Having, in the preceding Chapter, endeavoured to pourtray the natural and moral character of the people of Java, and to convey to the reader a general idea of the nature and principles of the government to which they have been subjected, I shall now proceed to detail some of the usages and customs which prevail among them.

Of these the ceremonies of the court are the most obvious, and a stranger cannot fail to be struck with the extreme deference and respect towards their superiors, by which the Javans are characterized. Respect for rank, for experience, for parents and old age, have been already noticed among the features of their character; but the excess to which deference to rank is carried by the political institutions of the country, deserves more particular remark, whether we consider it as illustrative of the nature of the government and the quiet and orderly disposition of the people, or endeavour to trace, in the early periods of their history, the causes which may have contributed to the existing constitution of society among them.

The respect shewn to superior rank on Java is such, that no individual, whatever his condition, can stand in the presence of a superior; neither can he address him in the same language in which he is spoken to. Not even the heir apparent, or the members of the royal family, can stand in the presence of the sovereign; and the same restriction applies to the family of each subordinate chief. Were this mark of respect[Vol I Pg 344] confined to the royal family alone, it might perhaps find a parallel in other eastern countries, where it is usual for the subject to prostrate himself before the sovereign, but in Java the nature of the government is such, that each delegated authority exacts the same marks of obeisance; so that, from the common labourer upward, no one dares to stand in the presence of a superior. Thus when a native chief moves abroad, it is usual for all the people of inferior rank among whom he passes, to lower their bodies to the ground till they actually sit on their heels, and to remain in this posture until he is gone by. The same rule is observed within doors; and instead of an assembly rising on the entrance of a great man, as in Europe, it sinks to the ground, and remains so during his presence.

This humiliating posture is called dÓdok, and may be rendered into English by the term squatting. The practice is submitted to with the utmost cheerfulness by the people: it is considered an ancient custom, and respected accordingly. It was, however, in a great measure discontinued in the European provinces during the administration of the British government, who endeavoured to raise the lower orders, as much as was prudent, from the state of degradation to which their chiefs, aided by the Dutch authority, had subjected them; but it continued in force in the native provinces, in MadÚra, and to a certain extent in most of the districts at a distance from the seats of European government.

In travelling myself through some of the native provinces, and particularly in MadÚra, where the forms of the native government are particularly observed, I have often seen some hundreds drop on my approach, the cultivator quitting his plough, and the porter his load, on the sight of the TÚan besÁr's carriage. At the court of SÚra-kÉrta, I recollect that once, when holding a private conference with the SusÚnan at the residency, it became necessary for the RÁden adipÁti to be dispatched to the palace for the royal seat: the poor old man was as usual squatting, and as the SusÚnan happened to be seated with his face towards the door, it was full ten minutes before his minister, after repeated ineffectual attempts, could obtain an opportunity of rising sufficiently to reach the latch without being seen by his royal master. The mission on which he was dispatched was urgent, and the SusÚnan[Vol I Pg 345] himself inconvenienced by the delay; but these inconveniences were insignificant, compared with the indecorum of being seen out of the dÓdok posture. When it is necessary for an inferior to move, he must still retain that position, and walk with his hams upon his heels until he is out of his superior's sight.

Besides this deference in the posture of the body, a deference, equally striking and still more defined, is shewn in the language used to a superior. The vernacular language of the country is never allowed to be used on such occasions, but only an arbitrary language, distinguished by the term bÁsa, the language, or bÁsa krÁma, the polite language, or language of honour. The common people are thus not permitted to use the same language as the great, or in other words, are by the political institutions of the country, in a great degree, deprived of the use of their mother tongue. This subject will however be more particularly treated of in another chapter. That a set of people who have received some mental culture will necessarily discover it in their language, and that a line of distinction will be thus drawn between the well informed and the ignorant, is natural; and of the employment of a different number of persons in the verbs and pronouns, according as supremacy, respect, or familiarity is to be expressed, the modern European languages afford abundant example: but that one class of words should be exacted from the lower orders as a homage to the powerful, and another class given in exchange, serving to remind them of their inferiority, is a refinement in arbitrary power, which it would be difficult to parallel.

Having thus seen the nature and extent of the general deference paid to a superior on Java, the reader will be prepared, in some degree, for the still further humiliations which are expected from a subject on public occasions. No one approaches his sovereign or immediate chief, no child approaches his father, without sÚmbah, (to that is, obeisance) closing his hands and raising them to his forehead, in token of respect. On public or festival days, it is usual for the inferior chiefs, not as in Europe, to kiss the hand, but to kiss the knee, the instep, or the sole of the foot, according to the relative distance of rank between the parties. [Vol I Pg 346]

The royal seat is a large stool or bench of gold or silver with a velvet cushion: it is called dÁmpar, and attends the sovereign wherever he may go.

Among the regalia (upachÁra), which are always carried in procession when the sovereign moves abroad, and are arranged behind him while seated on the dÁmpar, are the following golden figures:?—the hÁsti or gÁja, that of an elephant; the hÁrda walÍka or nanÁgan, that of a serpent; the jajÁwen sÁnting, that of a bull; the sÁngsam, that of a deer; and the sÁwung gÁling, that of a cock fowl; each of a size to be borne in the hand. These, with the kÚtuk and chapÚri for tobacco and sÍri, the pakachohÁn or golden spitting-pot, and a variety of golden salvers, bowls, &c. distinguished by the respective names applicable to their different purposes, have descended as pusÁkas, or heir-looms, in the royal family, and are esteemed with the highest degree of veneration.

When the sovereign moves abroad, he is attended by numerous spearmen (wÁhos), the duty of eight of whom is to attend the figures of the sacred elephant and bull, near which are also led four horses richly caparisoned. The royal pÁyung, or state umbrella, is carried in front of the procession on these occasions, in which are also invariably carried four trunks or boxes (brÓkoh), each borne by two men, and containing the clothes of the sovereign, caparison for his horses, his personal arms, implements, provisions, and in short every thing required for an establishment: this rule is observed whenever the sovereign moves out of the palace. His mat (lÁntÉ) is likewise borne in procession, together with two saddle horses for his use when necessary.

The ceremonies and state of the native courts have lost much of their genuine character, from the admission of European customs, introduced by the Dutch after the last Javan war. Salutes are regulated after the European order, and the Javans have availed themselves of many of the customs of Europeans, to render the ceremonies of state more striking. Thus both the SusÚnan and SÚltan are furnished with large gilt carriages, after the fashion of those used by the Lord Mayor of London. When the former drinks wine with the governor, the rest of the company are offered white wine,[Vol I Pg 347] while they alone drink red, and a flourish of trumpets sounds as the glass approaches their lips.

It may be observed, that few people are more attached to state and show than the Javans; that, in general, the decorations employed and the forms observed are chaste, and at the same time imposing, calculated to impress a stranger with a high idea of their taste, their correctness and yet love of splendour. The ornaments of state, or regalia, are well wrought in gold; the royal shield is richly inlaid with precious stones, and the royal krÍs is hung in a belt, which, with its sheath, is one blaze of diamonds. In processions, when the European authority is to be received, each side of the road, for miles, is lined with spearmen in different dresses, and standing in various warlike attitudes; streamers flying, and the music of the gÁmelÁn striking up on every side. PÁyungs, or umbrellas of three tiers, of silk richly fringed and ornamented with gold, are placed at intervals, and nothing is omitted which can add to the appearance of state and pomp. Among the ensigns displayed on these occasions are the Monkey flag of ArjÚna, and a variety of other devices taken from the poems of antiquity, as well as the double-bladed sword, and a variety of inscriptions from the Arabs.

The chiefs of provinces, and the petty chiefs in their gradation below them, keep up as much of the form and ceremony of the chief court as is consistent with their relative rank and means; and, in their turn, exact from their vassals the same degree of respect which the sovereign exacts from them.

On occasions when the Regents are anxious to shew particular respect to Europeans, as on the entrance of the Governor, or other high officer travelling, it is the custom, particularly in the SÚnda districts, to erect triumphal arches of bÁmbu at the entrance of the principal villages; and the taste and variety displayed on these occasions have been often noticed, as evincing a refinement beyond what the general results of their present state of civilization might justify.

In a former place I noticed, that the gradations of rank among the Javans were, in some instances, marked by the dress they wore, and by the manner of putting on the krÍs; but a more defined line is drawn by the pÁyung, or umbrella,[Vol I Pg 348] which is subject to the following regulation from immemorial custom:

1. The Sovereign alone is entitled to the golden pÁyung[97].

2. The RÁtu, or Queen, and the members of the royal family, to the yellow pÁyung.

3. The family of the RÁtu, and the family of the Sovereign by his concubines, to the white pÁyung.

4. The BopÁtis and TumÚng'gungs to the green pÁyung, edged and mounted with gold.

5. The Ang'ebÁis, RÁng'gas, MÁntris, &c. to the red pÁyung.

6. The heads of villages, and other petty officers, to the dark pÁyung.

In order to convey an idea of the different titles and the gradations of rank among the Javans, it becomes necessary, in consequence of the confusion which has arisen among them of late years, to revert to what they were supposed to be in the days of MÁjapÁhit and previously, when the Hindu faith and institutions exclusively prevailed.

The usual term for the sovereign was then RÁtu, and in the literary compositions which have descended to us, he was either distinguished by such epithets as NÁra-nÁta, NÁra-dÍpa, NÁra-pÁti, NarÍndra, NarÁria, Aji, PrÁbu, KÁtong, Ajung, or MÁharÁja. The queen was called PramiswÁri. The children of the sovereign were called, the princes RÁden, and the princesses DÉwi, which titles were hereditary in their families. The brothers of the sovereign had the title of RÁden aria.

When a sovereign was advanced in age, and quitted his government to become a devotee, he was called BegÁwan.

The minister who administered the country in the name of the sovereign, and issued his orders to the governors of provinces, &c. was always termed PÁteh; and the chiefs employed in administering the government of the provinces, or otherwise in the government of the country, were entitled either PratÍiwa, Pung'gÁwa, NiÁka, or BopÁti. The chiefs below these, and subject to their orders, such as RÁng'ga, [Vol I Pg 349]Ange'bÁi, DemÁng, PramÉa, MÉnak, KlÍwon, and others were included in the class of Mantris.

The heads of villages were called either Umbul, PatÍng'gi, BabÁkal, BabÁhu, LÚra, or KÚwu.

The commanders-in-chief in war had the title of SenapÁti. The general term for soldiers was prajÚrit; and those employed in guarding the country from the approach of an enemy were called either PechÁt tÁnda, TÁmping, or Ulu-bÁlang.

In judicial affairs the JÁksa was the chief. His assistant or deputy was PaliwÁra, and the officers of his court KÉrta.

WadÁna gÉdong was the title given to the officer entrusted with the charge of the sovereign's purse and personal property, and with the collection of his revenues: the secretary or writer was called ChÁrik. TÁnda and SabÁndar was the title of the officers who collected the duties in the markets and along the high roads.

When it was necessary for the sovereign to move from one part of the country to another, there was always a class of MÁntris in attendance, to whom the title of Pang'alasan or KajÍneman was given.

