularity; a duplication of the singular sometimes occurs,[Vol I Pg 407] though rarely, to denote plurality. Where the terms bÍji, Ékor, buÁh, kÉping, &c. are used in the MalÁyu to specify a particular number, the term wÍji is used indiscriminately in the Javan, whatever may be the thing spoken of. The nouns have no cases.

The adjectives are indeclinable, and generally follow the noun; and these are sometimes formed from nouns by prefixing a particle. The comparative degree is sometimes formed by prefixing a word meaning higher or larger, but more frequently by placing adverbs, significant of "with," before that with which the comparison is made, as if we should say "by the side of." The superlative degree is formed by annexing adverbs signifying "very, exceedingly, entirely, alone."

The cardinal numbers are placed sometimes before and sometimes after the nouns to which they are attached. When prefixed, they undergo, for the sake of the sound, a variety in their termination, or drop the first syllable. The ordinals are formed by prefixing a distinguishing word to the cardinals. Ten characters, which are all either alphabetical letters or signs slightly altered in form, serve to express all numbers, the notation being decimal, and the numerals being combined in the same manner as the Indian and Arabian.

The pronouns of the first and second person are always significant, and vary with the relative rank of the parties. There is no proper pronoun of the third person, but a word signifying "alone, self," with the addition of the possessive particle, is used as a personal pronoun of the third person. The personal pronouns may all be used as possessive pronouns, by being placed as such after the noun to which they belong. The relative and demonstrative pronouns correspond very nearly with those of the MalÁyu.

With regard to the verb, it may be noticed that many of the observations in Mr. Marsden's grammar, on the nature and formation of the different parts of the MalÁyu verb, are applicable to the Javan. It belongs rather to the detail of the grammar to point out these; but it may be remarked, that the use of these inflexions in the Javan appears to be so varied and undefined, that it is impossible, without a much more extensive knowledge of the language than Europeans at[Vol I Pg 408] present possess, to make out a perfect conjugation, or to lay down any fixed rules for them. All that could perhaps be done, in the present state of the language and of our knowledge of it, would be to give a number and variety of correct idiomatical expressions in the Javan, by which their nature and irregularity may be shewn; and our present limits do not admit of this.

The Javan language has never been reduced within the grammatical rules adopted by Europeans, nor have the Javans themselves any notion of grammar. The construction is generally simple and regular; but owing to prosodial refinements (every writing of importance being written in verse), syllables and words necessary to express a perfect sense are often omitted; at other times, unnecessary syllables or words are added, and letters at the beginning, middle, and end of a word are transposed. Hence, and also from the usual ellipsis of the verb transitive and personal pronouns, the meaning of many passages appears obscure.

The language is remarkable for the profusion of words which it contains, for the minute distinctions and shades of meaning, and the consequent extent of synonymes, and for difference of dialect.

Of the profusion of words it may be observed, that the Javan, in this respect, may be put in competition with many of the more cultivated languages of Europe and Asia, and that a dictionary would perhaps be far from complete, if it comprehended less than twenty thousand.

Of the extent of synonymes, and the minute shades of distinction which are found in this language, some notion may be formed from the extracts from the DÁsa NÁma which are annexed[126]. In order to facilitate the acquirement of the language, it is usual to collect all the words in the different dialects, with their synonymes, and to connect them together by stringing them in classes following each other, according to the natural chain of our ideas. Thus, after commencing with the word man, and giving an explanation of every word in the vernacular, polite and KÁwi languages, applicable from his birth to his death, as infant, boy, youth, and the like, it [Vol I Pg 409]proceeds to woman, child; from thence to the deities, afterwards to the various avocations of mankind, &c. This collection of synonymes is called DÁsa NÁma, literally the "ten names," a term probably given to it on account of few important words in the language having less than ten synonymes. Children are no sooner taught to know the letters of the alphabet (which they first describe on the sand), and to connect them in syllables and words, than they are instructed in the DÁsa NÁma, without a partial knowledge of which, no youth is considered competent to enter upon any public office, or can advance to a knowledge of the written compositions of the country. These collections are varied in their contents and order of arrangement, according to the acquirements and notions of the compiler. As books of reference they may be considered to supply the place of dictionaries, and if less convenient for this purpose than works alphabetically arranged, they have certainty an advantage over them, in the comparative facility with which their contents are impressed on the memory.

But there is no feature in the language more deserving of notice than the difference of dialect, or the distinction between the common language, and what may be termed the polite language or language of honour. The latter contains many words of Sanscrit origin, and a portion of MalÁyu; and in those instances in which it appears to have been borrowed from the vernacular language, which may perhaps be loosely estimated at a fourth of the whole, a slight alteration is commonly made in the orthography and pronunciation, to mark the distinction. To render this distinction intelligible to those who are not locally informed, it may be necessary to explain, that from whatever cause the distinction may have originated, so clearly is the line drawn on Java, between the higher and the lower classes of society, that on no account is any one, of whatever rank, allowed to address his superior in the common or vernacular language of the country. This language is exclusively applied when addressing an inferior, or among the lower orders or uneducated, where distinction of rank may not be acknowledged. Persons of high and equal rank, when discoursing among themselves, sometimes use the polite language, but in general they adopt a medium, by intro[Vol I Pg 410]ducing words belonging to both branches of the language; and this is generally adopted by them in epistolary correspondence.

It is probable, that in the earlier stages of society, the terms of respect used towards a superior were comparatively few: that this second dialect, which now forms so extensive a branch of the general language, has been gradually formed with the growth of arbitrary power; and that, at one period, the extent of these terms did not exceed what is to be at this day found in the less cultivated dialects, and among the more independent races of MadÚra and SÚnda. Such, however, is their present extent in the Javan, that nearly one half of the words in the vernacular language, have their corresponding term in the BÁsa KrÁma or polite language, without a knowledge of which no one dare address a superior; and although the general construction of the language, and its grammatical principles are not altered, so effectually is the language of inferiority contrasted with that of superiority, that it is possible to suppose a case in which a person might be well acquainted with one dialect, without being able to understand one sentence of the other.

It is not, however, to be inferred, that the one is studied and attained exclusively of the other, for while the one is the language of address, the other must be that of reply, and the knowledge of both is indispensable to those who have to communicate with persons of a different rank with themselves. Children are accustomed from their infancy to employ the polite language in addressing their parents and relations, and this added to the mode of instruction by the DÁsa NÁma above described, early impresses upon their memory the corresponding terms to be used according to the occasion. The BÁsa KrÁma, as has been before noticed, consists of a more extensive class of foreign words, and where different words from the common language have not been introduced, a variation in the orthography and termination is adopted; and the more effectually to render it distinct, not only are the affirmatives and negatives, as well as the pronouns and prepositions varied, but the auxiliary verbs and particles are different.

I have already mentioned, that besides the ordinary and the polite languages of the country, the inhabitants of these[Vol I Pg 411] Islands possess a poetic or classic language, called KÁwi. In this are written all the historical and poetical compositions of note, as well as most of the ancient inscriptions on stone and copper, which are found in different parts of the Island. In a short vocabulary already referred to[127], the relation of the KÁwi to the SÁnscrit and PÁli is shewn; and in order to enable the SÁnscrit scholar to extend the comparison, I have annexed a further vocabulary of KÁwi words, with the meaning which the Javans at present attach to them[128].

