The author of the narratives contained in this volume was Peter Esprit Radisson, who emigrated from France to Canada, as he himself tells us, on the 24th day of May, 1651. He was born at St. Malo, and in 1656, at Three Rivers, in Canada, married Elizabeth, the daughter of Madeleine Hainault. [Footnote: Vide History of the Ojibways, by the Rev. E. D. Neill, ed. 1885.] Radisson says that he lived at Three Rivers, where also dwelt "my natural parents, and country-people, and my brother, his wife and children." [Footnote: The Abbe Cyprian Tanguay, the best genealogical authority in Canada, gives the following account of the family: Francoise Radisson, a daughter of Pierre Esprit, married at Quebec, in 1668, Claude Volant de St. Claude, born in 1636, and had eight children. Pierre and Claude, eldest sons, became priests. Francoise died in infancy: Marguerite married Noel le Gardeur; Francoise died in infancy; Etienne, born October 29, 1664, married in 1693 at Sorel, but seems to have had no issue. Jean Francois married Marguerite Godfrey at Montreal in 1701. Nicholas, born in 1668, married Genevieve Niel, July 30, 1696, and both died in 1703, leaving two of their five sons surviving.

There are descendants of Noel le Gardeur who claim Radisson as their
ancestor, and also descendants of Claude Volant, apparently through
Nicholas. Among these descendants of the Volant family is the Rt. Rev.
Joseph Thomas Duhamel, who was consecrated Bishop of Ottawa, Canada,
October 28, 1874.

Of Medard Chouart's descendants, no account of any of the progeny of his son Jean Baptiste, born July 25, 1654, can be found.] This brother, often alluded to in Radisson's narratives as his companion on his journeys, was Medard Chouart, "who was the son of Medard and Marie Poirier, of Charly St. Cyr, France, and in 1641, when only sixteen years old, came to Canada." [Footnote: Chouart's daughter Marie Antoinette, born June 7, 1661, married first Jean Jalot in 1679. He was a surgeon, born in 1648, and killed by the Iroquois, July 2, 1690. He was called Des Groseilliers. She had nine children by Jalot, and there are descendants from them in Canada. On the 19th December, 1695, she married, secondly, Jean Bouchard, by whom she had six children. The Bouchard-Dorval family of Montreal descends from this marriage. Vide Genealogical Dictionary of Canadian Families, Quebec, 1881.] He was a pilot, and married, 3rd September, 1647, Helen, the daughter of Abraham Martin, and widow of Claude Etienne. Abraham Martin left his name to the celebrated Plains of Abraham, near Quebec. She dying in 1651, Chouart married, secondly, at Quebec, August 23, 1653, the sister of Radisson, Margaret Hayet, the widow of John Veron Grandmenil. In Canada, Chouart acted as a donne, or lay assistant, in the Jesuit mission near Lake Huron. He left the service of the mission about 1646, and commenced trading with the Indians for furs, in which he was very successful. With his gains he is supposed to have purchased some land in Canada, as he assumed the seigneurial title of "Sieur des Groseilliers."

Radisson spent more than ten years trading with the Indians of Canada and the far West, making long and perilous journeys of from two to three years each, in company with his brother-in-law, Des Groseilliers. He carefully made notes during his wanderings from 1652 to 1664, which he afterwards copied out on his voyage to England in 1665. Between these years he made four journeys, and heads his first narrative with this title: "The Relation of my Voyage, being in Bondage in the Lands of the Irokoits, which was the next year after my coming into Canada, in the yeare 1651, the 24th day of May." In 1652 a roving band of Iroquois, who had gone as far north as the Three Rivers, carried our author as a captive into their country, on the banks of the Mohawk River. He was adopted into the family of a "great captayne who had killed nineteen men with his own hands, whereof he was marked on his right thigh for as many as he had killed." In the autumn of 1653 he accompanied the tribe in his village on a warlike incursion into the Dutch territory. They arrived "the next day in a small brough of the Hollanders," Rensselaerswyck, and on the fourth day came to Fort Orange. Here they remained several days, and Radisson says: "Our treaty's being done, overladened with bootyes abundantly, we putt ourselves in the way that we came, to see again our village."

At Fort Orange Radisson met with the Jesuit Father, Joseph Noncet, who had also been captured in Canada by the Mohawks and taken to their country. In September he was taken down to Fort Orange by his captors, and it is mentioned in the Jesuit "Relations" of 1653, chapter iv., that he "found there a young man captured near Three Rivers, who had been ransomed by the Dutch and acted as interpreter." A few weeks after the return of the Indians to their village, Radisson made his escape alone, and found his way again to Fort Orange, from whence he was sent to New Amsterdam, or Menada, as he calls it. Here he remained three weeks, and then embarked for Holland, where he arrived after a six weeks' voyage, landing at Amsterdam "the 4/7 of January, 1654. A few days after," he says, "I imbarqued myself for France, and came to Rochelle well and safe." He remained until Spring, waiting for "the transport of a shipp for New France."

The relation of the second journey is entitled, "The Second Voyage, made in the Upper Country of the Irokoits." He landed in Canada, from his return voyage from France, on the 17th of May, 1654, and on the 15th set off to see his relatives at Three Rivers. He mentions that "in my absence peace was made betweene the French and the Iroquoits, which was the reson I stayed not long in a place. The yeare before the ffrench began a new plantation in the upper country of the Iroquoits, which is distant from the Low Iroquoits country some four score leagues, wher I was prisoner and been in the warrs of that country…. At that very time the Reverend Fathers Jesuits embarked themselves for a second time to dwell there and teach Christian doctrine. I offered myself to them and was, as their custome is, kindly accepted. I prepare meselfe for the journey, which was to be in June, 1657." Charlevoix [Footnote: Charlevoix's History of New France, Shea's ed., Vol. II. p. 256.] says: "In 1651 occurred the almost complete destruction of the Huron nation. Peace was concluded in 1653. Father Le Moyne went in 1654, to ratify the treaty of peace, to Onondaga, and told the Indians there he wished to have his cabin in their canton. His offer was accepted, and a site marked out of which he took possession. He left Quebec July 2, 1654, and returned September 11. In 1655 Fathers Chaumont and Dablon were sent to Onondaga, and arrived there November 5, and began at once to build a chapel. [Footnote: Charlevoix's Hist. of New France, Shea's ed., Vol. II. p. 263.]

"Father Dablon, having spent some months in the service of the mission at Onondaga, was sent back to Montreal, 30 March, 1656, for reinforcements. He returned with Father Francis le Mercier and other help. They set out from Quebec 7 May, 1656, with a force composed of four nations: French, Onondagas, Senecas, and a few Hurons. About fifty men composed the party. Sieur Dupuys, an officer of the garrison, was appointed commandant of the proposed settlement at Onondaga. On their arrival they at once proceeded to erect a fort, or block-house, for their defence.

"While these things were passing at Onondaga, the Hurons on the Isle Orleans, where they had taken refuge from the Iroquois, no longer deeming themselves secure, sought an asylum in Quebec, and in a moment of resentment at having been abandoned by the French, they sent secretly to propose to the Mohawks to receive them into their canton so as to form only one people with them. They had no sooner taken this step than they repented; but the Mohawks took them at their word, and seeing that they endeavored to withdraw their proposition, resorted to secret measures to compel them to adhere to it." [Footnote: Ibid., Vol. II. p.278.] The different families of the Hurons held a council, and "the Attignenonhac or Cord family resolved to stay with the French; the Arendarrhonon, or Rock, to go to Onondaga; and the Attignaonanton, or Bear, to join the Mohawks." [Footnote: Relation Nouvelle France, 1657 and Charlevoix, Shea's ed., Vol. II. p 280.] "In 1657 Onondagas had arrived at Montreal to receive the Hurons and take them to their canton, as agreed upon the year previous." [Footnote: Charlevoix, Shea's ed., Vol. III. p. 13.] Some Frenchmen and two Jesuits were to accompany them. One of the former was Radisson, who had volunteered; and the two Jesuits were Fathers Paul Ragueneau and Joseph Inbert Duperon. The party started on their journey in July, 1657.

The relation of this, the writer's second voyage, is taken up entirely with the narrative of their journey to Onondaga, his residence at the mission, and its abandonment on the night of the 20th of March, 1658. On his way thither he was present at the massacre of the Hurons by the Iroquois, in August, 1657. His account of the events of 1657 and 1658, concerning the mission, will be found to give fuller details than those of Charlevoix, [Footnote: Ibid., Vol. III. p. 13.] and the Jesuit relations written for those years by Father Ragueneau. Radisson, in concluding his second narrative, says: "About the last of March we ended our great and incredible dangers. About fourteen nights after we went downe to the Three Rivers, where most of us stayed. A month after, my brother and I resolves to travell and see countreys. Wee find a good opportunity in our voyage. We proceeded three years; during that time we had the happiness to see very faire countreys." He says of the third voyage: "Now followeth the Auxoticiat, or Auxotacicae, voyage into the great and filthy lake of the hurrons upper sea of the East and bay of the North." He mentions that "about the middle of June, 1658, we began to take leave of our company and venter our lives for the common good."

Concerning the third voyage, Radisson states above, "wee proceeded three years." The memory of the writer had evidently been thrown into some confusion when recording one of the historical incidents in his relation, as he was finishing his narrative of the fourth journey. At the close of his fourth narrative, on his return from the Lake Superior country, where he had been over three years, instead of over two, as he mentions, he says: "You must know that seventeen ffrenchmen made a plott with four Algonquins to make a league with three score Hurrons for to goe and wait for the Iroquoits in the passage." This passage was the Long Sault, on the Ottawa river, where the above seventeen Frenchmen were commanded by a young officer of twenty-five, Adam Dollard, Sieur des Ormeaux. The massacre of the party took place on May 21, 1660, and is duly recorded by several authorities; namely, Dollier de Casson [Footnote: Histoire de Montreal, Relation de la Nouvelle France, 1660, p. 14.], M. Marie [Footnote: De l'Incarnation, p. 261.], and Father Lalemont [Footnote: Journal, June 8, 1660.]. As Radisson has placed the incident in his manuscript, he would make it appear as having occurred in May, 1664. He writes: "It was a terrible spectacle to us, for wee came there eight dayes after that defeat, which saved us without doubt." He started on this third journey about the middle of June, 1658, and it would therefore seem he was only absent on it two years, instead of over three, as he says. Charlevoix gives the above incident in detail. [Footnote: Shea's edition, Vol. III. p. 33, n.]