On the establishment of the Mahomedan religion, in the Javan year 1400, a new gradation of rank and order of titles was introduced by the sultan of DemÁk, as follows.

The sovereign, instead of being called RÁtu, took the name of SusuhÚnan[98], or Sultan, and the queen was called RÁtu. The title of PanÁmbahÁn was conferred as the highest in rank next to the sovereign, and above the princes of the blood, who were now termed Pang'Éran or Pang'Éran Ária; the princesses born of the queen were termed RÁtu, and the daughters by concubines RÁden Áyu. The sons of the princes were called RÁden mas, until they were married, when they were termed RÁden only; their daughters before marriage were called RÁden ajÉng, and after marriage RÁden Áyu. The SusuhÚnan's great grandchildren by his wife were allowed to assume the title of RÁden, and those by his concubines bore the title of Mas, the latter title continuing to [Vol I Pg 350]descend in the family to the offspring by a wife, those by a concubine taking the title of BÁgus, which is considered as the lowest title appertaining to royalty. It would be tedious, in this place, to detail the minor titles common in the SÚnda districts; they will be more particularly noticed in the statistical accounts of those districts.

When a BopÁti, or governor of a province, is appointed, he is furnished with a piÁgam or nawÁla, or letter patent, fixing his rank, and the extent of assignment of lands conferred upon him[99]; also with a bÁwat, or stick, similar to that of the pÁyung, or umbrella, measuring about eight feet long, with which it is his duty to measure the sÁwah or rice fields.

When a chief of the rank of MÁntri is appointed, he is furnished with a krÍs handle and with a mat, which is carried[Vol I Pg 351] behind him when he moves about, as well for use as to shew his rank.

The Javans include in the general term of PriÁyi all persons above the rank of common people, a term which in its general application on Java is not very unlike that of gentlemen, or latterly of esquires, in England.

Among the forms of an eastern court, few are more particularly observed than those relating to ambassadors. The Javans have long ceased to send or receive ambassadors, but the following extracts from the NÍti PrÁja, will shew what they conceive ought to be the qualifications and conduct of such an officer.

"A person entrusted with a message from his prince, must never abuse the trust placed in him, but always keep in sight that on such occasions he is the representative of the prince. And chiefly, if he is sent with a letter from the prince to a foreign country, in this case he must be less submissive than before his own prince. According to circumstances he must conduct himself with dissimulation, and before he enters any foreign country, by some secret means or other, occasion his own name, and that of the prince his master, to be spread over the country, at the same time that he obtains every possible information regarding the state of the country and people. On entering the country, he must assume a dignified appearance, and not speak or look about him more than is necessary. Such conduct will inspire the people with respect for him.

"The letter must be carried on the shoulder, and in his gait and speech he must conduct himself with propriety. In delivering the letter he must present himself with dignity, approach first, and then retire from the person to whom the letter is directed, speak with him at a distance, and not too familiarly.

"In all cases he must be careful not to go beyond his orders. His deportment must be unassuming yet dignified; and having received an answer for his prince, it is his duty to depart immediately, and to proceed with it direct to the prince, without even going to his own house first. If the letter is from some person lower in rank than his master, he must not immediately shew it, but conceal it for a time; but[Vol I Pg 352] if it is from a prince of equal rank, then must he carry the letter before him. When a letter is from a prince to one of his subjects, it must be carried high. Coming in the presence of his prince, he must carefully watch his eye, that he may deliver the letter on the first intimation given by the prince that he is ready to receive it.

"Whoever dictates a letter must be careful that a letter to a superior is not couched in the same terms as a letter to an inferior."

The three most remarkable events in the history of the individual are his birth, his marriage, and his death; to these accordingly have the greatest number of forms and ceremonies been attached.

As soon as it is observed that a Javan woman is in the third month of pregnancy, the event is communicated to all the nearest relations, to whom, at the same time, presents are made, consisting of yellow rice, sweet-scented oils, and wax candles. People of condition add some cloths, gold, silver, or brass cups, as also needles, either of those metals or of iron.

After seven months' pregnancy, a festival is given to the relations and friends, at which yellow rice forms invariably a part of the entertainment.

The pregnant woman must afterwards wash her body with the milk of a green cocoa-nut, on the shell of which has been previously carved two handsome figures, one of each sex, by which the parents intend to represent a standard of beauty for their expected offspring, and to engrave on the imagination of the mother, impressions which may extend to the lineaments of her infant. The nut must be opened by the husband. She is next to bathe in water, into which many sweet-scented flowers have been thrown, and to dress herself with a new cloth, making a present of the old one, together with money, raw rice, sÍrÍ, and cocoa-nuts, to the midwife, who assists in her lustrations. On the night of these ceremonies there must be a wÁyang or scenic shadow performed, the object of which is to represent the life and adventures of a certain prince in the line of DÉwa BatÁra BrÁma.

If the woman is delivered of a son, the after-birth is immediately cut off with a very sharp knife of bÁmbu, wrapped in[Vol I Pg 353] a piece of paper on which is written the Javan alphabet, then laid in a new pot, and buried in the ground, at which place a lamp, covered with a basket of bÁmbu, and adorned with leaves of the pandÁnri, is put, and kept burning till the umbilical cord of the child falls off. When this takes place, the child is watched the whole night, by persons who read the history of the DÉwas, or of famous princes, or amuse themselves with a wÁyang.

As soon as the child is nine months old, the parents entertain their relatives and friends with a wÁyang and festival.

Marriages are invariably contracted, not by the parties themselves, but by their parents or relations on their behalf. Such interference (which was common among the Greeks, without the same apology) is rendered necessary by the early age at which the matrimonial union is formed, and the incompetence of either of the intended couple to form a discreet and prudent choice. During the period that intervenes between the application of the friends of the boy to the parents or guardians of the girl for their concurrence in the match, and the obtainment of it, her condition is distinguished by the term tÉtÁkon (enquired for): when the consent of her parents is obtained, it is termed lÁmar (solicited). According to ancient custom, after matters proceeded thus far, a present of different valuables, termed panÍng'sat is sent by the intended bridegroom to the bride, and her acceptance of it, implying that she concurs in the previous steps taken towards her settlement, renders the contract binding. The general prevalence of similar customs cannot fail to strike those who are acquainted with the nature of the sponsalia dona of the Romans, and the marriage ceremonies detailed in various passages of Scripture (Genesis, ch. xv. 2; xxiv. 5, &c.) A present of this kind is described as being sent by PÁnji KÉrta PÁti to the Princess ChÁndra KirÁna of DahÁ[100], and we are told that it thence became a custom among the Javans. [Vol I Pg 354]

By any reluctance to complete his engagement, the bridegroom forfeits to his betrothed these earnest gifts (as they may be called); while, on the other hand, if the obstacles to the completion of the marriage originate with her, she is bound to return them. This present is also called patiba sÁmpir.

This custom, however, is now not so common as formerly: it is in a great measure discontinued or confounded with the next ceremony, termed sÁrahan (delivered up.) This consists in making various presents to the bride a short time before the day fixed for the marriage, after the delivery of which, the bride and bridegroom are confined to the house, until the ceremony takes place. The period varies; but with people of distinction there generally elapses an interval of forty days between the sÁrahan and the marriage.

On the day of the marriage (for which one that is considered fortunate[101] is previously selected) the father of the bride proceeds to the mosque, accompanied by the bridegroom, and informing the PanghÚlu that the lad whom he presents has agreed to give the sri kÁwin (generally about two dollars), requests him to marry him to his daughter: on which the PanghÚlu inquires of the bridegroom whether he has paid the amount, or is willing to do so? and upon the affirmative being declared, he sanctifies the marriage by words to the following effect:

"I join you, rÁden mas (bridegroom), in wedlock with sÁtia (the bride), with a pledge of two reals weight in gold or silver[102]. You take (sÁtia) to be your wife for this world. [Vol I Pg 355]You are obliged to pay the pledge of your marriage (sri kÁwin), or to remain debtor for the same. You are responsible for your wife in all and every thing. If you should happen to be absent from her for the space of seven months on shore, or one year at sea, without giving her any subsistence, and are remiss in the performance of the duties which you owe to your sovereign, your marriage shall be dissolved, if your wife requires it, without any further form or process; and you will be, besides, subject to the punishment which the Mahomedan law dictates."

Should any circumstance occur to prevent the bridegroom from attending at the mosque on the day selected for the marriage, he follows the singular custom of sending his krÍs[103] to the ceremony, which is deemed sufficient by the PanghÚlu; and afterwards he may appoint a proxy to represent him in the processions which follow. But this is seldom done when a man marries for the first time.

After the ceremony, the bridegroom pays the priest the marriage fees (salÁwat), which ought, according to strict Mahomedans, not to exceed fifteen stivers. In most instances, the fees are raised to five times that sum in money, besides in many places a fowl, a hank of cotton-yarn, four kÁtis of rice, two cocoa-nuts, sÍri, and fruit.

On the wedding day, or sometimes the day following, the bridegroom dressed in his best clothes, mounted on horseback, accompanied by all his friends, and attended with music in the front and rear, proceeds at noon to the dwelling of the bride, who, on his approach, comes out to meet him at the door. In some districts, before their nearer approach, the bride and bridegroom throw simultaneously a bundle of sÍri at each other with considerable force, with the intention, it is said, of learning, from the dexterity with which the parties, respectively perform this singular feat, and the success that attends it, which of them will be able best to maintain their privileges, or gain an ascendancy during the continuance of their union. They prognosticate that, if the bundle of the[Vol I Pg 356] bridegroom touch the head of the bride, it is an infallible sign that he must rule; otherwise, the reverse.

The bride, after this, receives the bridegroom with a low obeisance, in testimony of her regard for him, extending similar marks of respect to his parents, who attend him. The married couple are then placed in a situation elevated above the rest of the company; and in token of their afterwards living together, and sharing the same sustenance, commence eating sÍri from the same sÍri-box.

In some districts, after leaving the mosque, the bridegroom and his father proceed to the house of the bride's parents, where they obtain her company in a procession through the village or town. On these occasions, the bride is carried on a litter, which is generally fashioned in the form of a garÚda, and the bridegroom is mounted on horseback. All the relations and friends of the parties attend, carrying flowers and refreshments, together with the presents made to the bridegroom on his marriage. The procession moves on to the sound of the national music, and the occasional firing of cannon. A feast is given in the evening at the house of the bride's parents, at which the new married couple remain for the night. The term given to the bride and bridegroom is peng'Ánten, and the marriage ceremony is called lÁki rÁbi.

On the next day in some districts, and on the fifth in others, the bridegroom (or peng'Ánten lÁnang), and bride (peng'anten wÁdon), together with the whole train of relations and friends, visit in like manner the house of the bridegroom's father. This ceremony is called Únduh mÁntu (accepting the daughter-in-law.) There they both again sit down to eat sÍri in some place of distinction; similar entertainments are repeated, and on the following day they return with the same pomp and form to the bride's dwelling, the ceremony being now completed.

With the exception of the delivery of the sri kÁwin, and the procession to the mosque, there is very little in these ceremonies conformable to the Mahomedan precepts.