At what period this language was introduced into Java, whence it came, and whether it was ever the sacred or vernacular language of any foreign people, remains to be decided. Of the words of which it is composed, as far as we may judge from the annexed vocabulary, and the compositions which have come down to us, nine out of ten are of SÁnscrit origin, and less corrupted than the present PÁli of Siam and Ava appears to be: if, therefore, it was ever the same language with the PÁli, it must have been before the PÁli was corrupted, and therefore probably at a very remote period.

In BÁli the KÁwi is still the language of religion and law; in Java it is only that of poetry and ancient fable. In the former, the knowledge of it is almost exclusively confined to the BramÁna (Bramins); in the latter, a slight knowledge of it is deemed essential for every man of condition. In BÁli, the ancient, mythological, and historical poems, are however preserved in more correct KÁwi than on Java: and it is to the copies obtained from thence, that reference will be principally made in the observations which follow on Javan literature.

In noticing "the accessary tongues from whence the MalÁyan acquired such a degree of improvement, as removed it from the general level of the other cognate dialects, and gave it a decided predominance in that part of the east," Mr. Marsden observes, "that the earliest, as well as most important of these, appears to have been, either directly or mediately, that great parent of Indian languages, the Sanscrit, whose influence is found to have pervaded the whole [Vol I Pg 412]of the eastern (and perhaps also of the western) world, modifying and regenerating even where it did not create. That the intercourse, whatever its circumstances may have been, which produced this advantageous effect, must have taken place at an early period, is to be inferred, not only from the deep obscurity in which it is involved, but also from the nature of the terms borrowed, being such as the progress of civilization must soon have rendered necessary, expressing the feelings of the mind, the most obvious moral ideas, the simplest objects of the understanding, and those ordinary modes of thought which result from the social habits of mankind; whilst, at the same time, it is not to be understood, as some have presumed to be the case, that the affinity between these languages is radical, or that the latter is indebted to any Hindu dialect for its names for the common objects of sense[129]."

The same observations apply still more extensively to the Javan; and in the KÁwi or classic language, we may presume to have discovered the channel by which the Javan received its principal store of Sanscrit words, for it is the practice, even at present, among the better educated of the Javans, for the party to display his reading, by the introduction, particularly into epistolary correspondence and literary compositions, of KÁwi words, by which means the colloquial, but more particularly the written language of the country, is daily receiving fresh accessions of Sanscrit terms. From the vocabularies now presented to the public, and the account which will be given of their literary compositions, it will appear, that few languages, even on the continent of India, have been more indebted to the Sanscrit than the Javan. One original language seems, in a very remote period, to have pervaded the whole Archipelago, and to have spread (perhaps with the population) towards Madagascar on one side, and to the islands in the South Sea on the other; but in the proportion that we find any of these tribes more highly advanced in the arts of civilized life than others, in nearly the same proportion do we find the language enriched by a corresponding accession of Sanscrit terms, directing us at once to the source[Vol I Pg 413] whence civilization flowed towards these regions. At what period, however, the light first broke in upon them, or at what period the intercourse first took place between the enlightened inhabitants of Western Asia and the islanders of this extensive Archipelago, is a question which, perhaps, may be more properly discussed, when treating of the antiquities and history of the country, and at best is involved in so much obscurity and fable, that much must be left to conjecture.

The letters of the Javan alphabet, as well as the orthographical signs, are decidedly on the principle of the DevanÁgari; but it is remarkable, that the letters of the alphabet do not follow the same order, notwithstanding that order is preserved in all the alphabets of Sumatra as well as in that of Celebes. This deviation has been considered presumptive of the alphabet having been introduced into the island anterior to the period when this order might have been established for the DevanÁgari itself, or before the refinement supposed to have been effected in that alphabet by the Bramins; but the deviation may, perhaps, be sufficiently accounted for, by the circumstance of a meaning being attached to the words formed by the order of the Javan alphabet as the letters are at present arranged, thus: hÁna charÁka dÁta sawÁla pÁda jayÁnia mÁga batÁng'a; means, "there were two messengers disputing with each other, equally courageous, till they both died[130]." That this is not accidental may be inferred, not only from the common laws of chance, but from the probability of such an arrangement being preferred, both on account of its convenience, and in conformity with the spirit which in the ChÁndra SangkÁla seeks to select such expressions for the particular numerals that are required, as may make a sentence.

Near the ruins of BrambÁnan and SÍnga-sÁri, are still found inscriptions in the pure DevÁnÁgari character of a very ancient form. A specimen of these, together with one of the square KÁwi, is exhibited in the accompanying plate, corresponding in size with the original. Annexed to each letter in the DevanÁgari character found on Java, is the modern character,[Vol I Pg 414] and in the same manner the modern Javan letters are placed under the KÁwi; and, in order to enable the reader to compare the forms of the consonants used in the alphabets of Ava, Siam, and Java, with the DevanÁgari, they have been placed against each other in another plate. It will be seen that many of the letters of the KÁwi correspond so exactly with the square PÁli of the Birmans, as to leave no doubt of their having originally been the same. It is probable, also, that were our acquaintance with the PÁli more extensive, a similar coincidence would be found between the languages.

Upon the overthrow of the Hindu empire on Java, the natives may be considered to have lost most of their knowledge of the KÁwi language; for although numerous compositions in it are still to be found among them, and these compositions are recited in their national entertainments, they would not be generally understood, but for the versions which have long since been rendered of them into the modern Javan. The PanambakÁn of Sumenap is perhaps, at present, alone entitled to be considered as a KÁwi scholar, and he knows so little of the language as to acknowledge, while assisting in translating from it, that he was often under the necessity of guessing at the meaning.

The knowledge of the ancient characters seems, on Java, to have been for many years almost exclusively confined to the family of this chief, and it is stated, that they owe their knowledge of it, and of the KÁwi language itself, to the circumstance of one of them having visited BÁli, to which island it is that we must now look as the chief depositary of what remains of the literature and science which once existed on Java.

It is not unusual for the Javans, in carrying on any secret or political correspondence, to adopt a mystical language, known only to the parties themselves; and on occasions where attempts have been made to stir up the common people to commotion, scrolls have been distributed in various unintelligible characters, which, for the most part, appear to have had no other object but to impose on the credulity of those who were too willing to believe them sacred and mysterious. Were the characters intelligible, the mystery would cease, and the charm be dispelled. Of the manner in which the letters of the[Vol I Pg 415] alphabet are applied in forming this mystical language, an instance is given at the conclusion of the vocabulary of KÁwi words[131].

Unlike the Malayan, the Javan language owes little or nothing to the Arabic, except a few terms connected with government, religion, and science, which have been admitted with the religion and laws of Mahomet. The language, as well as the ancient institutions of the country, have been but little affected by the conversion. The Javan language was abundantly copious before the introduction of Arabic literature, and had few or no deficiencies to be supplied.

The general character of the language is strongly indicative of a former advanced state of civilization, and illustrates, in some degree, the present character of the people. It is rich and refined; it abounds in synonymes and nice distinctions; it is mixed and easily made to bend, and suit itself to every occasion; it is, in a high degree, expressive of power and servility[132].

As the languages of the whole Archipelago are so intimately connected with each other, and that of Celebes in particular is so little known, I have subjoined in an Appendix some further comparative vocabularies of the languages of Java, with some observations on the BÚgis and MangkÁsar nations[133].