During the third voyage Radisson and his brother-in-law went to the Mississippi River in 1658/9. He says, "Wee mett with severall sorts of people. Wee conversed with them, being long time in alliance with them. By the persuasion of som of them wee went into the great river that divides itself in two where the hurrons with some Ottanake and the wild men that had warrs with them had retired…. The river is called the forked, because it has two branches: the one towards the West, the other towards the South, which we believe runs towards Mexico, by the tokens they gave." They also made diligent inquiry concerning Hudson's Bay, and of the best means to reach that fur-producing country, evidently with a view to future exploration and trade. They must have returned to the Three Rivers about June 1, 1660. Radisson says: "Wee stayed att home att rest the yeare. My brother and I considered whether we should discover what we have seen or no, and because we had not a full and whole discovery which was that we have not ben in the bay of the north (Hudson's Bay), not knowing anything but by report of the wild Christinos, we would make no mention of it for feare that those wild men should tell us a fibbe. We would have made a discovery of it ourselves and have an assurance, before we should discover anything of it."

In the fourth narrative he says: "The Spring following we weare in hopes to meet with some company, having ben so fortunat the yeare before. Now during the winter, whether it was that my brother revealed to his wife what we had seene in our voyage and what we further intended, or how it came to passe, it was knowne so much that the ffather Jesuits weare desirous to find out a way how they might gett downe the castors from the bay of the North, by the Sacques, and so make themselves masters of that trade. They resolved to make a tryall as soone as the ice would permitt them. So to discover our intentions they weare very earnest with me to ingage myselfe in that voyage, to the end that my brother would give over his, which I uterly denied them, knowing that they could never bring it about." They made an application to the Governor of Quebec for permission to start upon this their fourth voyage; but he refused, unless they agreed to certain hard conditions which they found it impossible to accept. In August they departed without the Governor's leave, secretly at midnight, on their journey, having made an agreement to join a company of the nation of the Sault who were about returning to their country, and who agreed to wait for them two days in the Lake of St. Peter, some six leagues from Three Rivers. Their journey was made to the country about Lake Superior, where they passed much of their time among the nations of the Sault, Fire, Christinos (Knisteneux), Beef, and other tribes.

Being at Lake Superior, Radisson says they came "to a remarkable place. It's a banke of Rocks that the wild men made a Sacrifice to,… it's like a great portall by reason of the beating of the waves. The lower part of that opening is as bigg as a tower, and grows bigger in the going up. There is, I believe, six acres of land above it; a shipp of 500 tuns could passe by, soe bigg is the arch. I gave it the name of the portail of St. Peter, because my name is so called, and that I was the first Christian that ever saw it." Concerning Hudson's Bay, whilst they were among the Christinos at Lake Assiniboin, Radisson mentions in his narrative that "being resolved to know what we heard before, we waited untill the Ice should vanish."

The Governor was greatly displeased at the disobedience of Radisson and his brother-in-law in going on their last voyage without his permission. On their return, the narrative states, "he made my brother prisoner for not having obeyed his orders; he fines us L. 4,000 to make a fort at the three rivers, telling us for all manner of satisfaction that he would give us leave to put our coat of armes upon it; and moreover L. 6,000 for the country, saying that wee should not take it so strangely and so bad, being wee were inhabitants and did intend to finish our days in the same country with our relations and friends…. Seeing ourselves so wronged, my brother did resolve to go and demand justice in France." Failing to get restitution, they resolved to go over to the English. They went early in 1665 to Port Royal, Nova Scotia, and from thence to New England, where they engaged an English or New England ship for a trading adventure into Hudson's Straits in 61 deg. north.

This expedition was attempted because Radisson and Des Groseilliers, on their last journey to Lake Superior, "met with some savages on the lake of Assiniboin, and from them they learned that they might go by land to the bottom of Hudson's Bay, where the English had not been yet, at James Bay; upon which they desired them to conduct them thither, and the savages accordingly did it. They returned to the upper lake the same way they came, and thence to Quebec, where they offered the principal merchants to carry ships to Hudson's Bay; but their project was rejected. Des Groseilliers then went to France in hopes of a more favorable hearing at Court; but after presenting several memorials and spending a great deal of time and money, he was answered as he had been at Quebec, and the project looked upon as chimerical." [Footnote: Oldmixon, Vol. I. p. 548.] This voyage to Hudson's Straits proved unremunerative. "Wee had knowledge and conversation with the people of those parts, but wee did see and know that there was nothing to be done unlesse wee went further, and the season of the year was far spent by the indiscretion of our Master." Radisson continues: "Wee were promissed two shipps for a second voyage." One of these ships was sent to "the Isle of Sand, there to fish for Basse to make oyle of it," and was soon after lost.

In New England, in the early part of the year 1665, Radisson and Des Groseilliers met with two of the four English Commissioners who were sent over by Charles II in 1664 to settle several important questions in the provinces of New York and New England. They were engaged in the prosecution of their work in the different governments from 1664 to 1665/6. The two Frenchmen, it appears, were called upon in Boston to defend themselves in a lawsuit instituted against them in the courts there, for the annulling of the contract in the trading adventure above mentioned, whereby one of the two ships contracted for was lost. The writer states, that "the expectation of that ship made us loose our second voyage, which did very much discourage the merchants with whom wee had to do; they went to law with us to make us recant the bargaine that wee had made with them. After wee had disputed a long time, it was found that the right was on our side and wee innocent of what they did accuse us. So they endeavoured to come to an agreement, but wee were betrayed by our own party.

"In the mean time the Commissioners of the King of Great Britain arrived in that place, & one of them would have us goe with him to New York, and the other advised us to come to England and offer ourselves to the King, which wee did." The Commissioners were Colonel Richard Nicolls, Sir Robert Carr, Colonel George Cartwright, and Samuel Mavericke. Sir Robert Carr wished the two Frenchmen to go with him to New York, but Colonel George Cartwright, erroneously called by Radisson in his manuscript "Cartaret," prevailed upon them to embark with him from Nantucket, August 1, 1665. On this voyage Cartwright carried with him "all the original papers of the transactions of the Royal Commissioners, together with the maps of the several colonies." They had also as a fellow passenger George Carr, presumably the brother of Sir Robert, and probably the acting secretary to the Commission. Colonel Richard Nicolls, writing to Secretary Lord Arlington, July 31, 1665, Says, "He supposes Col. Geo. Cartwright is now at sea." George Carr, also writing to Lord Arlington, December 14, 1665, tells him that "he sends the transactions of the Commissioners in New England briefly set down, each colony by itself. The papers by which all this and much more might have been demonstrated were lost in obeying His Majesty's command by keeping company with Captain Pierce, who was laden with masts; for otherwise in probability we might have been in England ten days before we met the Dutch 'Caper,' who after two hours' fight stripped and landed us in Spain. Hearing also some Frenchmen discourse in New England of a passage from the West Sea to the South Sea, and of a great trade of beaver in that passage, and afterwards meeting with sufficient proof of the truth of what they had said, and knowing what great endeavours have been made for the finding out of a North Western passage, he thought them the best present he could possibly make His Majesty, and persuaded them to come to England. Begs His Lordship to procure some consideration for his loss, suffering, and service." Colonel Cartwright, upon his capture at Sea by the Dutch "Caper," threw all his despatches and papers overboard.

No doubt the captain of the Dutch vessel carefully scrutinized the papers of Radisson and his brother-in-law, and, it may be, carried off some of them; for there is evidence in one part at least of the former's narration of his travels, of some confusion, as the writer has transposed the date of one important and well-known event in Canadian history. It is evident that the writer was busy on his voyage preparing his narrative of travels for presentation to the King. Towards the conclusion of his manuscript he says: "We are now in the passage, and he that brought us, which was one of the Commissioners called Collonell George Cartaret, was taken by the Hollanders, and wee arrived in England in a very bad time for the plague and the warrs. Being at Oxford, wee went to Sir George Cartaret, who spoke to His Majesty, who gave good hopes that wee should have a shipp ready for the next Spring, and that the King did allow us forty shillings a week for our maintenance, and wee had chambers in the town by his order, where wee stayed three months. Afterwards the King came to London and sent us to Windsor, where wee stayed the rest of the winter."

Charles II., with his Court, came to open Parliament and the Courts of Law at Oxford, September 25, 1665, and left for Hampton Court to reside, January 27, 1666. Radisson and Des Groseilliers must have arrived there about the 25th of October. DeWitt, the Dutch statesman, and Grand Pensionary of the States of Holland from 1652, becoming informed by the captain of the Dutch "Caper" of the errand of Radisson and his companion into England, despatched an emissary to that country in 1666 to endeavor to entice them out of the English into the service of the Dutch. Sir John Colleton first brought the matter before the notice of Lord Arlington in a letter of November 12th. The agent of DeWitt was one Elie Godefroy Touret, a native of Picardy, France, and an acquaintance of Groseilliers. Touret had lived over ten years in the service of the Rhinegrave at Maestricht. Thinking it might possibly aid him in his design, he endeavored to pass himself off in London as Groseilliers' nephew. One Monsieur Delheure deposed that Groseilliers "always held Touret in suspicion for calling himself his nephew, and for being in England without employment, not being a person who could live on his income, and had therefore avoided his company as dangerous to the State. Has heard Touret say that if his uncle Groseilliers were in service of the States of Holland, he would be more considered than here, where his merits are not recognised, and that if his discovery were under the protection of Holland, all would go better with him."