Marriages are frequently contracted between children, and then termed gÁntung kÁwin (hanging-on marriages); but in this case the parties are kept separate, and the principal ceremonies are reserved till they attain the age of puberty.[Vol I Pg 357] Such contracts proceed from a laudable solicitude, on the part of parents, to provide a suitable and advantageous match for their children as early as possible; and to the same cause, as much, perhaps, as from the influence of climate and intemperance of manners, may be attributed the early age, at which matrimonial engagements are sometimes consummated.

Whatever may be the reasons for such early marriages, one of the most serious consequences is the facility with which they are dissolved. The multiplication of divorces is mentioned by the poets, the moralists, and the historians of the Roman empire, as one of the greatest causes and symptoms of the corruption and degeneracy of the period in which they lived; and certainly it had proceeded to great lengths, when Seneca could say that a woman computed her age, not by the annual succession of consuls, but of husbands[104]. The Javans, though a simple people, are in this respect too like the profligate and dissolute Romans.

In no part of the world are divorces more frequent than on Java; for besides the facilities afforded by the Mahomedan ordinances, a woman may at any time, when dissatisfied with her husband, demand a dissolution of the marriage contract, by paying him a sum established by custom, according to the rank of the parties: about twenty dollars for a person of the lower orders, and fifty dollars for those of the degree of DemÁng or MÁntri. The husband is not bound to accept it; but he is generally induced to do so, from a consideration, that the opinions and custom of the country require it; that his domestic happiness would be sacrificed in a contest with his reluctant companion; and that, by continuing his attachment, he would incur the shame of supporting one who treated him with aversion or contempt. This kind of divorce is termed mÁnchal. The husband may at any time divorce his wife, on making a settlement upon her sufficient to support her according to her condition in life. [Vol I Pg 358]

A widow may marry again at the expiration of three months and ten days after her husband's death.

When a person of rank or property dies, all his relations, male and female, meet at the house of the deceased, to testify their grief at the death and their respect for the memory of the departed. On that occasion, what is termed selÁmat money is distributed among all according to circumstances. The priests, who are to perform the service at the place of interment, receive a Spanish dollar, a piece of cloth, and a small mat each.

When the corpse is washed[105] and wrapped in a white cloth, it is carried out of the house on a bier covered with coloured chintz, on which garlands of flowers are hung as drapery. On this occasion, no means of costly pomp or impressive solemnity are neglected in the use of umbrellas (pÁyung), pikes, and other insignia of honour. All the relations and friends accompany the corpse to the grave, where the priest addresses a prayer to heaven and delivers an exhortation to the soul of the deceased; of which the substance commonly is, "that it should be conscious of being the work of the Creator of the universe, and after leaving its earthly dwelling, should speed its way to the source whence it issued." After this ceremony the corpse is interred, and the other priests continue their prayers and benedictions.

For seven successive nights, the same priests meet and pray at the house of the deceased, in the presence of his relations.

On the third, seventh, fourteenth, hundredth, and thousandth day or night after the death of a person, are observed particular festivals or solemn feasts in his commemoration, on[Vol I Pg 359] which occasions prayers are offered up for the happiness of his soul.

The body is interred after the usual manner of the Mahomedans, and a sambÓja tree is usually planted by its side. It is the universal practice of the relatives of the deceased to strew the graves several times in the year with the sweet-scented flowers of the sulÁsi (the tulsi of Bengal), which are raised exclusively for this purpose. The burial-grounds are, in general, well chosen. In KedÚ, where the most beautiful eminences have been selected for this purpose, and where the cambÔja tree grows with the greatest luxuriance, they form very interesting objects in the landscape. The burial-places of the royal family and of the nobles of the country are usually called astÁna; they are surrounded by one or more high walls, and in general by stately warÍng'en trees. The tombs are sometimes ornamented with sculptural devices and well-executed inscriptions, either in the Javan or Arabic character. They are kept clean and repaired by contributions from all parts of the country, under the superintendence of priests appointed to that particular duty, and are respected and guarded with religious veneration and zeal. The burial-place of the family now on the throne is at MegÍri, in the province of MatÁrem, a few miles distant from the modern capital of YÚgya-kÉrta.

As the Javans are still devotedly attached to their ancient customs and ceremonies (few of which they have sacrificed to their new faith), I shall, in order to give a better idea of those still observed on the most remarkable occasions, present a short account of their state anterior to the introduction of Mahomedanism, as far as it can be ascertained. Though, as Mahomedans, they are averse to an open avowal of Pagan practices, they still preserve them more or less, according as the parties happen to be less or more under the influence of Arab priests.

When a woman was pregnant with her first child, at the expiration of four months a feast was given, at which yellow rice was served up. This entertainment was insignificant compared with that which was observed at the expiration of seven months, when the guests were presented with cloth, gold, silver, and steel, according to the means of the parties,[Vol I Pg 360] a piece of steel never failing to be one of the gifts, though it did not exceed the size of a needle. On this occasion a new bath was prepared in the evening, and watched during the night by the light of a lamp. At the side of the bath were laid two stalks of the dark coloured sugar cane, as an offering to BatÁra KÁla, a painted cloth of the pattern tÚwuh wÁtu, and a young cocoa-nut (chÉnkir gÁding), on which was engraved the resemblance of PÁnji KÉrta PÁti and his wife ChÁndra KirÁna of DÁha. In the morning the wife, after putting on the cloth, entered the bath, when the water from the young cocoa-nut was poured over her: during the day it was also incumbent on her to change her dress seven times. At the feast given on this occasion, fish, flesh, and fowl were invariably served up, and performances of the wÁyang were exhibited.

Immediately on the birth of the child it was placed in a kind of basket made of bÁmbu (in form similar to the sieve or farming basket used for separating the chaff from the rice), the relations were assembled, and the remains of the umbilical cord were carefully cut off by means of a piece of sharpened bÁmbu. The part abstracted by this operation was deposited in the interior of a cocoa-nut, with a lump of turmerick placed under it. This cocoa-nut was ornamented on the outside with the twenty letters of the Javan alphabet. It was afterwards put into an earthen pot, and either buried under ground or thrown into the sea. A stone rolling-pin, dressed up like a baby, was placed in the basket in its stead. The female relations relieved each other through the day and night, in constantly supporting the child in their arms, till the navel was healed; the male relations all the while reading and reciting the history of RÁma, and other mythological and historical romances. As soon as the child was recovered, a grand feast was observed, with performances of the wÁyang. Near the DÁlang (director of the wÁyang) was placed a bowl of pure water, into which fresh and sweet-scented flowers were cast, two black sugar-canes, a cloth of the tÚwuh wÁtu pattern, and a piece of white cloth, together with a bundle of pÁri and different kinds of eatables. On this occasion was exhibited the drama of BatÁra DÚrga and Sang Yang JÁgat NÁta (one of the designations of GÚru), at that passage where, during[Vol I Pg 361] the first two quarters of the moon, the former appeared in her amiable character of Uma[106], and where, in the city of KÚru SÉtra GÁndamÁyu, she is delivered of a son, BatÁra KÁla, having the form of a RasÁksa, "greedy to destroy and devour mankind." At that part of the performance when Sang Yang JÁgat NÁta takes the child on his lap, the DÁlang did the same with the infant, repeating the invocation, "hong! ila-heng!" several times, and afterwards returning it into the hands of the father. On this occasion the wÁyang was performed from seven o'clock in the evening till eight o'clock in the morning.

When the child was forty days old, its head was shaved, as directed by the parent, and the ceremony took place of giving it whatever name should be determined on by the father and the elders.

The DÚkun (midwife) who attended at the delivery, was entitled to receive for her trouble fourteen wang (about a rupee) if it was an ordinary birth, but in difficult cases her allowance was proportionately increased. Her attendance continued for the mornings and evening of forty days, at the expiration of which she was further entitled to receive a present of two pieces of cloth, one small and one large, four kÁtis of rice, two cocoa-nuts, and some sÍri. If required to attend beyond that period, she was paid accordingly. A DÚkun once employed, could not be exchanged on any account during the forty days. Women invariably acted as midwives; in other cases the medical art was practised exclusively by the men.

On the child's attaining its seventh month, a feast was given, when it was for the first time placed with its feet on the ground. At this entertainment rice cakes and sweetmeats of different colours and kinds were served up; and if it happened that the child had come into the world either as the sun was just rising or setting, a bundle of grass or rubbish was thrown into the basket, upon the top of which it was placed for a few minutes; after which one of the elders taking the child into his arms repeated the following words: "Hong! 'amilam mastÚna [Vol I Pg 362]masidam! sÚming'gÁha yÉwang Kala'ing w'ru ajal amÚla-nÍra ana-nÍra, Sang-yang SÁba lan BatÁri DÚrga:" which after an invocation to the Deity would express, "Begone, oh God KÁla, for I am not ignorant of thy nature, nor of thy being descended from Sang Yang SÁba (GÚru) and BatÁra DÚrga[107]."

When the child attained the age of one year, another feast was given in commemoration of its nativity, and this universally among all classes of people; those who possessed the means kept the anniversary of their birth-day until their death.

Marriages were invariably contracted by the relations of the parties, by the paternal grandfather or grandmother if living, if not by the parents, and in case of their demise, by the natural guardian. Thus the brother, on the death of his parents, was permitted to dispose of the hand of his sister; and a deviation from this course was deprecated, as laying a foundation for quarrels and dissensions.

The consent of the relations being obtained, the bridegroom was bound to serve the parents of the bride for a year[108].

For forty days previous to the celebration of the marriage, the parties were not allowed to go to a distance from their homes, or to be employed in any severe labour.

At sunset on the wedding day, the bridegroom went in procession to visit the parents of the bride, after which she was [Vol I Pg 363]visited by his parents, who on these occasions gave the married couple their blessing, wishing them happiness as lasting as that enjoyed by the god KÁmajÁya with his consort KÁmarÁti.

One of the elders, or an Ajar, then repeated the following benediction:

"Hong! GÁng'ga-trigÁng'ga? pinÁyung hana kala chÁkra kinÁsih hÁna pra-dewÁta hipÁta'ing sapudÉnda tulÚsa amÁndan warÍng'en." "Hail! holy water, thrice holy water! be it as a covering to shield you from harm: may the gods be merciful unto you: henceforth be nourishing as the pÁndan and warÍng'en trees."

In these processions the bridegroom was obliged to prepare whatever ornaments, trinkets, or gifts, the mother of the bride had fixed her fancy upon, either at the birth of her daughter or on any other occasion, whether they consisted in the representation of a white elephant, a white tiger, or the like.

Five days after the consecration of the marriage, the parents of the bride, with whom she staid for that period, prepared a feast, at which was invariably served up among other things yellow rice. This entertainment was given to mark the period of the consummation: and after celebrating such an event, it was thought proper that the bride should be on a visit to the parents of her husband, remain under their roof, share their protection, and subsist at their expense for forty days without going abroad, at the expiration of which the new married couple were at liberty to go to their own house and pursue their own plans of life, becoming liable to contribute their share to the revenues and demands of the state.

The dresses worn on the nuptial day are thus described in the romance of PÁnji.