For ordinary purposes, the Javans, as already described, use a modification of some of the letters of their alphabet as numerals, and a representation of these numerals has been given in the table of the Javan alphabet, page 404; but on occasions of importance, it is usual to employ certain signs or symbols in lieu of these ordinary numerals, and this practice appears to be of great antiquity among them. These symbols [Vol I Pg 416]are termed chÁndra sangkÁla, "reflections of royal times," or "the light of royal dates," and consist in a certain number of objects, &c. either represented in design or named, each of which is significant of one of the ten numerals. Of the former class are said to be those found in most of the ancient buildings and coins, which in that case usually bear no inscription. The latter is found in most of the ancient inscriptions, and in such of the written compositions as possess any date at all, and is adopted in all proclamations and public writings by the sovereign of the present day.

The Appendix G. contains an account of these peculiar numerals, as far as they are at present understood by the Javans. In the use of them, they endeavour to select such objects from the list, as when read in succession, may afford some meaning illustrative of the fact the date of which is recorded; but this is not always attended to, or at least is not always to be traced. The date of the destruction of MajapÀhit (1400), the most important in the history of Java, is stated as follows, the numbers being always reversed.

In like manner, the date of the long graves at GrÉsik, near the tomb of the Princess of Chermai (1313), is thus stated:

Other examples will be given, in detailing some of the principal events of Javan history.

However imperfect the foregoing general account of the languages of Java may be, it will have served to convey to the reader some notion of the extent to which it has been indebted to a foreign source for its copiousness and refinement, and to prepare him for that extensive influence of Hindu literature, which is still to be found in the compositions of the country. Of these the most important, and indeed all that have any claim to literary distinction, are found either in[Vol I Pg 417] the KÁwi or in Javan versions from that classic language. On Java the establishment of a Mahomedan government for nearly four centuries, has tended in a great measure to obliterate that general knowledge among the better educated, which, there is reason to believe, once existed; but in BÁli, the Hindu faith, however blended with the local customs of the island, and however perverted and distorted in its application by a semi barbarous people, is still the established religion of the country. Mahomedanism has gained but little ground there, and no part of the island has yet submitted to European authority. It was in this conveniently situated island that the adherents to that faith took refuge, when the sword of Mahomed prevailed on Java, carrying with them such remnants of the sciences and literature as they were able to rescue from the general wreck.

An account of the present state of the island of BÁli, of the religious and political institutions, and of some of the peculiar customs and usages which subsist there, is essential to the illustration of Javan history; and although the limits of the present volume will not admit of our enlarging so much on this interesting subject as we could wish, it is hoped that a general notion may be formed, from the particulars which will be inserted in the chapter on the religion and antiquities of Java. In the following account of the literary compositions of Java, I shall avail myself of the more correct copies, which I was fortunate enough to obtain from BÁli, confining myself in the explanation of them to the existing notions of the best informed of the Javans, it being the present state of their literature, rather than that of BÁli, that I am now to describe.

The literature of Java may be considered under the general heads of ancient and modern, the former and more important division consisting of compositions in the KÁwi language, which appear connected with the mythology and fabulous history of continental India.

It is to be regretted, that the work which treats most extensively of the ancient mythology of the country, and of the earliest periods of fabulous history to which the Javans of the present day refer, is not to be found in the KÁwi. The Javan work, termed KÁnda, is probably a translation[Vol I Pg 418] from the KÁwi, and, in the absence of the original, claims our first attention. It is to this work, and the MÁnek MÓyo, of which an abstract will be given in the chapter on religion, that the modern Javans constantly refer for an explanation of their ancient mythology.

This composition is frequently called PepÁkam. It contains the notions of mythology which appear to have been general throughout the Eastern Islands, with imperfect portions of their astronomical divisions, and of ancient history. It is to be regretted, however, that the Javan copy from which the following account is taken, though otherwise written in a very correct style, abounds in passages unfit for a chaste ear, and that it has been almost impossible entirely to purify it.

It opens with an account, first of SÁng yÁng WÉnang (the most powerful), who was sixth in descent from PurwÁning Jan (the first of men, or Adam), and who had a son named SÁng yÁng TÚng'gal (the great and only one), the first, who (as is inferred from the meaning of his name) conceived that he was above all, and who setting aside the ways of his father, established the heavens, with all that they contain, under the name of SurÉndra BuÁna, or SuralÁya.

Plucking a leaf from the kastÚba tree, and paying adoration to it, the leaf assumed the form of a beautiful woman, by whom he had four sons:?—1, SÁng yÁng PÚgu; 2, SÁng yÁng PÚng'gung; 3, SÁng yÁng SÁmba; 4, SÁng yÁng Pang'at. When these children attained maturity, PÚgu quarrelled with PÚng'gung, on account of the splendour and riches of the dwelling of SÁng yÁng TÚng'gal, which each of them desired to possess. SÁng yÁng TÚng'gal became enraged at this: not being able to reconcile them, the heavens became disturbed; he, in consequence, seized hold of both of them, PÚgu by the right and PÚng'gung by the left hand, and cast them aside. To the former, who fell on SÁbrang (the opposite coast), he gave the name of SÉcha TÚng'gÁra; to the latter, who fell on Java, he gave that of NÁyan-taka (the same with SÉmar, the attendant on ArjÚna). He converted them into monstrous figures, ridiculous in appearance and speech, exciting laughter by their actions, and with an inclination to follow in attendance on warriors.

SÁng yÁng Tung'gal, who is said to have been invisible,[Vol I Pg 419] and who in the WÁyangs of the present day is designated by a sun or glory of light, transferred the government of heaven to his son, SÁng yÁng SÁmba, directing him not to separate from his remaining brother, whose assistance he would require, and conferring upon him the title of NÍla KÁnta (blue necked), on account of his being of bright appearance, but having a tinge of blue on the front of his throat. To Pang'at, his brother, he gave the name of KanÍka pÚtra.

SrÍ NÍla KÁnta subsequently assumed various names and titles; the most pre-eminent of which was PramÉsti GÚru, by which name and title he is acknowledged as supreme throughout the Eastern Islands. This title was first conferred upon him when the deities in SaralÁya were numerous, and when all looked up to him as an instructor or GÚru. KanÍka PÚtra took the name of RÉsi NarÁda.

The thoughts of SÁng yÁng GÚru turning one day upon women, he took a leaf of the kastÚba tree, and paying adoration to it, it was immediately converted into a most beautiful female, who took the name of Uma. While she was young he looked upon her as a daughter, but when she arrived at maturity, he felt a stronger passion. Uma disliking this fled, and SÁng yÁng GÚru being unable to catch her, it occurred to him that he might be more successful if he employed four hands and arms; whereupon, at his desire, two additional arms sprang from his shoulders, and Uma was immediately within his embrace. But she still resisted his desires, and during the struggle KÁma SÁla and MÁha PralÁya, both RasÁksas, but the latter in the form of a man, were produced, by an event similar to that which gave birth to some of the children of Jupiter[134]. SÁng yÁng GÚru still observing the repulsive conduct of Uma, said to her, "your appearance is like that of a RasÁksa," whereupon she immediately assumed the form of one; and grieving sorely at this transformation, beseeched that she might again become what she had been, but SÁng yÁng GÚru was deaf to her entreaties, and he conferred upon her the name of KÁli DÚrga.