On the 21st of November a warrant was issued to the Keeper of the Gate House, London, "to take into custody the person of Touret for corresponding with the King's enemies." On the 23d of December Touret sent in a petition to Lord Arlington, bitterly complaining of the severity of his treatment, and endeavored to turn the tables upon his accuser by representing that Groseilliers, Radisson, and a certain priest in London tried to persuade him to join them in making counterfeit coin, and for his refusal had persecuted and entered the accusation against him.

To Des Groseilliers and Radisson must be given the credit of originating the idea of forming a settlement at Hudson's Bay, out of which grew the profitable organization of the Hudson's Bay Company. They obtained through the English Ambassador to France an interview with Prince Rupert, and laid before him their plans, which had been before presented to the leading merchants of Canada and the French Court. Prince Rupert at once foresaw the value of such an enterprise, and aided them in procuring the required assistance from several noblemen and gentlemen, to fit out in 1667 two ships from London, the "Eagle," Captain Stannard, and the "Nonsuch," ketch, Captain Zechariah Gillam. This Gillam is called by Oldmixon a New Englander, and was probably the same one who went in 1664/5 with Radisson and Groseilliers to Hudson's Strait on the unsuccessful voyage from Boston.

Radisson thus alludes to the two ships that were fitted out in London by the help of Prince Rupert and his associates. The third year after their arrival in England "wee went out with a new Company in two small vessels, my brother in one and I in another, and wee went together four hundred leagues from the North of Ireland, where a sudden greate storme did rise and put us asunder. The sea was soe furious six or seven hours after, that it did almost overturne our ship. So that wee were forced to cut our masts rather then cutt our lives; but wee came back safe, God be thanked; and the other, I hope, is gone on his voyage, God be with him."

Captain Gillam and the ketch "Nonsuch," with Des Groseilliers, proceeded on their voyage, "passed thro Hudson's Streights, and then into Baffin's Bay to 75 deg. North, and thence Southwards into 51 deg., where, in a river afterwards called Prince Rupert river, He had a friendly correspondence with the natives, built a Fort, named it Charles Fort, and returned with Success." [Footnote: Oldmixon, British Empire, ed. 1741, Vol. I. p. 544] When Gillam and Groseilliers returned, the adventurers concerned in fitting them out "applied themselves to Charles II. for a patent, who granted one to them and their successors for the Bay called Hudson's Streights." [Footnote: Ibid., Vol. I. p. 545.] The patent bears date the 2d of May, in the twenty-second year of Charles II., 1670.

In Ellis's manuscript papers [Footnote: Ibid., Vol. V. p.319] has been
found the following original draft of an "answer of the Hudson's Bay
Company to a French paper entitled Memoriall justifieing the pretensions of
France to Fort Bourbon." 1696/7.

"The French in this paper carrying their pretended right of Discovery and settlement no higher then the year 1682, and their being dispossessed in 1684. Wee shall briefly shew what sort of possession that was, and how those two actions were managed. Mr. Radisson, mentioned in the said paper to have made this settlement for the French at Port Nelson in 1682, was many years before settled in England, and marryed an English wife, Sir John Kirke's daughter, and engaged in the interest and service of the English upon private adventure before as well as after the Incorporation of the Hudson's Bay Company. In 1667, when Prince Rupert and other noblemen set out two shipps, Radisson went in the Eagle, Captain Stannard commander, and in that voyage the name of Rupert's river was given. Again in 1668 and in 1669, and in this voyage directed his course to Port Nelson, and went on shore with one Bayly (designed Governor for the English), fixed the King of England's arms there, & left some goods for trading. In 1671 three ships were set out from London by the Hudson's Bay Company, then incorporated, and Radisson went in one of them in their service, settled Moose River, & went to Port Nelson, where he left some goods, and wintered at Rupert's River. In 1673, upon some difference with the Hudson's Bay Company, Radisson returned into France and was there persuaded to go to Canada. He formed severall designs of going on private accounts for the French into Hudson's Bay, which the Governor, Monsr. Frontenac, would by no means permitt, declaring it would break the union between the two Kings."

Oldmixon says [Footnote: Oldmixon, Vol. I. p. 549.] that the above-mentioned Charles Baily, with whom went Radisson and ten or twenty men, took out with him Mr. Thomas Gorst as his secretary, who at his request kept a journal, which eventually passed into the possession of Oldmixon. The following extracts give some idea of the life led by the fur-traders at the Fort: "They were apprehensive of being attacked by some Indians, whom the French Jesuits had animated against the English and all that dealt with them. The French used many artifices to hinder the natives trading with the English; they gave them great rates for their goods, and obliged Mr Baily to lower the price of his to oblige the Indians who dwelt about Moose river, with whom they drove the greatest trade. The French, to ruin their commerce with the natives, came and made a settlement not above eight days' journey up that river from the place where the English traded. 'Twas therefore debated whether the Company's Agents should not remove from Rupert's to Moose river, to prevent their traffick being interrupted by the French. On the 3d of April, 1674, a council of the principal persons in the Fort was held, where Mr Baily, the Governor, Captain Groseilliers, and Captain Cole were present and gave their several opinions. The Governor inclined to move. Captain Cole was against it, as dangerous, and Captain Groseilliers for going thither in their bark to trade. [Footnote: Oldmixon, Vol. I. p. 552.] … The Governor, having got everything ready for a voyage to Moose river, sent Captain Groseilliers, Captain Cole, Mr Gorst, and other Indians to trade there. They got two hundred and fifty skins, and the Captain of the Tabittee Indians informed them the French Jesuits had bribed the Indians not to deal with the English, but to live in friendship with the Indian nations in league with the French…. The reason they got no more peltry now was because the Indians thought Groseilliers was too hard for them, and few would come down to deal with him." [Footnote: Oldmixon, Vol. I. p. 554.] After Captain Baily [Footnote: Ibid., Vol. I. p. 555.] had returned from a voyage in his sloop to trade to the fort, "on the 30th Aug a missionary Jesuit, born of English parents, arrived, bearing a letter from the Governor of Quebec to Mr Baily, dated the 8th of October, 1673.

"The Governor of Quebec desired Mr Baily to treat the Jesuit civilly, on account of the great amity between the two crowns. Mr Baily resolved to keep the priest till ships came from England. He brought a letter, also, for Capt Groseilliers, which gave jealousy to the English of his corresponding with the French. His son-in-law lived in Quebec, and had accompanied the priest part of the way, with three other Frenchmen, who, being afraid to venture among strange Indians, returned…. Provisions running short, they were agreed, on the 17th Sept, they were all to depart for Point Comfort, to stay there till the 22d, and then make the best of their way for England. In this deplorable condition were they when the Jesuit, Capt Groseilliers, & another papist, walking downwards to the seaside at their devotions, heard seven great guns fire distinctly. They came home in a transport of joy, told their companions the news, and assured them it was true. Upon which they fired three great guns from the fort to return the salute, though they could ill spare the powder upon such an uncertainty." The ship "Prince Rupert" had arrived, with Captain Gillam, bringing the new Governor, William Lyddel, Esq.

Groseilliers and Radisson, after remaining for several years under the Hudson's Bay Company, at last in 1674 felt obliged to sever the connection, and went over again to France. Radisson told his nephew in 1684 that the cause was "the refusal, that showed the bad intention of the Hudson's Bay Company to satisfy us." Several influential members of the committee of direction for the Company were desirous of retaining them in their employ; among them the Duke of York, Prince Rupert their first Governor, Sir James Hayes, Sir William Young, Sir John Kirke, and others; but it is evident there was a hostile feeling towards Radisson and his brother-in-law on the part of several members of the committee, for even after his successful expedition in 1684 they found "some members of the committee offended because I had had the honour of making my reverence to the King and to his Royal Highness."

From 1674 to 1683, Radisson seems to have remained stanch in his allegiance to Louis XIV. In his narrative of the years 1682 and 1683 he shews that Colbert endeavored to induce him to bring his wife over into France, it would appear to remain there during his absence in Hudson's Bay, as some sort of security for her husband's fidelity to the interests of the French monarch. After his return from this voyage in 1683 he felt himself again unfairly treated by the French Court, and in 1684, as he relates in his narrative, he "passed over to England for good, and of engaging myself so strongly to the service of his Majesty, and to the interests of the Nation, that any other consideration was never able to detach me from it."

We again hear of Radisson in Hudson's Bay in 1685; and this is his last appearance in public records or documents as far as is known. A Canadian, Captain Berger, states that in the beginning of June, 1685, "he and his crew ascended four leagues above the English in Hudson's Bay, where they made a Small Settlement. On the 15th of July they set out to return to Quebec. On the 17th they met with a vessel of ten or twelve guns, commanded by Captain Oslar, on board of which was the man named Bridgar, the Governor, who was going to relieve the Governor at the head of the Bay. He is the same that Radisson brought to Quebec three years ago in the ship Monsieur de la Barre restored to him. Berger also says he asked a parley with the captain of Mr Bridgar's bark, who told him that Radisson had gone with Mr Chouart, his nephew, fifteen days ago, to winter in the River Santa Theresa, where they wintered a year." [Footnote: New York Colonial Documents, Vol. IX.]