"It being arranged that at the same time when RÁdin PÁnji was to receive the princess DÉwi ChÁndra KirÁna in marriage, RÉtna JinÓli, his sister, should also be married to GÚnung SÁri, son of the Prince of DÁha, the Prince of DÁha departed with a joyful heart, and gave the necessary directions to prepare the clothing and ornaments necessary for the two brides.

"KlÁna JÁyang SÁri[109], accompanied by his sister, RÉtna [Vol I Pg 364]JinÓli, and his numerous followers then entered the dÁlam of the prince. KlÁna JÁyang SÂri wore on the occasion a dÓdot of silk stamped with flowers of gold; his chelÁna were of the green chindi ornamented with golden lace round the bottom, and studded with kÚnang-kÚnang (golden ornaments made to represent the fire-fly); his sumping (ornaments at the back of the ear) were of golden flowers studded with diamonds. On the third finger of each hand he wore two diamond rings. His waistband or belt was a painted cloth, of the pattern grÍngsing sang'u-pÁti; his krÍs of the kaprÁbon; his jÁmang, or head ornament, of gold set with diamonds, and scented with all kinds of sweet-scented oils. He appeared more beautiful than a deity descended from heaven, all looking upon him with delight and astonishment.

"His sister, RÉtna JinÓli, was dressed nearly after the same fashion as the Princess Ang'rÉni.

"The dress of DÉwi Ang'rÉni, when married, was as follows: her dÓdot was of a pink colour stamped with flowers; her kÉndit (zone, of which the ends hang in front) was mandÁla gÍri (yellow with red at each end); her jÁmang of golden flowers; her golden ear-rings of the bÁpang fashion, with a diamond in the centre; her hair according to the glung mÁlang (a particular kind of knot), in which were placed beautiful and sweet-scented flowers; the fine hair round her forehead fashioned into small curls, with a sprinkling of powder; her eyebrows shaped like the Ímba leaf. She wore golden armlets of the kÁlung pattern, ornamented with drops. Her kÁlung, or necklace, was of the mÉng'gah fashion. She wore two rings on the little and third finger of each hand, like unto a widadÁri."

There were three modes of disposing of the body of a deceased person: by fire, termed ÓbÓng; by water, termed lÁrung; or by exposing it upright against a tree in a forest, where it was left to decay, termed sÉtra. When the body of a chief or person of consequence was burnt, it was usual to preserve the ashes, and to deposit them in a chÁndi or tomb.

It was the custom with all classes of people on Java to give an entertainment or feast on the decease of their friends and relations[110]. The first feast was given on the day of the [Vol I Pg 365]death, a second on the third day after, a third on the seventh day, a fourth on the fortieth day, a fifth on the hundredth day, and a sixth on the thousandth day after the decease of the party; after which an annual feast was observed, with more or less pomp, according to the respect in which the deceased was held, or the circumstances of the friends and relatives who celebrated his memory.

Besides these regular feasts and ceremonies, others prescribed by the wÚku[111] were religiously observed. When the day ang'gÂra fell on the pÁncha klÍwon, it was considered a propitious time for preferring petitions to the gods. On the seventh day of the wÚku galingÁn, sacred to BatÁra KÁmajÁya, they relaxed from all worldly pursuits, and offered praises and prayers to the gods collectively, it being supposed that they were assembled on that day. On the wÚku gÚmreg, sacred to BatÁra SÁkra, every villager joined in a feast sacred to the earth (pÚja bÚmi); and this wÚku was particularly observed by the people termed KÁlang, who, during the seven days performed no work, but employed themselves in visiting the tombs of their deceased friends and relations, or in feasting with their living relatives. During the whole of that period they kept in their houses a lighted lamp, which they carefully preserved from extinction.

It may not be inappropriate to introduce in this place a short digression, containing an account of some of the customs peculiar to the people termed KÁlang, and to the inhabitants of the Teng'ger mountains. The former are said to have been at one time numerous in various parts of Java, leading a wandering life, practising religious rites different from those of the great body of the people, and avoiding intercourse with them; but most of them are now reduced to subjection, are become stationary in their residence, and have embraced the Mahomedan faith. A few villages in which their particular customs are still preserved, occur in the provinces of KendÁl, KÁliwÚng'u, and DÉmak, and although the tradition of the country regarding their descent from an unnatural connection between a princess of Mendang KamÚlan and a chief, who had been transformed into a dog, would[Vol I Pg 366] mark them out as a strange race, they have claims to be considered as the actual descendants of the aborigines of the Island[112]. They are represented as having a high veneration for a red dog, one of which is generally kept by each family, and which they will, on no account, allow to be struck or ill-used by any one. When a young man asks a girl in marriage, he must prove his descent from their peculiar stock. A present of rice and cotton-yarn, among other articles, must be offered by him, and carried to the intended bride, by an elderly man or woman of his own race, which offering must, in like manner, be received by an elderly relation of the girl: from this moment until the marriage is duly solemnized, nothing whatever is allowed to be taken out of either hut. On the marriage day, a buffalo's head, covered with white, red, or black rice-powder, is placed on the ground near the place intended for the bride to sleep upon, and the elderly people and relations being assembled, they dance by pairs, at the end of each dance presenting the bride to the bridegroom, and making such offerings as they think proper. The bridegroom is, on this occasion, accompanied to the house of the bride's father by as many friends as he can procure, and is bound to bring with him not less than a pair of buffaloes, a plough, harrow, hoe (pachul), and whip, with a bundle of pÁri. Those who are in good circumstances are further bound to add a cart (pedÁti) to the above-mentioned stock. Prior to the equipment of the bride and bridegroom for the entertainment, it is essential that their bodies be rubbed over with the ashes of a red dog's bones. At sunset they both eat rice together off the same leaf. On the following night they jointly partake of the buffalo's head, which is previously laid by the side of the place where they sleep. On the third day they proceed to the house of the bridegroom's father, making as much show as possible, and go round the extent of the village confines, preceded by people carrying a bed, cooking utensils, a spinning-wheel and loom. On the death of a KÁlang, the body is carried in procession to the dwellings of the relations, who join in the ceremony, and proceed with it to the place of interment: they then pass round the corpse three times before [Vol I Pg 367]it is lowered into the grave, the women crying aloud. A young cocoa-nut is then split in two, and the water from it poured into the grave, one-half of the shell being placed at the head, the other at the feet of the deceased. On their return home, the feasts and ceremonies are the same as those noticed in the practice of the other inhabitants of Java. Whenever the KÁlangs move from one place to another, they are conveyed in carts, having two solid wheels with a revolving axle, and drawn by two or more pairs of buffaloes, according to the circumstances of the party. In these they place the materials of which their huts are constructed, their implements of husbandry, and other articles of necessity or value. In this manner, until of late years, since they have been subjected to the regulations of the Javan chiefs, they were continually moving from one part of the island to another. They have still their separate chiefs, and preserve many of their peculiar customs. Those who are Mahomedans employ in their religious functions priests who differ from others in being less scrupulous. They have always been treated with so much contempt by the Javans, that KÁlang is an epithet of reproach and disgrace.

To the eastward of SurabÁya, and on the range of hills connected with GÚnung DÁsar, and lying partly in the district of PasÚruan and partly in that of Probolingo, known by the name of the Teng'ger mountains, we find the remnant of a people still following the Hindu worship, who merit attention, not only on account of their being, (if we except the BÉdui of Bantam, who will be hereafter noticed) the sole depositaries of the rites and doctrines of that religion existing at this day on Java, but as exhibiting an interesting singularity and simplicity of character.

These people occupy about forty villages, scattered along this range of hills in the neighbourhood of what is termed the sandy sea. The site of their villages, as well as the construction of their houses, are peculiar, and differ entirely from what is elsewhere observed on Java. They are not shaded by trees, but built on spacious open terraces, rising one above the other, each house occupying a terrace, and being in length from thirty to seventy, and even eighty feet. The door is invariably in one corner, at the end of the building, opposite to[Vol I Pg 368] that in which the fire-place is built. The building appears to be constructed with the ordinary roof, having along the front an enclosed veranda or gallery, about eight feet broad. The fire-place is built of brick, and is so highly venerated, that it is considered a sacrilege for any stranger to touch it. Across the upper part of the building rafters are run, so as to form a kind of attic story, in which are deposited the most valuable property and implements of husbandry.

The head of the village takes the title of PÉting'gi, as in the low-lands, and is generally assisted by a KabÁyan, both elected by the people from their own village. There are four priests, who are here termed DÚkuns (a term elsewhere only applied to doctors and midwives), having charge of the state records and the sacred books.

These DÚkuns, who are in general intelligent men, can give no account of the era when they were first established on these hills; they can produce no traditional history of their origin, whence they came, or who entrusted them with the sacred books, to the faith contained in which they still adhere. These, they concur in stating, were handed down to them by their fathers, to whose hereditary office of preserving them they have succeeded. The sole duty required of them is again to hand them down in safety to their children, and to perform the pÚja (praise-giving) according to the directions they contain. These records consist of three compositions, written on the lÓntar-leaf, detailing the origin of the world, disclosing the attributes of the deity, and prescribing the forms of worship to be observed on different occasions.

When a woman is delivered of her first child, the DÚkun takes a leaf of the Álang Álang grass, and scraping the skin of the hands of the mother and her infant, as well as the ground, pronounces a short benediction.

When a marriage is agreed upon, the bride and bridegroom being brought before the DÚkun within the house, in the first place bow with respect towards the south, then to the fire-place, then to the earth, and lastly, on looking up to the upper story of the house, where the implements of husbandry are placed. The parties then submissively bowing to the DÚkun, he repeats a prayer, commencing with the words, "Hong! KendÁga BrÁma ang'-gas sÍwang'ga Ána ma siwÁha[Vol I Pg 369] sangyang g'ni sira kang[113]", &c.; while the bride washes the feet of the bridegroom. At the conclusion of this ceremony, the friends and family of the parties make presents to each of krÍses, buffaloes, implements of husbandry, &c.; in return for which the bride and bridegroom respectfully present them with betel-leaf.

At the marriage feast which ensues, the DÚkun repeats two pÚja. The marriage is not, however, consummated till the fifth day after the above ceremony. This interval between the solemnities and the consummation of marriage is termed by them Úndang mÁntu, and is in some cases still observed by the Javans in other parts of the island, under the name Únduh mÁntu.

At the interment of an inhabitant of Teng'ger, the corpse is lowered into the grave with the head placed towards the south (contrary to the direction observed by the Mahomedans), and is guarded from the immediate contact of the earth by a covering of bÁmbus and planks. When the grave is closed, two posts are planted over the body; one erected perpendicularly on the breast, the other on the lower part of the belly; and between them is placed a hollowed bÁmbu in an inverted position, into which, during seven successive days, they daily pour a vessel of pure water, laying beside the bÁmbu two dishes, also daily replenished with eatables. At the expiration of the seventh day, the feast of the dead is announced, and the relations and friends of the deceased assemble to be present at the ceremony, and to partake of entertainments conducted in the following manner.