KÁma SÁla and MÁha PralÁya, when they arrived at maturity, mutually sought from each other to discover their descent, but not succeeding, they agreed to proceed in company[Vol I Pg 420] to SuralÁya, to demand information from SÁng yÁng GÚru, resolving that, if they were not satisfied with his reply, they would make war against him. Arrived at SuralÁya, they overcome the opposition of RÉsi NarÁda, and reach the presence of SÁng yÁng GÚru, who informs them that they are not his children, though they sprang from his body, and that it was the fault of the woman only that they had their present form. He tells them that he cannot allow them to remain in SuralÁya, but will provide for them a place in which with their mother they may reside. He then appoints the mother to be sovereign of NarÁka (TambrÁka mÚka), under the title of YÁma DipÁti. To KÁma SÁla he gives the title of BatÁra KÁla; the other retained the name of MÁha PralÁya. To KÁla he assigns the charge of the bridge between earth and heaven, called Wot Ágal Ágil (the tremulous or swinging bridge, over which a good man may pass in safety, but from which, on account of its being shaken by his sins, a bad man falls into the gulph below), and to MÁha PralÁya that of the souls of men when they die, in order that he may direct to the bridge such as, from good conduct on earth, have a chance of passing it, and cast the others into NarÁka, to his mother YÁma DipÁti.

SÁng yÁng GÚru was again inclined to take another leaf of the kastÚba tree, but apprehending that it might turn out as before, he restrained his inclination. Then purifying himself, there appeared before him, at his desire, a beautiful boy, to whom he gave the name of SÁmbu, and after five more purifications, there successively appeared, secondly, a boy of a high colour, beautiful and very powerful, to whom he gave the name of BrÁma; thirdly, a boy, appearing extremely powerful and enraged, to whom he gave the name of MÁha dÉwa; fourthly, a boy beautifully white, bright, and fierce looking, and having sharp and sparkling eyes, to whom he gave the name of BasÚki; fifthly, a boy of a deep black colour, but extremely beautiful, to whom he gave the name of WÍsnu (Vishnu); sixthly, a girl of a bright yellow colour, beautiful and slender, to whom he gave the name of WarsÍki.

RÉsi NarÁda[135] following the example of his superior, there [Vol I Pg 421]appeared before him after several purifications, five boys. The first was brilliant and bright as a pure flame; on him SÁng yÁng GÚru conferred the name of SÚria. The second was very weak and delicate, but well formed and beautiful; he received the name of In dra. The third was short and strong, and was named SÁkra (or ChÁkra). The fourth was of a blue colour, and looking as if he would grow to a great height, with curled hair like a PapÚa[136]; on him, was conferred the name of BÁyu. The fifth was most beautiful, but appeared sad and sorrowful; to him SÁng yÁng GÚru gave the name of ChÁndra.

This effected, SÁng yÁng GÚru considered that a sufficient number of deities had been created for the charge of SuralÁya.

SÁng yÁng GÚru then turned his amorous thoughts towards WarsÍki, but all the deities opposing it, RÉsi NarÁda advises him to take a woman from the earth, and offers himself to go in search of one. This being agreed to, NarÁda descends upon the earth, and discovers a most beautiful virgin, not yet arrived at maturity, at a place called MÁdang; SÁng yÁng GÚru no sooner beheld her than he became enamoured of her, and giving the name of Sri, he places her under the charge of BatÁra SÁkra, with especial injunctions to take care of her. When she arrived at maturity she became most beautiful, and it so happens that BatÁra WÍsnu beholds her by accident: they immediately feel a mutual passion, and WÍsnu obtains his desire. When SÁng yÁng GÚru hears of it, he becomes highly enraged; BatÁra WÍsnu is cast out from SuralÁya and thrown upon the earth, at a place called WarÍngen pÍtu, or seven banyan trees.

[Here the narrative breaks off, and the story of WÁtu GÚnung commences as follows.]

There was a woman of the name of SÍnta, who resided on the earth, and who had a younger sister named LÁndap. SÍnta dreamt one night that she was sleeping with a PandÍta, named RÉsi GÁna: after a few months she felt herself pregnant, and at the expiration of nine she was delivered of a most beautiful boy. This child, however, soon became[Vol I Pg 422] unruly; and it happened that one day, when he had enraged his mother excessively, she struck him on the head with the wooden spoon which was in the rice vessel, on which he fled into the woods, and afterwards becoming a devotee, his mother long searched for him in vain.

At length having concluded his penance, he wandered about in quest of subsistence, until he came to the country of GÍling WÉsi, where he sought alms at a feast; but not being satisfied with the provision afforded to him, the parties became enraged, and hostilities ensuing, the Raja of the country was slain, and this boy succeeded him, under the title of RÁja SÉla PerwÁta, which in the common language is the same as WÁtu GÚnung, a name conferred upon him from his having rested on a mountain like a stone, and obtained his strength and power thereby, without other aid or assistance.

Becoming a great and powerful sovereign, he was still unmarried when his mother and sister arrived in the country. Ignorant who they were, and admiring their beauty, he espoused them both, and by his mother SÍnta had twenty-seven children, when being one day restless and anxious to sleep, he requested her to comb and scratch his head, in doing which she discovered the wound and recognized her son. Her grief became excessive, and explaining the circumstance to him, she urged him to obtain another wife from among the WidadÁri of SuralÁya, and recommended Sri as a proper object of his choice.

WÁtu GÚnung thereupon sent an embassy to SuralÁya, but the gods opposing his desires, because Sri had been delivered of a child by WÍsnu, he assembled his forces and nearly defeated those of SuralÁya, when NarÁda pointing out the danger to SÁng yÁng GÚru, urged the advantage that would arise from the recal of Wisnu. NarÁda was accordingly authorized to call him back, with a promise that if he should be victorious on the present occasion, he should be pardoned, and permitted to return to his former abode in SuralÁya. WÍsnu was no sooner engaged in the cause, than he formed a stratagem with WilÚwuh, a demon RasÁksa, with whom he had become intimate at WarÍngen pÍtu, and directed him to proceed to the sleeping place of WÍtu[Vol I Pg 423] GÚnung, in order to ascertain his secret. This spy had no sooner concealed himself in a place where he could overhear the conversation that was going on, than he heard the following discourse between WÁtu GÚnung and SÍnta.

SÍnta. "What think you; shall we be successful or not in this enterprise?"

WÁtu GÚnung. "If the gods are so nearly destroyed by those who are subordinate to me, what must they not suffer when I go myself? for I shall not then have occasion to use force. I need only say a few words, and if they don't understand the meaning of them, they will forthwith be destroyed, and I shall myself become sovereign of SuralÁya. Should they, however, comprehend the meaning of what I say, then I shall know that my power is gone; but still there will be trouble in putting me to death."

SÍnta. "Tell me what are the words you mean to use, and why they have not the power to put you to death?"

WÁtu GÚnung. "I shall enclose in my hand the SÁstra or description of my country, and holding it out, demand of them to tell me what it is. Then I shall repeat these words: dÁka wÓi dÍki, and also dÍki wÓi dÁka. The meaning of these words is easy enough, but the gods don't understand it: a great tree has small fruit; great fruit has a small tree. The great tree with small fruit means the warÍngin tree; the great fruit and small tree means the gourd. I am invulnerable by all weapons, but if they pull my two arms asunder, then will they find it easy to put me to death; but this the gods know not."

With this intelligence the spy immediately hastened to WÍsnu, who arrived at SuralÁya when the gods were nearly beaten by the twenty-seven sons of WÁtu GÚnung. After this success, WÁtu GÚnung approaching SÁng yÁng GÚru, put the intended questions to him. The latter referring to WÍsnu, they were immediately recognized by him, on which WÁtu GÚnung attempted to escape, but was soon overtaken by WÍsnu, who laying hold of one of his arms, while his son, Sri GÁti, held the other, they soon succeeded in putting him to death. As he expired a voice was heard by WÍsnu, saying, "think not that it will end here: hereafter trouble will again arise in SuralÁya, in the time of RÁja SumÁli, of the country[Vol I Pg 424] of SÉla grÍng'ging, who will have a brother named Mang'liÁwan. Forget it not."