After this date the English and the French frequently came into hostile collision in Hudson's Bay. In 1686 King James demanded satisfaction from France for losses inflicted upon the Company. Then the Jesuits procured neutrality for America, and knew by that time they were in possession of Fort Albany. In 1687 the French took the "Hayes" sloop, an infraction of the treaty. In 1688 they took three ships, valued, in all, at L. 15,000; L. 113,000 damage in time of peace. In 1692 the Company set out four ships to recover Fort Albany, taken in 1686. In 1694 the French took York, alias Fort Bourbon. In 1696 the English retook it from them. On the 4th September, 1697, the French retook it and kept it. The peace was made September 20, 1697. [Footnote: Minutes Relating to Hudson's Bay Company.] In 1680 the stock rose from L. 100 to near L. 1,000. Notwithstanding the losses sustained by the Company, amounting to L. 118,014 between 1682 and 1688, they were able to pay in 1684 the shareholders a dividend of fifty per cent. Radisson brought home in 1684 a cargo of 20,000 beaver skins. Oldmixon says, "10,000 Beavers, in all their factories, was one of the best years of Trade they ever had, besides other peltry." Again in 1688 a dividend of fifty per cent was made, and in 1689 one of twenty-five per cent. In 1690, without any call being made, the stock was trebled, while at the same time a dividend of twenty-five per cent was paid on the increased or newly created stock. At the Peace of Utrecht, in 1713, the forts captured by the French in 1697 were restored to the Company, who by 1720 had again trebled their capital, with a call of only ten per cent. After a long and fierce rivalry with the Northwest Fur Company, the two companies were amalgamated in 1821. [Footnote: Encyclopaedia Britannica.]

Radisson commences his narrative of 1652 in a reverent spirit, by inscribing it "a la plus grande gloire de Dieu." All his manuscripts have been handed down in perfect preservation. They are written out in a clear and excellent handwriting, showing the writer to have been a person of good education, who had also travelled in Turkey and Italy, and who had been in London, and perhaps learned his English there in his early life. The narrative of travels between the years 1652 and 1664 was for some time the property of Samuel Pepys, the well-known diarist, and Secretary of the Admiralty to Charles II. and James II. He probably received it from Sir George Cartaret, the Vice-Chamberlain of the King and Treasurer of the Navy, for whom it was no doubt carefully copied out from his rough notes by the author, So that it might, through him, be brought under the notice of Charles II. Some years after the death of Pepys, in 1703, his collection of manuscripts was dispersed and fell into the hands of various London tradesmen, who bought parcels of it to use in their shops as waste-paper. The most valuable portions were carefully reclaimed by the celebrated collector, Richard Rawlinson, who in writing to his friend T. Rawlins, from. "London house, January 25th, 1749/50," says: "I have purchased the best part of the fine collection of Mr Pepys, Secretary to the Admiralty during the reigns of Charles 2d and James 2d. Some are as old as King Henry VIII. They were collected with a design for a Lord High Admiral such as he should approve; but those times are not yet come, and so little care was taken of them that they were redeemed from thus et adores vendentibus."

The manuscript containing Radisson's narrative for the years 1682 and 1683 was "purchased of Rodd, 8th July, 1839," by the British Museum. The narrative in French, for the year 1684, was bought by Sir Hans Sloane from the collection of "Nicolai Joseph Foucault, Comitis Consistoriani," as his bookplate informs us. With the manuscript this gentleman had bound up in the same volume a religious treatise in manuscript, highly illuminated, in Italian, relating to some of the saints of the Catholic Church. [Footnote: I am under obligations to Mr. John Gilmary Shea for valuable information.]

rd a New England man that I knew very well. Before I enter'd the shipp the Captain caused English coullers to bee set up, & as soon as I came on board some great Gunns to bee fir'd. I told him it was not needfull to shoot any more, fearing least our men might bee allarm'd & might doe him some mischief. Hee proposed that wee might Traffick together. I told him I would acquaint our other officers of it, & that I would use my endeavor to get their consent that hee should pass the winter wher hee was without receaving any prejudice, the season being too far past to bee gon away. I told him hee might continue to build his House without any need of fortifications, telling him I would secure him from any danger on the part of the Indians, over whom I had an absolute sway, & to secure him from any surprize on my part. I would before our parting let him know with what number of men I would bee attended when I came to visit him, giving him to understand that if I came with more then what was agreed betwixt us, it would bee a sure signe our officers would not consent unto the proposal of our trading together. I also advised him hee should not fier any Gunns, & that hee should not suffer his men to goe out of the Island, fearing they might bee met by the french men that I had in the woods, that hee might not blame me for any accident that might ensue if hee did not follow my advice. I told him also the salvages advised mee my shipp was arrived to the Northwards, & promiss'd that I would come visit him againe in 15 days & would tell him farther. Wherof hee was very thankfull, & desired me to bee mindfull of him; after which wee seperated very well sattisfy'd with each other, hee verily beleeving I had the strenght I spake of, & I resolving always to hold him in this opinion, desiring to have him bee gone, or if hee persisted to interrupt me in my trade, to wait some opportunity of seizing his shipp, which was a lawfull Prize, having no Commission from England nor france to trade. But I would not attempt anything rashly, for fear of missing my ayme; especially I would avoide spilling blood.

Being returned with my men on board my Canoo, wee fell down the River with what hast wee could; but wee were scarce gon three Leagues from the Island where the new England shipp lay, but that wee discovered another shipp under saile coming into the River. Wee got ashore to the southwards, & being gon out of the Canoo to stay for the shipp that was sailing towards us, I caused a Fier to bee made; & the shipp being over against us, shee came to Anchor & sent not her Boat ashore that night untill next morning. Wee watched all night to observe what was don, & in the morning, seeing the long boat rowing towards us, I caused my 3 men, well armed, to stand at the entrance into the wood 20 paces from me, & I came alone to the water side. Mr Bridgar, whom the Company sent Governor into that country, was in the Boate, with 6 of the crew belonging unto the shipp wherof Capt Guillam was Commander, who was father, as I understood afterwards, unto him that Comanded the New England shipp that I had discover'd the day before. Seeing the shallopp come towards me, I spake a kinde of jargon like that of the salvages, which signify'd nothing, only to amuse those in the boat or to make them speake, the better to observe them, & to see if there might bee any that had frequented the Indians & that spak their Languadge. All were silent; & the boat coming a ground 10 or 12 paces from me, seeing one of the seamen leap in the water to come a shore, I showed him my wepons, forbidding him to stirr, telling him that none in the Boate should come a shore untill I knew who they were; & observing by the make of the shipp & the habit of the saylors that they were English, I spake in their Languadge, & I understood that the seamen that leapt in the water which I hinder'd to proceed any farther said aloud, "Governor, it is English they spake unto you;" & upon my continuing to ask who they were who comanded the shipp, & what they sought there, some body answer'd, "What has any body to doe to inquire? Wee are English." Unto which I reply'd, "And I am French, and require you to bee gon;" & at the same instant making signe unto my men to appeare, they shewed themselves at the entrance of the wood. Those of the shallop thinking in all likelyhood wee were more in number, were about to have answer'd me in mild terms & to tell me they were of London, that the shipp belong'd unto the Hudson Bay Company, & was Comanded by Capt Guillem. I inform'd them also who I was; that they came too late, & that I had taken possession of those parts in the name & behalf of the King of ffrance.

There was severall other things said, which is not needfull heere to relate, the English asserting they had right to come into thos parts, & I saying the contrary; but at last Mr Bridgar saying hee desired to come ashore with 3 of his crew to embrace me, I told him that I should bee very well sattisfy'd. Hee came a shore, & after mutuall salutations, hee asked of me if this was not the River Kakiwakionay. I answer'd it was not, & that it was farther to the Southward; that this was called Kawirinagau, or the dangerous. Hee asked of me if it was not the River where Sir Thomas Button, that comanded an English shipp, had formerly winter'd. I told him it was, & shew'd him the place, to the northwards. Then hee invited me to goe aboard. My crew being come up, disswaded me, especially my Nephew; yet, taking 2 hostages which I left ashore with my men, for I suspected Capt Guillem, having declared himself my Ennemy at London, being of the faction of those which were the cause that I deserted the English Intrest, I went aboard, & I did well to use this precaution, otherwise Capt Guillem would have stop't me, as I was since inform'd; but all things past very well. Wee din'd together. I discoursed of my Establishment in the country; that I had good numbers of ffrench men in the woods with the Indians; that I had 2 shipps & expected another; that I was building a Fort; to conclude, all that I said unto young Guillem, Master of the New England shipp, I said the same unto Mr Bridgar, & more too. He took all for currant, & it was well for me hee was so credulous, for would hee have ben at the troble I was of travelling 40 leagues through woods & Brakes, & lye on the could ground to make my Discoverys, hee wold soon have perceaved my weakness. I had reason to hide it & to doe what I did. Morover, not having men suffitient to resist with open force, it was necessary to use pollicy. It's true I had a great advantage in having the natives on my side, which was a great strength, & that indeed wherupon I most of all depended.

Having stay'd a good while on board I desir'd to go ashore, which being don, I made a signe to my men to bring the hostages, which they had carry'd into the woods. They brought them to the water side, & I sent them aboard their shipp. I confess I repented more then once of my going aboard. It was too rashly don, & it was happy for me that I got off as I did. Before I came ashore I promissed Mr. Bridgar & the Captain that in 15 Dayes I would visit them againe. In the mean time, the better to bee assured of their proceedings, I stay'd 2 dayes in the Woods to observe their actions; and having upon the matter seen their dessigne, that they intended to build a Fort, I passed the River to the Southwards to return to my Brother-in-Law, who might well bee in some feare for me. But coming unto him, hee was very glad of what had past, & of the good condition I had sett matters. Wee consulted together what mesures to take not to be surpriz'd & to maintaine ourselves the best wee could in our setlement for carrying on our Treaty. Wee endeavor'd to secure the Indians, who promis'd to loose their Lives for us; & the more to oblidge them to our side I granted them my nephew & another frenchman to goe along with them into the country to make the severall sorts of Indians to come traffick with us, & the more, to incourage them I sent presents unto the chiefest of them.