A figure of about half a cubit high, representing the human form, made of leaves and ornamented with variegated flowers, is prepared and placed in a conspicuous situation, supported round the body by the clothes of the deceased. The DÚkun then places in front of the garland an incense-pot with burning ashes, together with a vessel containing water, and repeats the two pÚja to fire and water; the former commencing with "Hong! KendÁga BrÁma gangsi wang'ga ya nama sÍwÁha," [Vol I Pg 370]&c.; the latter with "Hong! hong gang'ga mÁha tirta rÁta mejil sÁking hÁti," &c.; burning dÚpa or incense at stated periods during the former, and occasionally sprinkling the water over the feast during the repetition of the latter.

The clothes of the deceased are then divided among the relatives and friends; the garland is burned; another pÚja, commencing with "Hong! Áwigna mastÚna ma sidam, hong! arÁning," &c. is repeated, while the remains of the sacred water are sprinkled over the feast. The parties now sit down to the enjoyment of it, invoking a blessing from the Almighty on themselves, their houses, and their lands. No more solemnities are observed till the expiration of a thousand days, when, if the memory of the deceased is beloved and cherished, the ceremony and feast are repeated; if otherwise, no further notice is taken of him: and having thus obtained what the Romans would call his justa, he is allowed to be forgotten.

Being questioned regarding the tenets of their religion, they replied that they believed in a dÉwa, who was all-powerful; that the name by which the dÉwa was designated was BÚmi TrÚka SÁng'yÁng DewÁta BÂtur, and that the particulars of their worship were contained in a book called PÁnglÁwu, which they presented to me.

On being questioned regarding the Ádat against adultery, theft, and other crimes, their reply was unanimous and ready, that crimes of this kind were unknown to them, and that consequently no punishment was fixed, either by law or custom; that if a man did wrong, the head of the village chid him for it, the reproach of which was always sufficient punishment for a man of Teng'ger. This account of their moral character is fully confirmed by the Regents of the districts under whose authority they are placed, and also by the Residents. They, in fact, seem to be almost without crime, and are universally peaceable, orderly, honest, industrious, and happy. They are unacquainted with the vice of gambling and the use of opium.

The aggregate population is about twelve hundred souls; and they occupy, without exception, the most beautifully rich and romantic spots on Java; a region, in which the thermometer is frequently as low as forty-two. The summits and slopes of the hills are covered with Alpine firs, and[Vol I Pg 371] plants common to an European climate flourish in luxuriance.

Their language does not differ much from the Javan of the present day, though more gutturally pronounced. Upon a comparison of about a hundred words with the vernacular Javan, two only were found to differ. They do not marry or intermix with the people of the low-lands, priding themselves on their independence and purity in this respect[114]. [Vol I Pg 372]

The BÉdui are in numbers inconsiderable, and found in the interior of Bantam: they are the descendants of those who escaped into the woods after the fall of the western capital of PajajÁran[115] in the fifteenth century, and would not change their religion, remaining firmly attached to that of PrÁbu SÉda. There is a tomb of one of them which they hold sacred, and will not allow any one but themselves to approach even to this day. When the BÉdui subsequently submitted to the Sultan of Bantam, and shewed no disposition to oppose the Mahomedans, they were not compelled to become converts; but it was agreed, at the same time they admitted, that the number of the RowÁ-ian (the name given to their little societies) should be limited to three or four.

The BÉdui attend to all orders they receive through the medium of the village chief. They subsist by cultivating rice: all they raise beyond what is required for their own consumption they sell to the hill people, who are in the habit of going to them for it once a year, on account of the superior quality of the rice, or rather superior estimation in which it is held. It is an established rule among them to allot but one day for each of the different successive operations of husbandry: one day for cutting down the trees and underwood, one day for clearing what has been so cut down, one day for sowing the grain, one for weeding the field, and one for reaping, one for binding up the grain and one for carrying it home. If any part of what has been reaped cannot be carried home in one day, it is left and neglected. The GÍrang pÓhon [Vol I Pg 373](which is the title of the chief) is the first who commences the work of the field, and many of the hill people follow him in regard to the period for sowing their pÁri.

Their dress consists of white and black cloths. They wear rings and silver scabbards to their krises, but gold and swasa they dislike. Spanish dollars are the only coin they prize.

The festivals or feasts of the Javans are of three kinds: the grÉbeg, or religious festivals; the banchÁki or nealamÁti, so called from the Arabic salÁmat (a blessing), held on the celebration of marriages, births, and circumcision; and the sedÉkah, appointed in honour of the dead, and for the celebration of their memory.

The principal and most important of these are the national entertainments corresponding with the Mahomedan festivals of mÚlut, pÁsa, and bÉsar; the two first answering to the half-yearly festivals of the Arabs of mohÁram and ramÁzan, and the latter with that of khÁji, in the month of dulkhija. On these occasions the sovereign appears in public, and the Álun Álun is crowded with an assemblage of people from all quarters, every one being dressed in his most splendid attire, and accompanied by all his armed followers. The same is observed in the more distant provinces of the country, where the petty chiefs, in like manner, assemble in the Álun Álun of the Regent. Presents of fruit, poultry, and other kinds of provisions, are brought from every part of the country: offerings are made by the chiefs to the mosques, and a public festival is given by the chief authorities. The men only partake of these public feasts; but the female part of the family of the chiefs assemble together, and enjoy corresponding entertainments within their chambers. The festival seldom lasts above one day.

Of the banchÁki and nealamÁti it may be only necessary to observe, that those given during the ceremonies consequent upon the birth of the first child are most important.

The sedÉkah are solemnities observed on the occasion of the funeral, or in honour of the memory of a departed relative, on the seventh, fortieth, one hundredth, or thousandth day after his decease: they are distinguished from the feasts of grÉbeg and nealamÁti by the absence of music. Those[Vol I Pg 374] who intend to observe them, assemble on the preceding evening in order to read some portion of the Koran. Before the guests partake of the meal, the principal person present generally addresses the Almighty in a prayer, which alludes to the occasion, and expresses gratitude for the repast which his bounty has provided. Thankfulness to the earthly donor of the entertainment often mingles itself with gratitude to heaven, and the praises of both are celebrated at the same time. This grace before meals is called dÚng'a.

Reserving for a subsequent chapter a sketch of the music and poetry of the Javans, I shall in this place endeavour to give some account of their national drama and dances, as constituting, next to music and poetry, the most conspicuous and refined of their amusements.

The dramatic entertainments are of two kinds; the tÓpeng, wherein the characters are represented by men, who except when performing before the Sovereign wear masks; and the wÁyang, in which they are represented by shadows.

The subject of the tÓpeng is invariably taken from the adventures of PÁnji, the favourite hero of Javan story. In the performances before the Sovereign, where masks are not used, the several characters themselves rehearse their parts; but, in general, the DÁlang, or manager of the entertainment, recites the speeches, while the performers have only to "suit the action to the word." The music of the gÁmelan accompanies the piece, and varies in expression, according to the nature of the action or the kind of emotion to be excited. The actors are splendidly dressed after the ancient costume, and perform their parts with grace, elegance, and precision; but the whole performance has more the character of a ballet than that of a regular dramatic exhibition, either of the tragic or coming kind, in which human passions, human follies or sufferings, are represented in such appropriate language and just action, as to seem only a reflection of nature. Love and war are the constant themes, and the combats of contending chiefs generally close the scene. Those who perform before the sovereign and repeat their parts, previously study their characters from written compositions expressly prepared for the purpose; but in other cases, the DÁlang, well versed in the principal incidents, descriptions, and speeches of the[Vol I Pg 375] history, furnishes the dialogue between the actors extempore. A party of tÔpeng generally consists of ten persons, besides the DÁlang, of whom four play the gÁmelan and six perform the characters. They are engaged to play by the night, for about ten rupees (twenty-five shillings) and a supper.

Buffoonery is sometimes introduced, to increase the zest of these entertainments with the multitude, but it does not interfere with the regular course of the performance, the actors being only disturbed occasionally by the actions of an extraneous character, who whether representing a dog, a monkey, or an idiot, seldom fails to excite considerable mirth, and not unfrequently in the most interesting part of the performance.

There is also a kind of pantomime, or rather an assemblage of wild beasts called BarÚng'an; in this entertainment men dressed up to represent various animals are made to appear in procession and combats. This is generally performed for the amusement of children, and is only accompanied by the beat of the gÓng and drum.

In the wÁyangs, or scenic shadows, the subject of the performances is taken from the earliest period of history and fable, down to the destruction of the Hindu empire of MajapÁhit. These are distinguished according to the periods of the history which they represent, by the terms wÁyang pÚrwa, wÁyang gÉdog, and wÁyang klÍtik.

The different characters in the history are in these wÁyangs represented by figures, about eighteen inches or two feet high, stamped or cut out of pieces of thick leather, generally of buffalo's hide, which are painted and gilt with great care and at considerable expense, so as to form some supposed resemblance of the character to the individual intended to be personified. The whole figure is, however, strangely distorted and grotesque, the nose in particular being unnaturally prominent. There is a tradition, that the figures were first so distorted by the SusÚnan MÓria, one of the early Mahomedan teachers, in order to render the preservation of the ancient amusements of the country compatible with a due obedience to the Mahomedan precept, which forbids any exhibition or dramatic representation of the human form.[Vol I Pg 376] "By these means," said the SusÚnan with much ingenuity, "while the world in general will not imagine the figures to be human, the Javans, from recollecting their history, will yet be able to comprehend the characters they are intended to represent, and enjoy in secret their national amusements. Or if, in time, they should forget the originals, and confound them with the distorted resemblance, they will be impressed with the idea, that it was only after conversion to the faith of the Prophet that their ancestors assumed the present shape of man." But the comparatively recent alteration in the figures is rendered doubtful from the circumstance of similar figures being found on many of the more ancient coins, thus affording ground for an opinion, that they existed nearly in their present form before the introduction of Mahomedanism. Their antiquity is further confirmed, by the existence of similar figures in the Hindu island of BÁli, where, though not so much distorted, they are still far from natural. These figures are fastened upon a horn spike, and have a piece of thin horn hanging from each hand, by means of which the arms, which are jointed at the elbow and shoulder, can be moved at the discretion of the manager. A white cloth or curtain is then drawn tight over an oblong frame of ten or twelve feet long and five feet high, and being placed in front of the spectators, is rendered transparent by means of a hanging lamp behind it. The several figures are made in turn to appear and act their parts. Previous to the commencement of this performance, the DÁlang, who is seated behind the curtain, arranges the different characters on each side of the curtain, by sticking them into a long plantain stem which is laid along the bottom. The gÁmelan then commences, and as the several characters present themselves, extracts of the history are repeated, and the dialogue is carried on, generally at the discretion and by the invention of the DÁlang. Without this personage nothing can be done; for he not only puts the puppets in motion, but repeats their parts, interspersing them with detached verses from the romance illustrative of the story, and descriptive of the qualities of the different heroes. He is the soul which directs and animates the whole order and machinery of the piece,[Vol I Pg 377] regulating the time of the music with a small hammer which he holds in his hand, while he recites the speeches suited to the occasion.