When the twenty-seven sons of WÁtu GÚnung heard of their father's fate, they wished to sacrifice themselves; but WÍsnu disposed of them as follows, saying, "let there be a sign to the world of this victory. I will once in seven days put to death one of these twenty-seven, so that they may be killed in rotation." The grief of SÍnta being excessive, she wept for seven days, and afterwards was received into SuralÁya, and WÍsnu added her name, as well as those of her sister and WÁtu GÚnung, to the twenty-seven, and established the thirty wÚku, as everlasting signs, in commemoration of this victory. From the grief of SÍnta for seven days, it is said that rain always falls during the wÚku which bears her name[137].

Then seizing the PepÁteh and three assistants, who with WÁtu GÚnung had constituted the council of five, he declared that they should serve to commemorate the four great revolutions or NÁga (serpents:) NÁga BÚmÍ (of the earth,) NÁga DÍna (of the day,) NÁga WÚlan (of the moon,) NÁga TÁhun (of the year.) He struck out both the eyes of NÁga BÚmi, that the earth might never again see to attack the heavens, and afterwards the left eye of NÁga DÍna, and the right eye of NÁga WÚlan.

[Here that part of the relation which has an astronomical reference breaks off.]

BrÁma then following the example of NarÁda, purifies himself, and at his desire, first there appears before him a boy of strong make, on whom he confers the name of BrÁma TÁma; secondly, a boy, also of strong make, whom he names BrÁma SudÁrga; and thirdly, a beautiful girl, on whom he confers the name of BramÁni WÁti.

The two boys, when they attained maturity, descended from SuralÁga. BrÁma SudÁrga united in marriage with a female of the earth: from them, in the third degree, were descended Raja SumÁli and MangliÁwan. In the reign of the latter of these a destructive war is stated to have taken place. MangliÁwan laid waste SuralÁya and slew Sri GÁti, but afterwards,[Vol I Pg 425] when he shewed a desire to possess Sri, WÍsnu exerted all his strength, and put him to death. As MangliÁwan expired WÍsnu heard a voice saying unto him, "The work is not yet complete; hereafter, when there shall be on earth a man named RahwÁna, who will be descended from BrÁma TÁma, beware of him: in his time the peace of heaven will be again disturbed, and he will lay it waste." BrÁma TÁma espoused a princess of ChÁmpa, named S'rÁti DÉwi, by whom he had a son, named BrÁma RÁja, who became Raja of IndrapÚri, and had a son named ChÍtra BahÁr or AngsÁrwa, to whom, when he became advanced in age, he delivered over charge of the country, proceeding himself into the forests as a devotee, and assuming the name of RÉsi TÁma.

SumÁli had a daughter, named SukÉsi DÉwi. This prince, alarmed at the accounts of MangliÁwan's death, fled with her to ChÍtra BahÁr, and requested him to protect her as a maiden, giving him authority to sanction her marriage on any proper occasion which might offer. He himself fearing the vengeance of SÁng yÁng GÚru, fled further into the woods for concealment, but died on the way. ChÍtra BahÁr, forgetting the nature of his charge, became enamoured of the girl. This happened when he was performing a penance; for he had two sons, named MÍsra WÁrna and BÍsa WÁrna, to the former of whom he had intrusted the charge of his government. The girl resisted on account of his age, but he at last succeeded. During the first amour he received from her nine strokes on the head with a stone. In due time she became pregnant and was delivered of a boy, having nine marks or excrescences on his head, which added to his natural face, making as it were ten fronts to his head: he was thence called DÁsa mÚka (ten-faced.) In the second attempt she pulled the lobes of both his ears with great strength, and when delivered she produced a child in the form of a RasÁksa, and having immense lobes to the ears: this child was named Amba kÁrna, or long-eared. In the third she scratched him all over, and the fruit of it was a girl, born with long nails and claws at the end of each finger: she was named SÁrpa kanÁka, or serpent-nailed; the wounds inflicted by these nails are said to have been mortal. But the fourth being un[Vol I Pg 426]resisted, she was delivered of a most beautiful boy, who, having a countenance and mouth beautiful like those of a girl, was named BibisÁna.

When these children were grown up ChÍtra BahÁr carried them to MÍsra WÁrna, saying, "these are your brothers and sister, assist them, and they will be of use to you in your government." MÍsra WÁrna had a great dread of thunder. He possessed a weapon called lÍmpung, which descended to him from BrÁma RÁja, and DÁsa MÚka, desirous of possessing it, ingratiated himself into his favour, but no sooner obtained possession of it than he formed a design against his brother's life, in the hope of succeeding him. He accordingly performed a penance and prayed for thunder, and as soon as it was heard he slew his brother, and gave out that he disappeared during the thunder. At the moment, however, that he struck MÍsra WÁrna with the weapon it vanished; still he became Raja.

In the mean time BÍsa WÁrna became beloved by the gods, and they presented to him a car, named jaladÁra, in which he could be conveyed through the clouds. When DÁsa MÚka heard of this he became enraged, and demanded the carriage for himself; but he had no sooner made the request than he perceived his lost weapon descend upon the lap of BÍsa WÁrna. Still more enraged at this, the altercation did not cease until BÍsa WÁrna, with one blow, laid him senseless on the ground; at which moment the father, ChÍtra BahÁr, coming up, he succeeded in reconciling them, and with impressing upon DÁsa MÚka the futility of his attempts against his brother. ChÍtra BahÁr on this occasion repeated several invocations to the deity, which were treasured up in the recollection of after ages: such as Hong! AwÍgna; Hong! WidadÁnia; Hong! WidadÁni, &c.

The father, however, had no sooner withdrawn, than DÁsa MÚka again took courage, and another combat ensued, which ended in his being a second time struck senseless on the ground, blood issuing from his mouth. BÍsa WÁrna then laying hold of his body was about to cut his throat with the limpung, when RÉsi NarÁda appeared and arrested his hand, saying, "forbear, SÁng yÁng GÚru does not permit that you slay your brother. By attending to this advice you will[Vol I Pg 427] hereafter become a deity in heaven. Give your weapon to your brother, who is Raja of IndrapÚri." Bisa WÁrna assenting, RÉsi NarÁda then brought DÁsa MÚka to his senses, and delivering over to him the weapon and car, conferred upon him the name of Rah-wÁna[138], from his blood having flowed in such quantity as to reach the adjoining forest.

[In some copies of this work it is said that DÁsa MÚka was called RahwÁna, because in his youth he delighted in the destruction of children and to spill their blood. There is also some variation in this part of the story, and CitrÁ BahÁr is termed ChÁtor BÓja (four-shouldered), on account of the great strength he exhibited in the war with NÍli KewÁcha].

RÉsi NarÁda then presented RahwÁna to SÁng yÁng GÚru, who taking a liking to him adopted him as his son, giving him a salÉndang[139] as a mark of his affection. RahwÁna, however, was soon dazzled by the appearance of a bright flame, when forgetting the attachment of SÁng yÁng GÚru, he pursued it, until he came into the presence of Sri, from whose beauty it proceeded. She, however, ran to her husband WÍsnu for succour, and a severe combat ensued, during which the heavens were disturbed, and many of its most valuable contents were destroyed by RahwÁna. RÉsi NarÁda at length approaching, separated the combatants, saying, "this is not the proper place for your contention; better had you descend to the earth. As for you, WÍsnu, as you are a god, and may be ashamed to shew yourself as such on earth, it is the will of SÁng yÁng GÚru that you be permitted to appear there in the form of a man, and to do there as you like." On which RahwÁna was cast out of SuralÁya, and WÍsnu, with his consort Sri, disappeared, without any one knowing whither they went.