During my voyage of Discovering 2 English shipps, there happned an Ill accident for us. Our Company had kill'd 60 Deere, which had ben a great help towards our winter provisions; but by an Inundation of waters caused by great Rains they were all carry'd away. Such great floods are common in those parts. The loss was very great unto us, for wee had but 4 Barrells of Pork & 2 of Beef; but our men repair'd this Losse, having kill'd some more Deere and 4,000 white Partridges, somewhat bigger than thos of Europ. The Indians also brought us Provisions they had kill'd from severall parts at a great distance off. Ten dayes after my return from Discovering the English, I took 5 other men to observe what they did. I had forseen that wee should bee forced to stay for faire weather to crosse the mouth of the dangerous River of Kauvirinagaw, which also proved accordingly, for the season began to be boisterous; but having stay'd some time, at last wee got safe over, although it was in the night, & 14 dayes after our departure wee gained neere the place where Mr Bridgar lay. Wee presently see the shipp lay aground on the ooze, a mile from the place where they built their House. Being come neere the shipp, wee hailed severall times & no body answered, which oblig'd us to goe towards land, wondring at their silence. At length a man called us & beckn'd to us to come back. Going towards him & asking how all did, hee said something better, but that all were asleep. I would not disturb them & went alone unto the Governor's house, whom I found just getting up. After the common ceremonys were past, I consider'd the posture of things, & finding there was no great danger, & that I need not feare calling my people, wee went in all together. I made one of my men pass for Captain of the shipp that I said was lately arrived. Mr Bridgar beleev'd it was so, & all that I thought good to say unto him, endeavoring all along that hee should know nothing of the New England Interloper. Wee shot off severall Musquets in drinking healths, those of the vessell never being concern'd, wherby I judg'd they were careless & stood not well on their gard, & might bee easily surpriz'd. I resolved to vew them. Therefore, takeing leave of Mr. Bridgar, I went with my people towards the vessell. Wee went on board to rights without opposition. The Captain was somthing startled at first to see us, but I bid him not feare; I was not there with any dessigne to harme him; on the contrary, was ready to assist & help him wherin hee should comand me, advising him to use more Diligence than hee did to preserve himselfe & shipps from the Danger I see hee was in of being lost, which afterwards happned. But hee was displeas'd at my Counsill, saying hee knew better what to doe than I could tell him. That might bee, said I, but not in the Indians' country, where I had ben more frequent than he. However, hee desired me to send him som refreshments from time to time during the winter season, espetially some oyle & candles, of which hee stood in great want, which I promis'd to doe, & perform'd accordingly. Hee made me present of a peece of Beeff & a few Bisketts. Being fully inform'd of what I desired to know, & that I need not feare any harm these Gentlemen could doe me in regard of my trade, I took leave of the Captain, to goe see what passed on behalf of the new England Interloper.

I arrived there next day in the afternoon, & found they had employ'd the time better than the others had don, having built a Fort, well fortifyed with 6 great Gunns mounted. I fired a musket to give notice unto those in the Fort of my coming, & I landed on a litle beach under the Gunns. The lieutenant came out with another man well arm'd to see what wee were. When hee see me hee congratulated my safe return, & asked what news. I told him I had found, though with great difficulty, what I sought after, & that I came to visit them, having taken other men than those I had before; that one of those with me was captain of the shipp lately arrived, & the other 4 were of Cannada. The Lieutenant answer'd me very briskly: "Were they 40 Devills wee will not feare. Wee have built a Fort, & doe fear nothing." Yet hee invited mee into his Fort to treat me, provided I would go in alone, which I refused, intimating hee might have spoke with more modesty, coming to visit him in friendship & good will, & not in a hostile manner. I told him also I desired to discours with his Captain, who doubtless would have more moderation. Wherupon he sent to inform the Captain, who came unto me well armed, & told me that I need not bee jealous of the Fort hee had caused to bee built, that 'twas no prejudice to me, & that I should at any time comand it, adding withall that hee feared me not so much as hee did the English of London, & that hee built this fort to defend himself against the Salvages, & all thos that would attack him. I thank'd him for his civillitys unto me, & assur'd him I came not thither to shew any displesure for his building a fort, but to offer him 20 of my men to assist him, & to tell him that thos hee so much feared were arrived, offering my servis to defend him, telling him if hee would follow my consill I would defend him from all danger, knowing very well the Orders these new comers had, & also what condition they were in. I also told him that as to the difference which was betwixt us about the trade, it was referr'd unto the arbitrement of both our Kings; that for good luck to him, his father comanded the shipp newly arrived; that he brought a Governor for the English Company, whom I intended to hinder from assuming that Title in the Countrys wherin I was established for the french company, & as for his part, I would make him pass for a french man, therby to keep him from receaving any dammadge.

Having said thes things to the Captain of the fort, I made him call his men together, unto whom I gave a charge in his presence that they should not goe out of their fort, nor fire any Gunns, nor shew their cullers; that they should cover the head & stern of their shipp; & that they should suffer neither ffrench nor English to come near their fort, neither by land nor by Water, & that they should fier on any of my people as would offer to approach without my orders. The Captain promis'd all should bee observ'd that I had said, & comanded his men in my presence so to doe, desiring me to spare him 2 of my men as soon as I could, to guard them. I told him that his father, Captain of the Company's shipp, was sick, wherat hee seem'd to bee much trobled, & desired me to put him in a way to see him without any damadge. I told him the danger & difficulty of it; nevertheless, having privat reasons that this enterview of Father & Sonn might be procur'd by my means, I told him I would use my best endeavor to give him this satisfaction, & that I hop'd to effect it, provided hee would follow my directions. Hee agreed to doe what I advised, & after some litle studdy wee agreed that hee should come along with me disguis'd like one that lived in the woods, & that I wold make him passe for a french man. This being concluded, I sent my men next morning early to kill some fowle. They returned by 10 o'clocke with 30 or 40 Partridge, which I took into my canoo, with a Barrill of Oyle & some candles that I had promis'd the old Captain Guillem. I left one of my men hostage in the fort, and imbarked with young Guillem to goe shew him his father. The tyde being low, wee were forced to stop a mile short of the shipp, & goe ashore & walk up towards the shipp with our provisions. I left one of my men to keepe the Canoo, with orders to keep off, & coming neere the shipp I placed 2 of my best men betwixt the House Mr. Bridgar caus'd to bee built & the water side, comanding them not to shew themselves, & to suffer the Governor to goe to the vessell, but to seize him if they see him come back before I was got out of the shipp.

Having ordered things in this manner, I went with one of my men & young Guillem aboard the shipp, where wee againe entered without any opposition. I presented unto Captain Guillem the Provisions I had brought him, for which hee gave me thanks. Afterwards, I made my 2 men go into his cabbin, one of which was his son, though unknown to him. I desired Captain Guillem to bid 2 of his servants to withdraw, having a thing of consequence to inform him of, which being don, I told him the secret was that I had brought his sonn to give him a visit, having earnestly desired it of me; & having told him how necessary it was to keep it privat, to prevent the damadge might befall them both if it shold bee known, I presented the son unto his father, who Imbraced each other very tenderly & with great joy; yet hee told him hee exposed him unto a great deale of danger. They had some priviat discours togather, after which hee desired me to save my new French man. I told him I would discharge myself of that trust, & againe advised him to bee carefull of preserving his shipp, & that nothing should bee capable of making any difference betwixt us, but the Treaty hee might make with the Indians. Hee told me the shipp belonged to the Company; that as to the Trade, I had no cause to bee afraid on his account, & that though hee got not one skin, it would nothing troble him; hee was assured of his wages. I warned him that he should not suffer his men to scatter abroad, espetially that they should not goe towards his sonn's fort, which hee promis'd should bee observ'd. Whilst wee were in this discours, the Governor, hearing I was come, came unto the Shipp & told me that my Fort must needs bee neerer unto him than hee expected, seeing I return'd so speedily. I told him, smiling, that I did fly when there was need to serve my friends, & that knowing his people were sick & wanted refreshments, I would not loose time in supplying them, assuring him of giving him part what our men did kill at all times. Some prying a litle too narrowly, young Guillem thought hee had ben discovered, wherat the Father & son were not a litle concern'd. I took upon me, & said it was not civill so narrowly to examine my people; they excus'd it, & the tyde being com in, I took leave to be gon. The Governor & Captain divided my provisions, & having made a signe unto my 2 men to rise out of their ambush, I came out of the shipp, & wee march'd all of us unto the place where wee left our Canoo. Wee got into it, & the young Captain admired to see a litle thing made of the rhind of a Tree resist so many knocks of Ice as wee met withall in returning.

Next day wee arrived at the Fort, & very seasonably for us; for had wee stayed a litle longer on the water, wee had ben surprized with a terrible storm at N. W., with snow & haile, which doubtless would have sunk us. The storm held 2 days, & hinder'd us from going to our pretended fort up the river; but the weather being setled, I took leave of the Captain. The Lieut. would faine have accompanyed us unto our habitation, but I sav'd him that Labour for good reasons, & to conceall the way. Parting from the fort, wee went to the upper part of the Island; but towards evening wee returned back, & next day were in sight of the sea, wherin wee were to goe to double the point to enter the River where our habitation was; but all was so frozen that it was almost impossible to pass any farther. Wee were also so hem'd in on all sides with Ice, that wee could neither go forward nor get to Land, yet wee must get over the Ice or perrish. Wee continued 4 hours in this condition, without being able to get backwards or forwards, being in great danger of our lifes. Our cloaths were frozen on our backs, & wee could not stirr but with great paine; but at length with much adoe wee got ashore, our canoo being broke to peeces. Each of us trussed up our cloaths & arms, & marched along the shoare towards our habitation, not having eat anything in 3 days, but some crows & Birds of prey that last of all retire from these parts. There was no other fowle all along that coast, which was all covered with Ice & snow. At length wee arrived opposite unto our habitation, which was the other side of the River, not knowing how to get over, being cover'd with Ice; but 4 of our men ventur'd in a Boat to come unto us. They had like to have ben staved by the Ice. Wee also were in very great danger, but wee surmounted all these difficultys & got unto our habitation, for which wee had very great cause to give God thanks of seeing one another after having run through so great Dangers.