In the wÁyang purwa, or wÁyang of the most ancient times, the subject is taken from the earliest periods of fabulous history, down to the reign of ParikÉsit inclusive. This is the age of interesting story and marvellous fiction, the reign of the gods, demigods, and heroes of the Hindu and Javan mythology, who in these representations are exhibited with the attributes, and in the situations with which their names are connected in the most popular poems and romances. The fables thus turned to account, are generally taken from the poem of RÁma, the poem of MintarÁga containing the penance of ArjÚna on the mountain Indra, and the celebrated epic of the BrÁta YÚdha, or the war of the PandÁwa. These poems are all written in what are termed the high measures, and are accompanied in their recital by the gÁmelan salÉndro. In the performance of this wÁyang, the DÁlang first recites a few verses in the KÁwi language, chaunting afterwards an interpretation of the passage in Javan, for the use of the unlearned. As the several characters are brought forward, he himself supplies the minor dialogue between the dramatis personÆ, keeping in general close to the original story, when there is any person present who could detect his deviations: if he is performing before the ignorant, however, he frequently digresses from the main story, in any way which he thinks may most readily amuse his audience; and on this account, the practice of rendering the KÁwi into Javan, which furnishes an opportunity for such deviations, is termed charÁngan, literally a branch from a tree. In the course of the entertainment, all the varieties of ancient weapons named in these poems are represented behind the transparent curtain. The interest excited by such spectacles, connected with national recollections, is almost inconceivable. The eager multitude will sit listening with rapturous delight and profound attention for whole nights to these rude dramas. By means of them, the lower class have an opportunity of picking up a few KÁwi terms, and of becoming acquainted with the ancient legends of the country. [Vol I Pg 378]

The subject of the wÁyang gÉdog is taken from the period of history subsequent to ParikÉsit, commencing with the reign of Gandra-yÁna and including the adventures and reign of the celebrated PÁnji, and that of his successor LalÉan, until he established himself at PajajÁran. These poems being composed in a different measure, the gÁmelan pÉlog is employed as the accompaniment; and although the history of the early part of this period is written in the KÁwi, the DÁlang always employs the Javan translation. The adventures of PÁnji compose the most popular portion of it. The characters are numerous, and the figures in general more highly coloured and better finished than those of the wÁyang pÚrwa. In bringing any hero on the stage, the DÁlang recites those verses of the history which relate to him, and introduces such dialogue as may give a dramatic effect to the exhibition, together with such explanations as may make it intelligible to common capacities.

In the wÁyang klÍtik the figures exhibited are more properly puppets than shadows: they are of wood, about ten inches high, and made to perform their parts without the intervention of a curtain. In these are represented that portion of the history commencing with the establishment of the western empire of PajajÁran and ending with the destruction of the eastern empire of MajapÁhit. Of this, by far the most favourite scenes are found in the popular story of the adventures between the MÉnak JÍng'ga, a chief of BalambÁng'an, and DÁmar WÚlan (the light of the moon), on account of the Princess of MajapÁhit.

The compositions which thus serve as the basis of these popular and interesting entertainments, comprise the legends from which the account of the earlier periods of Javan story, detailed in another part of this work, is principally derived. The most popular and interesting events and adventures are preserved and related in various compositions, whilst more recent actions and events, which possessed less interest, have fallen into oblivion. The constant exhibition of these plays in every part of the country, but more particularly in the eastern districts, has served to keep alive the recollections of "days long since gone by," and to disseminate a general[Vol I Pg 379] knowledge of native legendary history among many, with whom, from the ignorance of letters, the stories might otherwise have been irretrievably lost or more grossly distorted.

The DÁlangs, who manage and conduct these amusements, are treated with considerable respect. In many points, their office strongly resembles that of the ancient bards. The ceremony of giving his blessing to the first born infant, in the repetition of some particular passages of the ancient legends, gives this part of his office a very peculiar interest. The usual payment to the DÁlang who owns a set of wÁyangs, and brings his own gÁmelan players, is from two to three dollars for the night; but the nobles and chiefs generally have several sets of wÁyangs of their own, and keep a DÁlang in their service.

Another representation of this nature is that of the adventures of MÉnak Jing'ga and DÁmar WÚlan, which are exhibited, but not very commonly, by means of drawings on folded leaves of strong paper, while the DÁlang repeats the story and furnishes dialogue to the characters. This is termed wÁyang bÉber. An entertainment of a similar description, though not accompanied by the exhibition of figures, is termed trÉbang: it was invented in the time of the kingdom of DÉmak. The story is taken from the Arabic account of BegÍnda Ambia, which being rendered into Javan, is repeated by the DÁlang, who with a small drum before him, and accompanied by the music of the gÁmelun, gives spirit to the different parts, by beating time with his hand, and varying the strength of the sound or quickness of time according to the subject. These two latter are of comparatively modern invention, and not much esteemed.

The dance with the Javans, as with Asiatics in general, consists in graceful attitudes of the body, and in the slow movement of the arms and legs, particularly of the former, even to the distinct motion of the hand and fingers.

Of the dancing girls who exhibit at public entertainments, the first in rank and the most skilful in their profession are the concubines of the sovereign and of the hereditary prince. They alone are allowed to perform the s'rÍmpi, a figure dance by four persons, distinguished by an unusual degree of grace and decorum.

The dancers are decorated according to the ancient cos[Vol I Pg 380]tume of the country, and nearly in the same manner as a modern bride. The tÁpih, or petticoat, is of silk of different colours, often green stamped with golden flowers, and hanging in the most graceful manner, a part of it falling between the feet and serving as a short train, which in the course of the dance is frequently thrown aside by a quicker motion of the foot than ordinary. The Údat, or waistband, is of the chÍndi pattern; and on these occasions is worn the mer, or cestus, composed of plates of gold highly ornamented with diamonds at the clasp in front. The body is enclosed in a kind of corset (pemÁkak) passing above the bosom and under the arms, and confining the waist in the narrowest possible limits. The ends of the sÉmbong, or sash, fall gracefully on each side on the back of the hip and reach the ground. Sometimes, indeed, this graceful appendage to the dress is brought from the back to a point between the breasts, whence being fastened in a rosette, the ends flow towards the ground in front of the person, the usual bending attitude during the dance causing them to hang distinct from the rest of the apparel. The triple necklace, richly chased armlets, bracelets, and tiara, are of gold, studded with precious stones; and the hair is gracefully ornamented with buds of white and sweet-scented flowers. On their fingers they generally display brilliant rings, and the face, neck, shoulders, and arms, which remain uncovered, are tinged by a delicate shade of yellow powder. The music is slow and solemn, and the performance is on the gÁmelan salÉndro; verses from the romances of PÁnji, descriptive of the attire and beauty of the wives and concubines of that hero, being chaunted as a prelude to the entertainment and during its continuance. On occasions when the s'rÍmpi are exhibited before Europeans at the Residency house, they are brought with great care, and under a guard, from the krÁton, in a large enclosed palanquin, or rather box, borne on men's shoulders. When they reach the door of the residency, they glide behind the prince into the chamber appropriated for his accommodation, and when they come forth for the dance, seat themselves on the ground in front of him. On his intimating that they should commence, they slowly, and to the sound of music, close their hands, and raising them to the forehead, bend in reverential awe,[Vol I Pg 381] and gradually extending their arms and swaying in unison with each other from side to side, assume an erect posture. The dancers seldom exceed the age of fourteen or fifteen. The birth of a child generally puts an end to their performances, and removes them from the profession. They are the choicest beauties of the country, selected for the royal bed. Throughout the whole performance their eyes are directed modestly to the ground, and their body and limbs are by slow movements thrown into every graceful attitude that the most flexible form is capable of exhibiting. In the figure of the dance they occasionally approach and recede from each other, and sometimes cross to the opposite side. It frequently happens, that the delicate corset by falling too low, exposes more of the body than is considered correct. On such occasions, one of the trusty matrons always in attendance raises it again, without interrupting the dance or embarrassing the movements of the dancer. At the conclusion of the dance they gradually place themselves on the ground, in the same manner as before its commencement, and after closing their hands, and raising them to the forehead in token of respect, remain seated with a downcast look and captivating modesty, until the signal is given to the matrons to relieve them by others, when they again glide into the same apartment.

The bedÁya, who perform a figure dance of eight persons, are in some respect to the nobles what the s'rÍmpi are to the sovereign: but, at present, few of the nobles can afford to maintain a sufficient number of youthful concubines to compose this dance; it is frequently therefore performed by boys trained for the purpose. They are dressed nearly in the same manner as the s'rÍmpi, though not so expensively. The action moves to the same music and song.

But the common dancing girls of the country, who appear to approach more nearly to the usual dancing girls of Western India, are called rÓng'geng, and are generally of easy virtue. They make a profession of their art, and hire themselves to perform on particular occasions, for the amusement of the chiefs and of the public. Though to be found in every principal town, their performance is most highly esteemed in the western, and particularly among the rude mountaineers of the SÚnda districts, where the superior graces of the bedÁya are[Vol I Pg 382] unknown. Here they are constantly engaged on every occasion of festivity, and the regents frequently keep the most accomplished in their service for years. Their conduct is generally so incorrect, as to render the title of rÓng'geng and prostitute synonymous; but it not unfrequently happens, that after amassing considerable wealth in the profession, they obtain, on account of their fortune, the hand of some petty chief. In this case, they generally, after a few years retirement and domestic quiet, avail themselves of the facility of a divorce, and repudiating their husbands, return to their former habits. The rÓng'gengs accompany the dance with singing, the words being generally extempore to the music of the gÁmelan salÉndro and pÉlog. Their dress is coarse, but in other respects resembles that of the more select dancers. They do not, however, wear any tiara on the head, nor armlets; bracelets are only worn occasionally. Their hair is dressed after a peculiar fashion, abundantly oiled, and ornamented with flowers of various kinds. They sometimes exhibit singly and sometimes in groups, following and approaching each other, or receding at pleasure. They perform at any time of the day, but chiefly in the evening, and endeavour to exhibit their best attitudes round a lamp which hangs suspended. Generally speaking, both their action and their song are rude and awkward, and on that account often disgusting to Europeans, although there are some among them whose performance does not deserve to be so considered. Their action is usually distorted, their greatest excellence seeming to consist in bending the arms and hands back in an unnatural manner, and giving one or two of the fingers a tremulous motion. The voice, though sometimes harmonious, is often loud, dissonant, and harsh to an European ear. They generally have a handkerchief thrown over the shoulder, and usually a fan in their hand, which occasionally serves to conceal one half of the face, not so much out of any affectation of bashfulness, as, in the manner of a huntsman, to assist the louder tones of the voice. At other times it is employed to strike against the back of the arm, so as to give a greater effect to different parts of the action and music. Generally speaking, the rÓng'gengs do not descend to the performance of those disgusting and disgraceful postures and motions, which are[Vol I Pg 383] stated to be so frequent on the continent of India, but they are not free from the charge of impropriety in this respect. Their song, though little esteemed and less understood by Europeans, sometimes possesses much humour and drollery; and in adapting their motions to the language, they frequently excite loud bursts of laughter, and obtain great applause from the native audience.