BÍsa WÁrna was then, in fulfilment of the promise given by NarÁda, called up to heaven, to supply the place among the DÉwas vacated by WÍsnu, and approaching the presence of SÁng yÁng GÚru received from him the name of BatÁra AsmÁra or KamajÁya (the god of love), and presented him with a consort, named KÁma RÁti or BatÁri RÁti. [Vol I Pg 428]

[Here ends the KÉrta Yoga, or first age of the world, and the TrÉta YÓga, or second age, commences.]

WÍsnu, after his descent upon the earth, first became incarnate in the person of an illustrious sovereign, named ArjÚna WijÁya, of the country of MauspÁti, and reigned for a period of seventeen years, during which he was successful in two wars. One, in which the RÁja of TÁnjung-pÚra, having a beautiful daughter, named ChÍtra WÁti, in whom Sri had become incarnate, offered her in marriage to the prince who should overcome in wrestling all the others assembled: ArjÚna WijÁya, however, carried her off from the place in which she was secreted (GedÓng BrahÁla) which produced a war, wherein he was victorious. The other war was with RahwÁna, who attacked him at MauspÁti: in this RahwÁna was taken prisoner and confined in a cage; but on the solicitations of his father, ChÍtra BahÁr, he was forgiven, and allowed to return to his country, on condition that neither he nor his descendants would ever again make war on ArjÚna WijÁya.

WÍsnu afterwards quitting the body of ArjÚna WijÁya became incarnate in the person of RÁma, son of DÁsa RÁta (who when young was called MurdÁka), entering the body of his mother during conception, and coming into the world with the child. About the same time BatÁra BasÚki, who had a son named BaswÁrat, united to BramÁni WÁti, becoming sorrowful, quitted SuralÁya, with a determination to follow the fortunes of Wisnu, who after quitting the body of ArjÚna WijÁya roamed for some time round the skirts of the earth until he fell in with BasÚki. Wisnu then said to him, "there is a Raja of MÁndra-pÚra, named BÁsa RÁta, who has two wives, named DÉwi RÁgu and MÁnwa-dÁri. I am younger than you, but on earth I must be older. I will enter the body of RÁgu, and become incarnate in the child she will bring forth; do you the same with the other." MÁnwa-dÁri was delivered of a child named LakasamÁna, in which BasÚki accordingly became incarnate.

[The portion of the work, which also includes a relation of the feats of BÁli son of GotÁma, the founder of AstÍno, brings the story down to the period of the poem of RÁma. The history is then carried on to the period of the PendÁwa[Vol I Pg 429] LÍma or BrÁta Yudha, and may be concisely stated as follows:]

BaswÁrat, son of BasÚki, had by BramÁni WÁti two sons, MÁnu-ManÁra and MÁnu-MadÉwa. The daughter of MÁnu-MadÉwa, named SirÁti, was married to BramÁna RÁja, and from this marriage proceeded RahwÁna. The PendÁwa LÍma were tenth in descent from MÁnu-ManÁra, as in the following pedigree:

• 1. MÁnu-ManÁsa,
• 2. Tritrushta,
• 3. ParikÉna,
• 4. SutÁpa,
• 5. Sa-pÚtram,
• 6. SÁkri,
• 7. PulasÁra,
• 8. AbiÁsa,
• 9. PÁndu-dÉwa NÁta.

The TrÉta YÓga or second age, is supposed to have ended, and the DuapÁra YÓga, or third age, to have commenced on the death of RÁma, which happened about the time of SÁkri.

The WiwÁha kÁwi is a regular poem, and contains three hundred and fifty-five pÁda, or metrical stanzas. The subject is as follows:

Erang BÁyu had a son, whose form was that of a RasÁksa, and who became sovereign of the country of Ima-ÍmantÁka, under the name of DÉtia KÉwÁcha. The father, desirous of getting rid of him, urged him to go to SurÉndra BuÁna, in search of a flower, called TurÁng'ga jÁti, which was worn by all the WidadÁris. The RasÁksa accordingly goes in search of it, and no sooner comes into the presence of BatÁra GÚru, than a WidadÁri sitting by his side, named Su PrÁba, the daughter of BatÁra SÁmba, presents one of these flowers to him, with which he returns to his father, who alarmed at his success, immediately delivers over to him the government of his country.

After DÉtia KÉwÁcha had thus become sovereign, he desired to be united in marriage with the WidadÁri who had given him the flower, and dispatches a RasÁksa named KolÁngkÍa, with a letter addressed to BatÁra GÚru, soliciting[Vol I Pg 430] Su PrÁba in marriage, and threatening to destroy the heavens in case of refusal. When the messenger reached SurÉndra BuÁna he presented the letter to BatÁra SÁkra, who knowing its contents without reading it, immediately replied in a rage, "then let your sovereign carry his threat into execution, for BitÁra GÚru will never consent that a WidadÁri be married to a RasÁksa."

When the messenger had disappeared, BatÁra SÁkra communicated to the gods the state of affairs, on which BatÁra GÚru became enraged. As he curbed his passion, NarÁka becomes disturbed; smoke issued from its deepest recesses and the heavens rocked to and fro. RÉsi NarÁda then apprised BatÁra GÚru that there was a man on the earth, named BagÁwan WardinÍngsih, or MitarÁga, who had long performed his devotions on the mountain Indra-kÍla, and suggested that it might be better to employ him against Detia KewÁcha than for the gods, who were ignorant of the art of war, to await in heaven the coming of the RasÁksa. BatÁra GÚru approves of the suggestion, and RÉsi NarÁda descends accordingly to Indra-kÍla, accompanied by seven WidadÁris, in the hope that by the influence of their charms, he might succeed in abstracting WardinÍngsih from the severe penance which he was performing. The names of the WidadÁris who accompanied him were Su PrÁba, WilotÁma, Leng-leng-Mandana, SumartÁka, Ang'impuni, Su PrÁba-sini, and DÉrsa-nÁla. In their train followed a thousand of the young and beautiful maids of heaven.

WardinÍngsih was performing a long and rigid penance, for the purpose of recovering the kingdom of AstÍna; and when NarÁda arrived at Indra-kÍla, the sun had climbed half way up the heavens. The WidadÁris immediately displayed their charms, and employed every artifice to attract his attention, but they could not succeed. One of them, who resembled his wife, even threw off her upper garments, and exposing her bosom embraced him with transport; but it did not avail.

BatÁra SÁkra then descended to Indra-kÍla, in the disguise of a Dervise, assuming the name of PanjÍngrum, and approaching WardinÍngsih, as if in grief, threw off his disguise, and resuming the god, addressed WardinÍngsih as[Vol I Pg 431] follows: "My visit to you is on three accounts; first, I request your assistance in this war; secondly, I wish to apprise you, that BatÁra GÚru will in a short time appear to you; thirdly, to advise you, that when you see BatÁra GÚru, and he asks you whether you have courage to engage in the war or not, you answer that you have; requesting, however, in return, that when the war BrÁta YÚdha takes place, the PandÁwa may be successful. You may then request two arrows, called paso pÁti and trisula, and the crown chÁping basunÁnda, the vest Ánta kasÚma, the slippers mÁrdu kachÁrma: these slippers, when you wear them, will enable you to fly, and to enter heaven in person. Request, moreover, the chariot mÁnik, which is drawn by elephants and horses of the heavenly race (sambrÁni), and called chÍpta walÁha, and that if you are successful in the war with DÉtia KewÁcha, BatÁra GÚru, as well as the other gods, may each present you with a WidadÁri." BatÁra SÁkra having made an impression on the mind of WardinÍngsih returned to heaven.