During my travelling abroad, my brother-in-Law had put our House into pretty good order. Wee were secure, fearing nothing from the Indians, being our allies; & as for our neighbours, their disorder, & the litle care they took of informing themselves of us, set us safe from fearing them. But as it might well happen that the Governor Bridgar might have notice that the New England Interloper was in the same river hee was, & that in long running hee might discover the truth of all that I had discoursed & concealed from him, & also that hee might come to understand that wee had not the strength that I boasted of, I thought it fit to prevent Danger; & the best way was to assure my self of the New England shipp in making myself master of her; for had Mr. Bridgar ben beforehand with mee, hee would have ben too strong for me, & I had ben utterly unable to resist him; but the question was how to effect this businesse, wherin I see manifest difficultys; but they must bee surmounted, or wee must perrish. Therefore I made it my business wholy to follow this Enterprise, referring the care of our House & of the Traffick unto my brother-in-Law.

Seeing the River quite froze over, every other day for a fortnight I sent my men through the woods to see in what state the Company's shipp lay. At length they told me shee lay a ground neer the shoare, the creek wherin shee was to have layn the Winter being frozen up, which made me conjecture shee would infallibly bee lost. I also sent 2 of my men unto Young Captain Guillem into the Island, which hee had desired of me for his safegard; but I was told by my people that hee intended to deceave me, having, contrary unto his promise of not receaving any into his Fort but such as should come by my Orders, had sent his Boat to receave 2 men from the Company's shipp, which Mr. Bridgar had sent to discover what they could the way that I tould him our fort was, & also to see if they could find any wreck of their shipp; but these 2 men, seeing thos of the fort begin to stir & to Lanch out their Boat, they thought they would fier on them, as I had comanded. They were affrighted & run away. Being come to Mr. Bridgar, they told him there was a Fort & a french shipp neerer unto them than I had said. Upon this information, Mr. Bridgar sent 2 men to pass from north to south, to know if it were true that wee had 2 Shipps besides that which was at the Island. Wherof being advised by my people, I sent out 3 severall ways to endeavor to take the 2 men Mr. Bridgar had sent to make this discovery, having ordered my people not to doe them any violence. My people succeded, for they found the 2 poore men within 5 leagues of our House, allmost dead with cold & hunger, so that it was no hard matter to take them. They yeelded, & were brought unto my habitation, where having refreshed them with such provision as wee had, they seemed nothing displeas'd at falling into our hands. I understood by them the orders Mr. Bridgar had given them for making the Discovery, which made me stand the more close on my Gard, & to use fresh means to hinder that the Governor Bridgar should not have knowledge of the New-England Interlopers.

About this time I sent some provisions unto Mr. Bridgar, who was in great want, although hee strove to keep it from my knowledge. Hee thanked mee by his Letters, & assur'd me hee would not interrupt my trade, & that hee would not any more suffer his men to come neere the forts, which hee thought had ben ours. I also sent to visit young Guillem to observe his proceedings, & to see in what condition hee was, to make my best advantage of it. The 2 Englishmen which my people brought, told me the Company's shipp was stay'd to peeces, & the captain, Leftenant, & 4 seamen drown'd; but 18 of the company being ashore escaped that danger. Upon this advice I went to visit Mr. Bridgar, to observe his actions. I brought him 100 Partridges, & gave him some Powder to kill fowle, & offer'd him my servis. I asked where his shipp was, but hee would not owne shee was lost, but said shee was 4 leagues lower in the River. I would not press him any farther in the businesse, but civilly took our leave of each other.

From thence I went unto the Fort in the Island also, to see what past there, & to endeavor to compasse the dessigne I had laid of taking the Shipp & fort, having since discovered by letters intercepted, that young Guillim intended to shew me a trick & destroy me. Being come to the fort in the Island, I made no shew of knowing the losse of his father, nor of the Company's shipp, only I told young Guillim his father continued ill, & did not think safe to write him, fearing to discover him. Afterwards I desired hee would come unto our habitation; & so I returned without effecting any more that day. Eight days after, I returned to see Mr. Bridgar, unto whom I said that hee did not take sufficient care to preserve his men; that I had 2 of them at my Fort, who told me of the losse of his shipp, which hee owned. I told him I would assist him, & would send him his 2 men & what else hee desired. I also offer'd him one of our Barques, with provisions requisit to convey him in the Spring unto the bottom of the Bay, which hee refused. I assured him of all the servis that lay in my power, treating him with all civillity could bee for the Esteeme that I ever bore unto the English nation. As for Mr. Bridgar, I had no great caus to bee over well pleased with him, being advised that hee spake ill of mee in my absence, & had said publickly unto his people that hee would destroy my Trade, should hee give 6 axes & proportionably of other Goods unto the Indians for a Bevor Skin. [Footnote: The Company's early standard for trading was: "For 1 Gun, one with another, 10 good Skins, that is, winter beavor; 12 Skins for the biggest sort, 10 for the mean, and 8 for the smallest. Powder, a beaver for 1/2 a lb. A beaver for 4 lb. of shot. A beaver for a great and little hatchet. A beaver for 6 great knives or 8 jack-knives. Beads, a beaver for 1/2 a lb. Six beavers for one good laced coat. Five beavers for one red plain coat. Coats for women, laced, two yards, six beavers. Coats for women, plain, Five beavers. Tobacco, a beaver for 1 lb. Powder-horns, a beaver for a large one and two small ones. Kettles, a beaver for one lb. of Kettle. Looking-glasses and combs, 2 skins."] I have an attestation heerof to shew. I stayed 2 dayes on this voyadge with Mr. Bridgar, having then a reall intent to serve him, seeing hee was not in a condition to hurt me; & returning unto my habitation, I called at Young Gwillim's fort in the Island, where I intended to execute my dessigne, it being now time.

When I arrived at the fort, I told young Gwillim his father continued ill, & that hee referr'd all unto me, upon which I said unto him touching his father & of his resolution, hee earnestly desired I would goe back with him & take him along with me, disguised as before, that hee might see him; but I disswaded him from this, & put in his head rather to come see our habitation, & how wee lived. I knew hee had a desire to doe soe, therefore I would sattisfy his curiosity. Having, therefore, perswaded him to this, wee parted next morning betimes. Hee took his Carpenter along with him, & wee arrived at our habitation, Young Gwillim & his man being sufficiently tired. I thought it not convenient that young Gwillim should see the 2 Englishmen that was at our House. I kept them privat, & fitted them to bee gon next morning, with 2 of my men, to goe athwart the woods unto their habitation, having promis'd Mr. Bridgar to send them unto him. I gave them Tobacco, Cloaths, & severall other things Mr. Bridgar desired; but when they were to depart, one of the Englishmen fell at my feet & earnestly desired that I would not send him away. I would not have granted his request but that my Brother-in-Law desired me to do it, & that it would also ease Mr. Bridgar's charge, who wanted provisions; so I sufferred the other to depart along with my 2 men, having given them directions. I caused young Gwillem to see them going, telling him I sent them unto our Fort up the river.

I continued a whole moneth at quiet, treating young Guillem, my new guest, with all civillity, which hee abused in severall particulars; for having probably discovered that wee had not the strength that I made him beleeve wee had, hee unadvisedly speak threatning words of me behind my back, calling me Pyrate, & saying hee would trade with the Indians in the Spring in spight of me. Hee had also the confidence to strike one of my men, but I connived at it. But one day discoursing of the privilledges of new England, he had the confidence to speak slightly of the best of Kings, wherupon I called him pittyfull Dogg for talking after that manner, & told him that for my part, having had the honour to have ben in his majesty's servis, I would pray for his majesty as long as I lived. Hee answered mee with harsh words that hee would return back to his fort, & when hee was there, that would not dare talk to him as I did. I could not have a fairer opportunity to begin what I dessigned. Upon which I told the young foole that I brought him from his fort & would carry him thither againe when I pleas'd, not when hee liked. Hee spake severall other impertinencys, that made me tell him that I would lay him up safe enough if hee behaved not himself wiser. Hee asked me if hee was a prisoner. I told him I would consider of it, & that I would secure my Trade, seeing hee threatened to hinder it. After which I retired & gave him leave to bee inform'd by the Englishman how that his father & the company's shipp were lost, & the bad condition Mr. Bridgar was in. I left a french man with them that understood English, but they knew it not. When I went out, young Gwillim bid the Englishman make his escape & goe tell his master that hee would give him 6 Barrills of Powder & other provisions if hee would attempt to deliver him out of my hands. The Englishman made no reply, neither did hee tell me of what had ben proposed unto him. I understood it by my frenchman, that heard the whole matter, & I found it was high time to act for my owne safety.

That evning I made no shew of any thing, but going to bed I asked our men if the fier Locks that wee placed at night round our fort to defend us from thos that would attack us were in order. At this word of fire Locks young Gwillim, who knew not the meaning of it, was suddenly startled & would have run away, thinking wee intended to kill him. I caused him to bee stay'd, & freed him of his feare. But next morning I made him an unwelcom compliment; I told him that I was going to take his shipp & fort. Hee answered very angrily that if I had 100 men I could not effect it, & that his men would kill 40 before they could come neere the pallissade. I was nothing discouradged at his bravado, knowing very well that I should compasse my dessigne. I made account that 2 of my men would have stay'd in the fort for hostages, but having what libberty they would, one of them returned to our habitation without my order. I was angry at it, but I made no shew of it, having laid my dessigne so as to make more use of skill & pollicy than of open force; seeing therefore the haughty answer young Gwillem made me, that I could not take his fort with 100 men, I asked of him how many men hee had in it. Hee said nyne. I desired him to choose the like number of myne, I being one of the number, telling him I would desire no more, & that in 2 dayes I would give him a good account of his fort & of his shipp, & that I would not have him to have the shame of being present to see what I should doe. Hee chose & named such of my men as hee pleas'd, & I would not choose any others. I sufferr'd him to come with me to the water side, & I made the ninth man that went upon this Expedition, with an Englishman of Mr. Bridgar's to bee a wittness of the busenesse.