The nobles of the highest rank are accustomed, on particular occasions of festivity, to join in the dance with a rÓng'geng. To dance gracefully, is an accomplishment expected in every Javan of rank; and in the western districts, particularly, all the chiefs are, on days of festivity, accustomed to join in the exercise, one after the other, commencing with the youngest. On these occasions, the nobles of the highest class vie with each other in pointing the toe with grace, in exhibiting elegance of movement, in displaying adroitness by intricate evolutions, or beauty of person by an ingenious management of attitude. So devoted are they to this exercise, that although their wives and daughters never dance, the happiness of a festive occasion is considered incomplete, where an opportunity is not afforded to the chiefs themselves of introducing their favourite amusement. In the SÚnda districts, there are some individuals distinguished as regular posture or dancing-masters.

It is not unusual for the performances of the rÓng'gengs to be varied by the action of a fool or buffoon. Mimicry is a favourite amusement, and beside imitating, in a ludicrous manner, the actions of the rÓng'gengs, there are not wanting performers of this description, who occasionally direct their wit against all classes of society, and evince a considerable degree of low humour.

These are the only public exhibitions of the female sex; but the posture dances by the men are numerous, and contribute to the state of the sovereigns and chiefs. Among these, the GÁmbuh, with a shield on one arm, gracefully raises the dÓdot (or petticoat) with the other hand; the Niutra, having a bow and arrow in the hand, goes through the motion of its exercise, stringing and unstringing it to the sound of the gÁmelan. Both throw their limbs and body into the most graceful postures, as they slowly move in procession before[Vol I Pg 384] the chiefs, or are arranged on the side of the passage through which he is to pass. Both the GÁmbuh and Niutra are naked from the waist upwards, while the dÓdot hangs to the ground on one side in the manner of full dress, shewing the knee on the other. Their bodies are generally covered with yellow powder, and from round their ears hang suspended in front, strings of the young melÁti flowers.

The GÁmbuh are occasionally employed to exhibit before the prince, when with a krÍs in their right hand and a shield on their left arm, they go through all their evolutions to the sound of music.

But the chief description of male performers are the BÉksa kÉmbang or BÉksa rong'geng, who have flowers, shields, or serpents in their hands, and in dancing seem to resemble the South Sea Islanders, though more elegant in their attire, and perhaps more graceful in their motions. Neither have any covering above the waist; but the yellow, and sometimes green powder which is upon the body, gives it an appearance very like dress. The term BÉksa lÁwung is applied to the petty chiefs, who on public days dismount from their horses, and go through the exercise of the spear for the amusement of the prince. Another description of performers are termed Unchelang; their art consists in throwing the spear into the air, and catching it again as it falls with great dexterity. Similar exhibitions of these persons combating with sticks, called Újung, were formerly common.

In the domestic circle, the women and elderly people are partial to a peculiar amusement termed sintren, which paints very forcibly the notions they possess of the power of music. A boy or girl, properly attired and skilled in the dance, is placed under a reversed basket which is carefully covered with cloth. Round it music and song are struck up by all present; those who do not play on any instrument, or who do not sing, joining in beating time by clapping their hands. When the excitement has continued sufficiently long to be supposed to have effected the charm, the basket is seen to move, and the boy or girl rising from under it, apparently unconscious of what is doing, moves and dances gracefully but wildly, in unison with the music. At length tired out, the dancer falls and seems to sink into sleep, and when[Vol I Pg 385] awakened pretends not to recollect any thing that has passed. The perfection of this amusement consists in the performer's giving himself up so completely to the power of music as to be charmed by it, and perfectly unconscious of every other sense.

For the amusement, principally however of children, a cocoa-nut shell is carved with the features of a man, and affixed to the top of a reversed basket, covered with cloth. This basket, after being for some time exposed by the side of a river, or under a large tree, in order, as is supposed, that some supernatural spirit may enter into it, is brought again into the house, and rocked according to the swaying motion of the Javan dance by two children, to the music of the gÁmelan. An amusement of this kind is termed brÍndung.

Tilts and tournaments (wÁtang) form a favourite and constant diversion with the Javans: they are exhibited principally in the Álun Álun, or great square in front of the krÁton, or palace, and compose an essential part of the ceremony of the pÁsar senÉn, or the day in which the sovereign and regents appear in public. This, with the sovereign, is Saturday; with the chiefs, Monday. On the afternoon of this day, all the princes, nobles, and public officers assemble, and arranging themselves in the places assigned to their respective ranks, await the coming out of the sovereign, who, as soon as he descends from the setÍngel, mounts a horse richly caparisoned, and rides round the warÍngen trees, the several chiefs joining in his suite as he passes the circle. Several of the chiefs, and particularly their sons and youthful relations, then join in pairs, tilting and striking their long and blunted spears as they pass the sovereign. The same thing is observed on the afternoon of every Monday, at the capitals of the different provinces throughout the island, where the native government and institutions are at all preserved. The assemblage of people on these occasions is frequently very great. The trappings and housings of the horses are extremely rich, and the riders perform their feats with some dexterity, being seldom unhorsed[116]. At the conclusion of the exhibition on horseback, [Vol I Pg 386]it is not unusual for the youths and petty chiefs who have contended in the saddle to dismount and practice the attack and defence of the spear on foot: they are then termed BÉksa lÁwung. Tilts are likewise exhibited in the Álun Álun on the days of public festival, when the chiefs appear.

The Javans have long advanced beyond that state in which the chace was considered as connected with their subsistence.

The stag is hunted chiefly in the eastern and western extremities of the island, by the descendants of the BÁli and SÚnda races: the Javans inhabiting the central districts are not practised in the diversion, nor much acquainted with it. They uniformly pursue the animal on horseback. In the eastern districts he is killed with a spear: in the western he is cut down with a klÉwang or cutlass; here the chace is conducted with more regularity and method, and many of the inhabitants, particularly the chiefs, are passionately addicted to it, employing the best and swiftest horses and dogs they can procure for the purpose.

A favourite and national spectacle is the combat between the buffalo and the tiger. A large cage of bÁmbu or wood is erected, the ends of which are fixed into the ground, in which the buffalo is first and the tiger afterwards admitted, through openings reserved for the purpose. It seldom fails that the buffalo is triumphant, and one buffalo has been known to destroy several full grown tigers in succession. In these combats the buffalo is stimulated by the constant application of [Vol I Pg 387]boiling water, which is poured over him from the upper part of the cage, and of nettles, which are fastened to the end of a stick, and applied by persons seated in the same quarter. The tiger sometimes springs upon the buffalo at once; he very generally, however, avoids the combat, until goaded by sticks and roused by the application of burning straw, when he moves round the cage, and being gored by the buffalo, seizes him by the neck, head, or leg. The buffalo is often dreadfully torn, and seldom survives the combat many days. In these entertainments the Javans are accustomed to compare the buffalo to the Javan and the tiger to the European, and it may be readily imagined with what eagerness they look to the success of the former. The combat generally lasts from twenty minutes to half an hour, when, if neither of them is destroyed, the animals are changed, and the tiger, if he survives, is removed to be destroyed in the manner called rÁmpog, which is as follows.

On receiving information of the retreat of a tiger the male inhabitants are sometimes called out in a body, by the order of a chief, each man being obliged to be provided with a spear, the common weapon of the country. The place where the animal is concealed is surrounded: a double or triple range being formed, according to the number of hunters, and he is roused by shouts, by the beating of gongs, or by fire. The place where he is expected to attempt his escape is carefully guarded, and he is generally speared on the spot.

In many districts, where the population is not deficient, the appearance of a single tiger rouses the neighbourhood, and he is infallibly destroyed by the method described[117].

When the rÁmpog is resorted to by way of amusement at the capital of the sovereign, a hollow square of spearmen, four deep, is formed on the Álun Álun, in the centre of which are placed the tigers in small separate cages, or rather traps, with a sliding door, in the manner of a rat-trap. Two or three men, accustomed to the practice, at the command of the sovereign,[Vol I Pg 388] proceed into the centre of the square, and placing plaited leaves in front of the cage, to supply the place of the wooden door, set it on fire, and drawing the wooden door up, throwing it on one side, themselves retreating from the spot at a slow pace, to the sound of music. As soon as the tiger feels the fire he starts, and in endeavouring to make his way through the spearmen is generally received upon their weapons. Instances, however, have occurred, in which the animal has made good his retreat, but he was soon afterwards killed; sometimes the tiger, particularly if he has been opposed to the buffalo, will not move from the centre of the square; in which case the sovereign generally directs six or eight of his choice men (gÁndek) to advance towards him with spears. This they do with surprizing coolness and intrepidity, never failing to pierce the animal, by fixing their spears into him at once. The smaller species of the tiger is generally selected for this amusement.

The exposure of criminals in combat with tigers was formerly practised, and it is said to have been common on the first establishment of the MatÁrem empire; but of late years, such a method of deriving amusement from the infliction of judicial punishment had almost become obsolete, and is now, as well as mutilation and torture, altogether abolished by treaty. Several instances are said to have occurred during the reign of the sultan of YÚgya-kÉrta who was deposed by the British Government in 1812. In an exhibition of this kind, which took place about ten years ago, two criminals were exposed for having set fire to a dwelling. They were provided each with a krÍs, which was long, but broken off or blunted at the point, and the tiger was let in upon them separately in a large cage constructed for the purpose. The first was soon destroyed, but the second, after a combat of nearly two hours, succeeded in killing the tiger, by repeated cuts about the head and under the ears and eyes. On this a smaller tiger, or rather leopard, was let in upon him, and the criminal being equally successful in this combat was released. His success, as in the judicial ordeals of the dark ages, was taken for a manifestation by heaven of his innocence, and not only secured his pardon, but procured for him the rank of a MÁntri, as a recompense for the danger to which he was exposed in its[Vol I Pg 389] vindication. Although this barbarous practice appears so recently to have been resorted to, it is not to be inferred that, as a spectacle, it is held in any estimation by the Javans in general. It seems to have been of comparatively late introduction, and adopted only in the policy of a known and avowed tyrant. The concourse of spectators to witness the combat can no more stamp the general character of the people with barbarity, than the crowds which are always present at public executions in Europe. The bare relation of the fact excites feelings of horror in the mind of the ordinary chief.

Bull-fighting is common on MadÚra and in the eastern parts of the island; but it is perfectly different from any species of sport derived from the courage or ferocity of that animal in Europe. Here, neither dogs are employed as in England, nor men and horses as in Spain, but the bulls themselves are directed against each other. The population form an extensive ring round the Álun Álun, within which the animals are first led up to a cow, until they are sufficiently excited, when the cow being withdrawn they are set at liberty and contend with each other, until one of them gives way, and is driven from within the ring by the victor. The small well formed bulls of SÚmenÁp afford considerable amusement in this way, while considerable bets are laid on the result of the combat.

The combat between the ram and wild hog, which generally terminates by several dogs being let in to complete the destruction of the latter, is an exhibition which furnishes frequent amusement; a small stand is raised for the ram, to which he can retreat when in danger, and from whence he can take advantage of a favourable moment of attack upon his antagonist.

Quail-fighting (Áduh gemÁr) and cock-fighting (Áduh jÁgu) were formerly very prevalent, the latter particularly, among the common people, but by no means to the same extent as practised in the other islands of the Archipelago, in many parts of which, particularly among the MalÁyus, it forms almost the whole source of diversion and interest. On the establishment of the British power, cock-fighting and gaming, which had formerly proved a productive source of revenue to the European government, were prohibited, and[Vol I Pg 390] are now in consequence rarely resorted to. The Javans were not in the habit of fixing spurs to their cocks: this practice, they say, belongs to the MalÁyus[118]. The common people still amuse themselves with betting upon the issue of a fight between two crickets (Ádhu jangkrik), which are daily exposed in the markets for that purpose. The little animals being confined in small bÁmbus partially opened, are said to afford an amusement of considerable interest.