In the mean time Mang-mÁng MÚrka, the PeptÁeh of DÉtia KewÁcha, who had a face like a hog, received orders to lay waste the mountain of Indra-KÍla. He no sooner arrived there, and began to destroy the cultivation, than SÉmar gave information of it to WardinÍngsih, who coming forth with his bow and arrow, immediately struck the RasÁksa; upon which BatÁra GÚru appeared in the form of a forester, holding in his hand a bow without an arrow. Then straggling with WardinÍngsih to withdraw the arrow with which the RasÁksa had been struck, each pulled at it ineffectually until a quarrel ensued, in which BatÁra GÚru accused WardinÍngsih of having a bad heart, and of following the dictates of his GÚru DÚrna, who was at Astina, and who had a crooked nose and mouth. WardinÍngsih being enraged at this, a severe combat ensued, when BatÁra GÚru having laid hold of his adversary's hair, the other attempted to retaliate, on which BatÁra GÚru vanished. A fragrant odour immediately arose, and WardinÍngsih reflected upon what SÁkra had told him, and instantly perceived a bright arch, like the rainbow, with BatÁra GÚru appearing within it, attended by RÉsi NarÁda and a suite of WidadÁris: bowing profoundly to the ground, he felt himself permitted to approach the deity[Vol I Pg 432] and kiss his feet; BatÁra GÚru then informed him of his object in coming to Indra-kÍla, and requested that he would make war upon DÉtia KewÁcha, who was the enemy of the gods; to which WardinÍngsih consented, making the requests which had been suggested by BatÁra SÁkra. To these BatÁra GÚru assented, adding, "If you have success in this war, I will appoint you sovereign of the heavens for one year. You shall have power over all the gods, and the WidadÁris shall be your attendants; and as long as you live you shall have power to visit SuralÁya at your pleasure." This said, BatÁra GÚru disappeared.

On the next day WardinÍngsih prepared for his journey to Ima imantÁka, the country of DÉtia KewÁcha, and on his way thither fell in with the WidadÁris, Su PrÁba and WilÁ TÁma, who had been sent by BatÁra SÁkra. WardinÍngsih, on his arrival at the RasÁksa's capital, commissioned these WidadÁris to enter the palace and feign an attachment for DÉtia KewÁcha. DÉtia KewÁcha no sooner beheld them, than being thrown off his guard, he declared, that the object of the war being thus attained without trouble, he would enjoy himself at his ease. Then dressing himself in his princely robes, and perfuming himself as a bridegroom, he approached Su PrÁba, and taking her on his knee chaunted a song, which so delighted her that she fell asleep. WardinÍngsih, on this, entered into her ear-stud, and awoke her. Detia KewÁcha then urged her to gratify his passion, but she refused, and required, as a mark of confidence, that he would trust her with the secret of his power. This he refused, until she was about to stab herself, when he whispered in her ear that he was invulnerable except within his throat; if any one injured that part in the least he must instantly die. WardinÍngsih thus ascertaining his vulnerable point, escaped with the WidadÁris, and ascended to BatÁra SÁkra in SuralÁya.

DÉtia KewÁcha, then collecting his forces, proceeded to the war with a countless host, laying waste the country, until he arrived near TÁnda WÁru, where he halted to make preparations for the attack. The heavens now shook, and NarÁka emitted smoke. The gods trembled with fear, and the wind, charged with the gross stench of the RasÁksa, almost overpowered them.

WardinÍngsih having arrived at the abode of SÁkra, the[Vol I Pg 433] great bell (gatÍta) was struck, when the gods immediately assembled. The forces of SuralÁya then moved on, WardinÍngsih following in a splendid chariot. Having thrown off the PandÍta's garment, he now appeared richly clothed in the character of ArjÚna, adorned with gold and costly gems. The chariot had formerly belonged to RÁma, and had been preserved by BatÁra GÚru, when RÁma committed himself to the flames.

The battle commenced, and the forces of the RasÁksa being most numerous and powerful, were about to carry all before them, when Gatot KÁcha arrived, and taking part with WardinÍngsih, turned the tide of the battle in favour of the gods, plucking up the mountains by the roots, and casting them upon the RasÁksas. DÉtia KewÁcha escaping the general overthrow, and attended by SÉcha Tung'gÁra, shot an arrow at WardinÍngsih, which the latter caught under his arm, and feigning death, fell to the ground. Great was the grief of SÉmar and of all his other attendants; but DÉtia KewÁcha approaching burst out into a loud laugh, when WardinÍngsih, who had watched his opportunity, observing the RasÁksa's mouth open, instantly rose, and struck the arrow into it, and so killed him.

GÁtot KÁcha, who, in consequence of the absence of ArjÚna on a penance for three years, had been sent to recall him, and who had discovered him by the appearance of his attendant SÉmar, now approached WardinÍngsih, and kissing his feet, informed him of the sorrow of SÉna and DÉrma WÁngsa at his absence, on which WardinÍngsih desired him to return and report what he had seen.

He then proceeded, attended by the victorious host, to the dwelling of BatÁra GÚru, called PapÁriwÁrna; on which BatÁra GÚru assembling the gods, and permitting WardinÍngsih to approach and kiss his feet, declares to him that he was not forgetful of his promise, and would forthwith fulfil it. He then declared him sovereign of SuralÁya, under the title PrÁbu AnÍli KÍti, and gave him free access to every part of the heavens. ArjÚnÁ then visited the seven quarters of SuralÁya, in which was the abode of the WidadÁris, and assumed the sovereignty accordingly; while Gatot KÁcha, proceeding to AmÉrta, informed SÉna and DÉrma WÁngsa of what had[Vol I Pg 434] passed. There were also present at his relation NakÓla Sa dÉwa, BatÁra KrÉsna, SÁmbu, and PanchawÁla, all equally anxious to know the fate of ArjÚna. DÉwi KÚnti, the mother of PandÁwa, having calculated on the death of ArjÚna, and made preparation for burning herself in consequence, was overjoyed at this unexpected good news; and DÉrma WÁngsa, the sovereign AmÉrta, gave a grand entertainment, in which the BedÁyas danced to the sound of the music, while GÀtot KÁcha related the feats of ArjÚna.

The RÁma KÁwi is usually divided into four parts. The first, called RÁma GÁn-drung, contains the history of RÁma, from his infancy until his marriage; the second, RÁma BÁdra, from his marriage until his consort, SÍti DÉwi, is carried off by RahwÁna; the third, RÁma TÁli, from the first employment of HÁnuman as a dÚta or messenger, until he builds the bridge from the continent to the island Ang'lÁngka-di pÚra; and the fourth, called RamayÁna (by which is understood RÁma when arrived at his full power), from the beginning of the war of DÁna LÁga on LÁnka till the end of it, when RÁma regains his consort Siti DÉwi, and returns to NayÚdÍa, leaving RahwÁna's brother, BibisÁna, sovereign of LÁngka. Of these the RÁmayÁna is the most common on Java. The RÁma TÁli has been recently obtained from BÁli. This composition, as one poem, is by far the most extensive of any which the Javans possess.