Being arriv'd within half a league of the fort, I left the Englishman with one frenchman, ordering they should not stirr without farther order; at the same time I sent 2 of my men directly to the fort to the Southward of the Island, & I planted myself with my other 5 men at the North point of the same Island to observe what they did that I sent to the fort. They were stop't by 3 Englishmen armed, that asked if they had any letters from their master. My people answer'd, according to my Instructions, that hee was coming along with mee; that being weary, wee stay'd behind; that they came a litle before for some brandy which they offerr'd to carry. The Englishmen would needs doe the office, & my 2 men stay'd in the fort. Hee that was hostage had orders to seize on the Court of Gard Dore, one of them newly come to seize the Dore of the House, & the 3 was to goe in & out, that in case the dessigne was discover'd hee might stopp the passage of the Dore with Blocks of wood, to hinder it from being shutt & to give me freedom to enter unto their assistance; but there needed not so much adoe, for I enter'd into the fort before thos that were appointed to defend it were aware. The Lieutenant was startled at seeing me, & asked "wher his master was; it was high time to appear & act." I answered the Lieutenant "it matter'd not where his master was, but to tell me what men hee had & to call them out;" & my men being enter'd the fort & all together, I told thos that were present the cause of my coming, that I intended to bee Master of the place, & that 'twas too late to dispute. I commanded them to bring me the Keys of the Fort & all their Arms, & to tell mee if they had any Powder in their chests, & how much, referring myself unto what they should say. They made no resistance, but brought me their Arms, & as for Powder, they said they had none. I took possession of the Fort in the name of the King of ffrance, & from thence was conducted by the Lieutenant to take possession of the shipp also in the same name, which I did without any resistance; & whilst I was doing all this, young Guillem's men seemed to rejoyce at it rather then to bee troubled, complaining of him for their Ill usage, & that hee had kill'd his Supercargo. But a Scotchman, one of the crew, to shew his zeale, made his Escape & run through the woods towards Mr. Bridgar's House to give him notice of what pas't. I sent 2 of my nimblest men to run after him, but they could not overtake him, being gon 4 hours before them. Hee arrived at Mr. Bridgar's house, who upon the relation of the Scotchman resolved to come surprise me.

In the meane while I gave my Brother notice of all that past, & that I feared a Scotchman might occasion me some troble that had got away unto Mr. Bridgar, & that I feared I might bee too deeply ingadg'd unless hee presently gave me the assistance of 4 men, having more English prisoners to keep than I had french men with me. I was not deceiv'd in my conjecture. At midnight one of our Doggs alarm'd our sentinell, who told me hee heard a noise on board the shipp. I caus'd my People to handle their armes, & shut up the English in the cabins under the Gard of 2 of my men. I with 4 others went out to goe to the shipp. I found men armed on board, & required them to lay downe their arms & to yeeld. There was 4 that submitted & some others got away in the dark. My men would have fired, but I hinder'd them, for which they murmur'd against me. I led the prisoners away to the fort & examin'd them one after another. I found they were of Mr. Bridgar's people, & that hee was to have ben of the number, but hee stay'd half a League behind to see the success of the businesse. The last of the Prisoners I examin'd was the Scotch man that had made his escape when I took the fort; & knowing hee was the only cause that Mr. Bridgar ingadg'd in the businesse, I would revenge me in making him afraid.

I caus'd him to bee ty'd to a stake & told that hee should bee hang'd next day. I caus'd the other prisoners, his comrades, to bee very kindly treated; & having no farther dessigne but to make the Scotch man afraide, I made one advise him to desire the Lewtenant of the fort to begg me to spare his life, which hee did, & easily obtain'd his request, although hee was something startled, not knowing what I meant to doe with him. The 4 men I desired of my Brother-in-Law arrived during these transactions, & by this supply finding myself strong enough to resist whatever Mr. Bridgar could doe against me, I wrote unto him & desired to know if hee did avow what his men had don, whom I detain'd Prisoners, who had Broke the 2 Dores & the deck of the shipp to take away the Powder. Hee made me a very dubious answer, complaining against me that I had not ben true unto him, having concealed this matter from him. Hee writ me also that having suffitient orders for taking all vessells that came into those parts to Trade, hee would have joyned with me in seizing of this; but seeing the purchas was fal'n into my hands, hee hoped hee should share with mee in it.

I sent back his 3 men with some Tobacco & other provisions, but kept their arms, bidding them tell Mr. Bridgar on my behalf that had I known hee would have come himself on this Expedition, I would have taken my mesures to have receav'd him ere he could have had the time to get back; but I heard of it a litle too late, & that in some short time I would goe visit him to know what hee would bee at, & that seeing hee pretended to bee so ignorant in what quallity I liv'd in that country, I would goe and inform him. Before these men's departure to Mr. Bridgar's I was inform'd that some English men had hidden Powder without the fort. I examin'd them all. Not one would owne it; but at last I made them confess it, & 5 or 6 pound was found that had ben hid. Then I took care to secure the fort. I sent 4 of the English men of the fort unto my Brother-in-Law, & I prepar'd to goe discover what Mr. Bridgar was doing. I came to his House & went in before hee had notice of my coming. Hee appeared much surpris'd; but I spoke to him in such a manner as shewed that I had no intent to hurt him, & I told him that by his late acting hee had so disoblidged all the ffrench that I could not well tell how to assist him. I told him hee had much better gon a milder way to work, in the condition hee was in, and that seeing hee was not as good as his word to me, I knew very well how to deall with him; but I had no intention at that time to act any thing against Mr. Bridgar. I only did it to frighten him, that hee should live kindly by me; & in supplying him from time to time with what he wanted, my chief ayme was to disable him from Trading, & to reduce him to a necessity of going away in the Spring.

Seeing Mr. Bridgar astonish'd at my being there with 12 men, & in a condition of ruining him if I had desire to it, I thought fit to setle his mynd by sending away 6 of my men unto my Brother-in-Law, & kept but 6 with me, 4 of which I sent out into the woods to kill some provisions for Mr. Bridgar. About this time I receaved a letter from my Brother wherin hee blam'd me for acting after this manner with persons that but 2 days agoe endeavor'd to surprise me; that if I did so, hee would forsake all; that I had better disarm them for our greater security, & that I should not charge myself with any of them. It was also the judgment of the other french men, who were all exasperated against Mr. Bridgar. Not to displease my owne people, instead of 4 English men that I promis'd Mr. Bridgar to take along with me that hee might the better preserve the rest, I took but 2, one of which I put in the Fort at the Island, & the other I brought unto our habitation. I promiss'd Mr. Bridgar before I left him to supply him with Powder & anything else that was in my power, & demanding what store of musquets hee had remaining, hee told me hee had Ten, & of them 8 were broken. I tooke the 8 that were spoyl'd, & left him myne that was well fixt, promising to get his mended. Hee also offer'd me a pocket Pistoll, saying hee knew well enough that I intended to disarm him. I told him it was not to disarm him, to take away his bad arms & to give him good in stead of them. I offerr'd him my Pistolls, but hee would not accept of them. In this state I left him, & went to our habitation to give my Brother-in-Law an account of what I had don.

Some dayes after, I went to the Fort in the Island to see if all was well there, & having given all necessary directions I return'd unto our place, taking the Lieutenant of the Fort along with me, unto whom I gave my owne chamber & all manner of libberty; taking him to bee wiser than his captain, whom they were forc'd to confine in my absence. Hee thanked mee for my civillityes, & desiring hee might goe to his Captain, I consented. About this time I had advise, by one of the men that I left to guard the fort in the Island, that Mr. Bridgar, contrary to his promis, went thether with 2 of his men, & that our men having suffer'd them to enter into the fort, they retain'd Mr. Bridgar & sent the other 2 away, having given them some Bread & Brandy. This man also told me that Mr. Bridgar seemed very much trobl'd at his being stopt, & acted like a mad man. This made me presently goe to the fort to hinder any attempts might be made against me. Being arrived, I found Mr. Bridgar in a sad condition, having drank to excess. Him that comanded in the fort had much adoe to hinder him from killing the Englishman that desired to stay with us. Hee spoke a thousand things against me in my hearing, threatning to kill me if I did not doe him right. But having a long time born it, I was at length constraint to bid him bee quiet; & desirous to know his dessignes, I asked him if any of his People were to come, because I see smoake & fiers in crossing the River. Hee Said Yes, & that hee would shortly shew me what hee could doe, looking for 14 men which hee expected, besides the 2 my people return'd back. I told him I knew very well hee had not soe many men, having let many of his men perish for want of meate, for whom hee was to bee accountable; & morover I was not afraid of his threats. Nevertheless, no body appear'd, & next dayly I order'd matters so as Mr. Bridgar should come along with me unto our habitation, wherunto hee see it was in vaine to resist. I assured him that neither I nor any of my People shold goe to his House in his absence, & that when hee had recreated himself 10 or 15 Days with mee at our habitation, hee might return with all freedom againe unto his House.