Among the games of skill may be reckoned those of chess, drafts, and several minor games played with pieces or balls, on boards of a somewhat similar construction.

In chess (chÁtur) the pieces are named, the rÁtu, or king; the pateh, or minister, corresponding with the queen; two prÁhu, or vessels, corresponding with castles; two mÁntri, corresponding with bishops; two jÁran, or horses, corresponding with knights; the bÍdak, or pawns; and are arranged as in the English game, except that the kings are placed on the left hand of the queens, and opposite to the adversary's queen. The moves are also the same; except that the king, if he has not been checked, may move two squares the first time, either as a knight or otherwise; and that the pawn may move two squares the first move, even though it should pass the check of an adversary's pawn. When a pawn reach the adversary's first line, it must retrograde three moves diagonally before it can become a queen, except it has reached the castle's square, in which case it is a queen at once. There maybe any number of queens on the board at once.

The king cannot castle after having been checked. Castling is performed by two moves; the castle must first be brought up to the king, after which the king may pass over the castle at any future move, provided he shall not have been checked, or that no piece has occupied the square he would move into. A piece or pawn must remain on the board till the last; if the king is left alone it is considered as stale mate, and he wins.

This game was formerly more general than at present. [Vol I Pg 391]

Besides chess, there are a variety of games played upon checkers; and next to it in estimation may be considered the games of chÚki and dÁkon. In chÚki, the board has one hundred and twenty angular points, formed by cross lines on a checkered board, and the same is played with sixty white and sixty black pieces. The object here is to clear the board of the adversary's pieces, and the victor is he who does so first. The parties toss up who shall take off the first piece or break the board. The moves are in all directions, and the person who commences goes on as long as he can take one, three, or five of his adversary's pieces. When he cannot do either, he stops, and the other goes on in the same way. DÁkon is played with fourteen or eighteen balls on an oblong board with holes, and is much practised by women.

DandÁman, or drafts, is not very unlike the Indian game, but has more pieces.

MachÁnan, is a game in which two chief pieces represent tigers, one conducted by each party, and twenty-three pieces representing cows: the tiger who destroys the most wins the game. MÁling'an is played on squares with eighteen pieces, and the object is to surround your adversary's pieces.

Of games of chance there are many. That denominated telÁga tÁri is accounted the most ancient: it consists in guessing the number of beans enclosed within the hand. Three or four people commonly join in it. One of the party having dried beans in his lap, take a certain number in his hand, requiring each of the others to fix by guess upon a number; if there are three persons, upon a number from one to four, and the two numbers left fall to the share of the person who holds the beans. If the number in his hand exceeds four, every four beans are thrown aside, and the residue, until they are reduced to that number or below it, only counted.

Dadu, or dice, as well as cards, are borrowed from the Chinese, and not included among the national games. The most common species of gaming, and that which is practised by the numerous and dissolute class of bÁturs, or porters, in the central districts, is a kind of pitch and toss, denominated kÉplek. Four farthings, whitened or marked on one side, are tossed into the air; if the whole or three of them fall on the[Vol I Pg 392] side that is marked, or on the reverse, the party who tossed them wins; if only two he loses the stake.

Bets are frequently laid on the hardness or otherwise of a particular nut, known among the MalÁyus by the term bÚa kras and called Áduh gemÍri. Bets also frequently depend on the flying of kites (layÁng'an).

I shall conclude this chapter by referring to some peculiarities, which, although partially explained elsewhere, and falling perhaps more correctly under other heads, may not be improperly noticed in an account of the national usages and customs.

The practice of filing and dying the teeth black, and that of lengthening the lobe of the ear to an enormous size, both of which have been already noticed, appear to have extended over the whole of the eastern peninsula of India, as far as China, and throughout the islands of the Archipelago, as far at least as Papua or New Guinea.

The practice of covering the face, body, and limbs with yellow powder on state occasions, and the use of yellow silk or satin for the envelope of letters between princes, evinces the same esteem for this colour which prevails in the other islands, as well as in Ava, Siam, and China.

The krÍses worn by the Javans are only varieties of that which is found in the islands, and on what is termed the Malayan peninsula. The Javans have a tradition that it was first introduced by one of their early Hindu sovereigns, SakÚ-tram (others call him Sa PÚtram), who is said to have come into the world with the krÍs by his side. This krÍs is supposed to have been of the kind called pasopÁti, which is consequently considered as the most honourable at the present day. In the chapter on History will be found an account of the krÍs deposited in the tomb of the SusÚnan GÍri, and of the virtues attributed to it by the superstitions of the country. There is a tradition, that the inhabitants of all those countries in which the krÍs is now worn, once acknowledged the authority of the Javans, and derived that custom from them. Another tradition attributes the introduction of this weapon among the islanders to the celebrated PÁnji. The practice of poisoning the blade of the krÍs seems to have been attributed to the[Vol I Pg 393] Javans and their neighbours without any foundation. In order to bring out the damasking, it is usual to immerse the blade in lime juice and a solution of arsenic, which, by eating away and corroding the iron, may probably render the wound more angry and inflamed, and consequently more difficult to cure, but it has never been considered that death is the consequence. After this application of the acid and arsenic, the blade is carefully smeared with some fragrant oil, to prevent it from rusting, and this is all that is ever done to it.

It has been usual to condemn these people as blood-thirsty, prone to immediate revenge, because they invariably use the deadly krÍs; but however frequent the appeals to this weapon may be in some of the more wild and uncivilized of the Malayan states, experience has proved to us, that on Java it may be universally worn without danger. I have elsewhere remarked, that the custom of wearing the krÍs among these islanders has, in its effects upon the manners of the people, proved in many respects an effectual substitute for duelling among Europeans. In these countries, where there is very little justice to be obtained from regularly established courts, and where an individual considers himself justified in taking the law into his own hands accordingly, the MalÁyu is always prepared to avenge with his krÍs the slightest insult on the spot; but the knowledge that such an immediate appeal is always at hand, prevents the necessity of its often being resorted to, an habitual politeness ensues, and it has often been said, that if the MalÁyus are savages, they are by far the most polite savages that we know of. If this effect is produced on the wilder and less civilized MalÁyu, and has equal force with the more adventurous and warm-hearted BÚgis, it may be easily conceived the Javans have not escaped it. The krÍs, among them, has for a long period been more exclusively a personal ornament, than a rapier was in Europe fifty years ago, being among the higher classes even seldomer resorted to, as a weapon of defence or offence, than the latter.

The condition of absolute slavery, as understood by Europeans, seems to have been unknown to the ancient constitution of society in these islands, and throughout all the fragments of their history, of their laws, usages, and customs,[Vol I Pg 394] no trace is to be found of its ever having existed among the Javans[119].

Throughout the more ancient laws and institutions of the country, a property of the subject in the land is clearly recognized, and it is probable that it continued to subsist till the subversion of the Hindu government. From various definitions and enactments respecting property, some of which may be seen in the SÚria Alem[120], it is obvious, that money transactions took place formerly, to a greater extent than they do at present. The change is probably attributable to the European policy of the last two centuries. Four per cent. per month when a valuable pledge is deposited, and double that amount otherwise, is the common rate of interest in small transactions between the natives and Chinese of the present day.

In the transaction of money concerns, the women are universally considered superior to the men, and from the common labourer to the chief of a province, it is usual for the husband to entrust his pecuniary affairs entirely to his wife. The women alone attend the markets, and conduct all the business of buying and selling. It is proverbial to say the Javan men are fools in money concerns.

When speaking of their fondness for show and state, [Vol I Pg 395]I noticed that the Javans were at the same time distinguished by neatness and cleanliness, qualities not often combined with the former. That they are in most respects remarkable for their neatness cannot be denied: to their personal cleanliness there are exceptions. This is however chiefly true of the higher classes, and especially those who mix with Europeans; but the common Javan, though more cleanly than the Chinese and even the European, would suffer by a comparison in that particular with the natives of Western India.

The common people generally bathe once a day, others once only in two or three days. None of any rank anoint the body with grease, as is the case with the natives of Western India; but they abundantly oil their hair, which among the common people, on account of its length, is too often filthy in the extreme. They are accustomed to arrange the hair with a coarse comb, but the use of the small-toothed comb is unknown, its office being invariably performed by the hands of women. Near Batavia, and some of the low capitals on the coast, it is not unusual to see on the road side women thus employed for the benefit of passengers, at a certain rate per head, who submit to it as naturally as an English labourer goes into a barber's shop to be shaved for a penny. The MalÁyus accuse the Javans of eating what they find on these occasions: "Ítu Órang JÁwa," say they, "mÁkan kÚtut." This, however, appears to be a calumny: the Javans confess to biting, but deny the swallowing. The practice of the women cleaning the men's hair is referred to by the Javans as of very ancient date. It was from this practice that the mother of WÁtu GÚnung, in the very earliest period of Javan traditionary story, discovered her lost son[121].

Passing from this disgusting particular, and referring the reader to the details of the native history for the leading features of the political character of the Javan, and to the other divisions of this work, which may afford him information how to estimate their former and present state of civilization, I cannot but regret, that I am compelled to reserve, until a future occasion, a more detailed account of the constitution, usages, and customs of the village societies. It is by these that the private virtues and vices of the people are perhaps best illustrated, and an account of the municipal regulations by which the little property and happiness of each individual is protected, of the internal precautions of police, and of the mode of adjusting disputes, could not fail to be interesting, on account of their simplicity, their equity, and efficacy. Independently of the degree of rational independence and importance which the existence of these societies insures to the common people, and of the protection which, under all circumstances of greater political revolutions, they have afforded to them, it is hoped that their influence in maintaining the police and tranquillity of the country, will ever prevent the European authority from interfering in their constitution or internal arrangements.

It has long been the opinion of the Dutch authorities, that a system of European police, and the employment of European officers of police are necessary; but under the British government the contrary has been satisfactorily proved. Let the higher departments of justice be scrupulously superintended and watched by Europeans of character; let the administration of justice be pure, prompt, and steady; let what is bad in the native practice of police be gradually removed, but let the system, in its application to the common people, be supported. It is one which has grown with them, one which they are accustomed to and understand. Under the native system, the rice block of the village is used as the alarm; and according to the manner in which it is beaten, the inhabitants know whether it is to announce a single thief or a banditti, a tiger or a fire, and arm themselves suitably. As it is usual for a thief to have but little covering on his body, and to oil himself all over, that he may slip from the hands of any one who may seize him, the Javans make use of a long wooden pole, with branches of brambles inverted within a fork at the end, and by means of this simple contrivance they avoid the risk of being wounded, and effectually secure the offender, who cannot escape without tearing his skin. These, and other simple expedients, adopted from immemorial custom and according to the circumstances of the country, are certainly preferable to the watchmen's rattles and constables' staves which Europeans would wish to introduce.