The mythology contained in the RÁma differs, in some measure, from that of the KÁnda. RÁma is here made to relate to BibisÁna, in ArtÁti measure but KÁwi language, that BrÁma, in the first instance, sprang from WÍsnu; that in the beginning of the world, WÍsnu existed in that part of the heavens named AntabÓga, the place of serpents; that BrÁma first communicated the knowledge of the SÁstra. Nine incarnations of WÍsnu are then detailed: the first, when he appeared as Iwak MokÚr-mo (the tortoise); the second, as Sing'ha (the lion), when he was called BarÚna; the third, as ArjÚna WijÁya; the fourth in WinÁkitÁya or RÁma. In the fifth he was to appear as KrÉsna; and after the sixth, seventh, and eighth, in the ninth when he would become incarnate in the person of a great sovereign, named PrÁbu PurÚsa.

AnrÁka SÚra (the courageous child of the sun) is written in[Vol I Pg 435] KÁwi, but translated into Javan, under the name of BÚma KalantÁka, or Emba tÁli. The period to which it refers is that occupied posterior to that of the WiwÁha, and prior to that of the BrÁta YÚdha. It relates almost exclusively to the exploits of BÚma, who was the son of DÉwi PratÍwi, of the race of WidadÁris.

DÉwi PratÍwi being enamoured of WÍsnu, her thoughts were continually turned towards him, notwithstanding he had been cast out of SuralÁya. One night having dreamt that her passion for him was gratified, she conceived a child. She afterwards heard in her sleep a voice saying to her, "Descend to the earth in search of KrÉsna, for WÍsnu is become incarnate in his person: his colour is deep black." She descended accordingly; and established herself at Praju-tÉksna, where she was delivered of a son, whom she named BÚma KalantÁka. When he arrived at maturity, she informed him who was his father, and when he discovered him he was received and acknowledged by him. KrÉsna had afterwards another son, named SÁmba, who having insulted the wife of BÚma a quarrel arose between the two brothers, in which BÚma put SÁmba to death in a most disgraceful manner, mangling and exposing his body. KrÉsna, enraged at this, threw his ChÁkra at BÚma, desiring GÁtot KÁcha to raise him from the earth the moment he is struck, lest the power of his mother should restore him. GÁtot KÁcha obeys his orders and BÚma is destroyed. SÉna, one of the sons of PÁndu, is one of the personages of this poem.

The history of the succeeding period is contained in the BrÁta Yudha, or holy war, the most popular and esteemed work in the language. This poem is identified in its subject with the MahabÁrat of continental India, in the same manner as that of RÁma is with the RamÁyan. An analysis of this poem will be given under the head poetry.

Next, in point of time, to this story, follows that of the poem called ParakÍsit, which abounds with the praises of that prince, who was the son of BimÁnyu and grandson of ArjÚna, and is descriptive of the tranquillity and happiness which universally prevailed during his reign. It also contains an historical relation of the sovereigns who succeeded him,[Vol I Pg 436] and brings down the line of princes from ParikÍsit through ten descents to Aji JÁya BÁya, as follows.

• ?— ParikÍsit.
• 1. SÚma WichÍtra.
• 2. Ang'ling DrÍa.
• 3. UdiÁna.
• 4. MadiwÁng'i.
• 5. MisÉna.
• 6.
• 7.
• 8.
• 9. SÚma WichÁla.
• 10. Aji JÁya BÁya.

It was during the reign of the last of these princes that the first intercourse with Western India is supposed to have taken place; an account of the historical composition relating to a subsequent period is therefore reserved for the chapters on History.

The SÚria KÉtu (or lofty sun) contains in a few stanzas the history of a prince, the fifth in descent from the KurÁwa, who by dint of prayer to the gods obtained a son named KÉrta SÚma.

The NÍti SÁstra KÁwi is a work on ethics, comprized in one hundred and twenty-three stanzas, each of which contains a moral lesson: it is considered coeval with, if not more ancient than the BrÁta Yudha, and the KÁwi is considered the most pure extant. The modern version of this work has already been referred to, and translations of some of the stanzas have been introduced. The following are taken indiscriminately, and translated immediately from the KÁwi.

A man who is moderate and cool in his desires will do good to a country. A woman is like unto DÉwi ManuhÁra when her desires are moderate, and men cannot look upon her without delight. A PandÍta must act up to his doctrines; although it may be in war and difficulty, still he must act up to what he professes.

This must be the conduct of the PandÍta. If attacked by a serpent, he must not be moved by it, nor even by a lion: still the same, he must be firm and unmoved, and[Vol I Pg 437] neither the serpent nor the lion will have power to hurt him.

As the surÁja flower floats in the water, so does the heart exist in a pure body; but let it not be forgotten, that the root of the flower holds to the ground, and that the heart of man depends upon his conduct in life. The conduct of a PandÍta must be distinguished by mercy, charity, firmness, and prudence. His speech should be soft and gentle, and in accordance with and like unto written instruction, so as to moderate and calm the mind and desires of mankind.

It is mean and low for a rich man not to dress well: it is still more mean and low for a man of understanding to mix with bad company. So it is when a man attains a high age and knows not the SÁstra; but when a man, through the whole course of his life, does not reflect upon his conduct, such a man is of no use in the world whatever.

A man should wear that sort of apparel which in the general opinion is considered proper, and should also eat that kind of food which is generally approved of. If he does this, he will appear like unto a virgin, who has just attained maturity. Let him not follow implicitly the advice and instruction he may receive, but let him weigh them, and select what is good by his own understanding.

In war, let there be no fear on any account, but let the whole thoughts be directed to the main object of urging the warriors to the attack of the foe. Moreover, let the thoughts be directed to what may be the enemy's plans: this done, let the heart feel fire.

When a man engages another in his service, there are four points on which he should satisfy himself respecting him. First, his appearance: secondly, his conduct; thirdly, his intelligence; and fourthly, his honesty.

The most valuable property is gold; and whoever has much of it, if he does not assist those who are poor and in want, is like unto a house without a fence, and he will soon be deprived of the property which he possesses.

As the moon and the stars shed their light by night, and the[Vol I Pg 438] sun giveth light by day, so should the sayings of a wise man enlighten all around him.

Follow not the seeming wisdom of a woman's discourse; for as a man is more powerful and better informed than a woman, it is fitter that he should stand on his own ground.

A man who knows not the customs of the country (yÚdya NagÁra), is like a man who would bind an elephant with cords made from the tÁnjung flower. It is not necessary for the elephant to be enraged: with the least motion he breaks the cords asunder.

Deprive not another of the credit which is due to him, nor lower him in the opinion of the world: for the sun, when he approaches near to the moon, in depriving her of her light adds nothing to his own lustre.

There is nothing better in the world than a man who keeps his word; and there is nothing worse than a man who swerves from his word, for he is a liar. There are five witnesses, which may be seen by every one: Yang-anÁla or BrÁma (fire), SÚria (the sun), ChÁndra (the moon), KÁla (time), BÁyu (life). And they are the great witnesses always present throughout the three worlds; therefore let men recollect never to lie.

There are three things which destroy a man's character, and they are as three poisons: the first, to disgrace his family or lower himself; the second, to take delight in bringing misfortunes and unhappiness upon others; the third, to be a hypocrite, and assume the character of a PandÍta.