Mr. Bridgar was a fortnight at our House without being overtired, & it appeared by his looks that hee had not ben Ill treated; but I not having leasure allways to keep him company, my affairs calling me abroad, I left him with my Brother-in-Law whilst I went unto the Fort in the Island to see how matters went there; & at my going away I told Mr. Bridgar that if hee pleas'd hee might dispose himself for his departure home next morning, to rectify some disorders committed by his people in his absence, to get victualls, & I told him I would meet him by the way to goe along with him. Having dispatcht my business at the fort of the Island, I went away betimes to bee at Mr. Bridgar's house before him, to hinder him from abusing his men. The badness of the weather made me goe into the House before hee came. As Soon as I was enter'd, the men beseech'd me to have compassion on them. I blam'd them for what they had don, & for the future advised them to bee more obedient unto their master, telling them I would desire him to pardon them, & that in the Spring I would give passage unto those that would goe home by the way of ffrance. Mr. Bridgar arrived soon after me. I beg'd his pardon for going into his House before hee came, assuring him that I had still the dessigne of serving him & assisting him, as hee should find when hee pleas'd to make use of me, for Powder & anything else hee needed; which also I performed when it was desir'd of me, or that I knew Mr. Bridgar stood in need of any thing I had. I parted from Mr. Bridgar's habitation to return unto our own. I passed by the fort in the Island, & put another frenchman to comand in the place of him was there before, whom I intended to take with me to work uppon our shipps.

The Spring now drawing on, the English of the fort of the Island murmur'd because of one of Mr. Bridgar's men that I had brought thether to live with them. I was forst to send him back to give them content, not daring to send him to our habitation, our french men opposing it, wee having too many allready. Arriving at our habitation, I was inform'd that the English captain very grossly abused one of his men that I kept with him. Hee was his carpenter. I was an eye witness myself of his outrageous usage of this poore man, though hee did not see me. I blamed the Captain for it, & sent the man to the fort of the Island, to look after the vessell to keep her in good condition. My nephew arrived about this time, with the french men that went with him to invite downe the Indians, & 2 days after there came severall that brought provisions. They admired to see the English that wee had in our House, & they offer'd us 200 Bevor skins to suffer them to goe kill the rest of them; but I declar'd unto them I was far from consenting therunto, & charged them on the contrary not to doe them any harm; & Mr. Bridgar coming at instant with one of his men unto our habitation, I advised him not to hazard himself any more without having some of my men with him, & desir'd him, whilst hee was at my House, not to speak to the Indians. Yet hee did, & I could not forbeare telling him my mynde, which made him goe away of a suddain. I attended him with 7 or 8 of my men, fearing least the Indians who went away but the Day before might doe him a mischief. I came back next day, being inform'd that a good company of Indians, our old Allies, were to come; & I found they were come with a dessigne to warr against the English, by the perswasion of some Indians that I see about 8ber last, & with whom I had renew'd an alliance. I thanked the Indians for their good will in being ready to make warr against our Ennemys; but I also told them that I had no intent to doe them any harm, & that having hindred them from hurting me I was sattisfy'd, & that therefore they would oblidge me to say nothing of it, having promis'd me they would bee gon in the Spring, but if they came againe I would suffer them to destroy them. The Indians made great complaints unto me of the English in the bottom of the Bay, which I will heere omitt, desiring to speak only of what concerns myself; but I ought not omit this. Amongst other things, they alleadg'd to have my consent that they might warr against the English. They said thus: "Thou hast made us make presents to make thine Ennemys become ours, & ours to bee thyne. Wee will not bee found lyers." By this may bee seen what dependance is to bee laid on the friendship of this people when once they have promis'd. I told them also that I lov'd them as my own Brethren the French, & that I would deal better by them than the English of the Bay did, & that if any of my men did them the least injury I would kill him with my own hands; adding withall that I was very sorry I was not better stor'd with Goods, to give them greater tokens of my friendship; that I came this voyage unprovided, not knowing if I should meet them, but I promis'd to come another time better stor'd of all things they wanted, & in a condition to help them to destroy their Ennemys & to send them away very well sattisfy'd. The English admir'd to see with what freedom I lived with these salvages. This pas't in the beginning of Aprill, 1683. Being faire wether, I caused my nephew to prepare himself, with 3 men, to carry Provisions & Brandy unto our french men & to the English men at the fort of the Island. The Ice began to bee dangerous, & I see that it was not safe hazarding to goe over it after this time; therefore I said to my nephew that hee would doe well to proceed farther unto the Indians, unto whom hee promis'd to give an account how wee did, & to inform them also that wee had conquer'd our Ennemys.

After my nephew's departure on this voyadge, there hapned an unlookt-for accident the 22 or 23rd of Aprill, at night. Having haled our vessells as far as wee could into a litle slip in a wood, wee thought them very secure, lying under a litle Hill about 10 fathom high, our Houses being about the same distance off from the River side; yet about 10 o'clock at night a hideous great noise rous'd us all out of our sleep, & our sentinill came & told us it was the clattering of much Ice, & that the floods came downe with much violence. Wee hasted unto the river side & see what the sentinell told us, & great flakes of Ice were born by the waters upon the topp of our litle Hill; but the worst was that the Ice having stop't the river's mouth, they gather'd in heaps & were carry'd back with great violence & enter'd with such force into all our Brooks that discharg'd into the River that 'twas impossible our vessells could resist, & they were stay'd all to peeces. There remained only the bottom, which stuck fast in the Ice or in the mudd, & had it held 2 hours longer wee must have ben forst to climbe the trees to save our lives; but by good fortune the flood abated. The river was cleer'd by the going away of the Ice, & 3 days after, wee see the disorder our vessells were in, & the good luck wee had in making so great a voyadge in such bad vessells, for myne was quite Rotten & my Brother's was not trunnel'd. This accident put us into a great feare the like mischief might bee hapned unto the New England shipp; the Indians telling us that the River was more dangerous than ours, & that they beleev'd the vessell could not escape in the place wher shee lay. But mr Bridgar having heertofore related unto me alike accident hapned in the River Kechechewan in the Bottom of the Bay, that a vessell was preserv'd by cutting the Ice round about her, I took the same cours, & order'd the Ice should bee cut round this vessell quite to the keele, & I have reason to thank mr Bridgar for this advice; it sav'd the vessell. Shee was only driven ashore by the violence of the Ice, & there lay without much dammadge. Whilst the waters decreas'd wee consulted upon which of the 2 bottoms wee should build us a shipp, & it was at last resolv'd it shold bee on myne. Upon which wee wrought day & night without intermission, intending this vessell should carry the English into the Bay, as I had promis'd mr Bridgar.

I went down 2 or 3 times to the River's mouth to see what the floods & Ice had don there, & if I could pass the point into the other River, wher mr Bridgar & the English vessell was at the fort of the Island, for was impossible to pass through the woods, all being cover'd with water. I adventur'd to pass, & I doubled the point in a canoo of bark, though the Ice was so thick that wee drew our canoo over it. Being enter'd the River, I march'd along the South Shore & got safe to the fort of the Island with great difficulty. I found the shipp lying dry, as I mention'd before, in a bad condition, but easily remedy'd, the stern being only a litle broke. I gave directions to have her fitted, & I incouradged the English to work, which they did perform better than the french. Having given these directions, I took the shipp's Boat & went down to Mr. Bridgar's habitation, & looking in what condition it was, I found that 4 of his men were dead for lack of food, & two that had ben poyson'd a litle before by drinking some liquer they found in the Doctor's chest, not knowing what it was. Another of Mr. Bridgar's men had his Arm broke by an accident abroad a hunting.

Seeing all these disorders, I passed as soon as I could to the South side of the river to recover unto our Houses, from whence I promis'd Mr. Bridgar I would send his English Curiorgion that was with us some Brandy, vinegar, Lynnen, & what provisions I could spare out of the small store wee had left. Being got a shore, I sent back the Boat to the fort of the Isle, with orders unto my 2 men I left there to bring my canoo & to use it for fowling. In returning I went a shore with one of Mr. Bridgar's men that I took along with me to carry back the provisions I had promis'd, although hee did not seeme to be very thankfull for it, continueing his threatnings, & boasted that hee expected shipps would come unto him with which hee would take us all. I was nothing daunted at this, but kept on my cours, knowing very well Mr. Bridgar was not in a capacity of doing us any harm; but it being impossible but that his being present on the place should hinder me, I order'd my business so as to bee gon with what skins I had, & sent away Mr. Bridgar after having secured our Trade.

I made severall journeys to the Fort of the Island about repairing of the shipp; also I went severall times to Mr. Bridgar's house to carry him provisions, & to assist him & also his men with all things that I could procure, which they can testify; & had it not ben for me they had suffred much more misery. I had like to bee lost severall times in these journeys by reason of great stores of Ice; & the passage of the entrance of the River to Double the point to enter into that where Mr. Bridgar & the new England shipp lay was allways dangerous.

I will not here insist upon the perrills I expos'd my self unto in coming & going to prepare things for our departure when the season would permitt; but I cannot omit telling that amongst other kindnesses I did Mr. Bridgar I gave him stuff suffitient to sheath his shallup, which was quite out of order, as also cordage & all things else necessary; but hee did not well by me, for contrary to his word which he had given me not to goe to the fort in the Island, hee attempted to goe thether with his people in his shallup, & being come within musket-shott under a pretence of desiring some Powder, the comander would not suffer him to come any neerer, & made him cast anker farther off. Hee sent his boats for Mr. Bridgar, who came alone into the fort, though hee earnestly desired one of his men might bee admitted along with him, but was deny'd. His men were order'd to lodge themselves ashore the North side of the River in hutts, & provisions was sent unto them. Mr. Bridgar spent that night in the Fort, went away the next day. The day before I see the shallup going full salle towards the fort, whether I was also going myself by land with one Englishman in whom I put a great deale of confidence, having no body else with me. I did suspect that Mr. Bridgar had a dessign to make some surprise, but I was not much afraid by reason of the care & good order I had taken to prevent him.

Nevertheless I feared that things went not well; for when I came neer the fort, seeing the boate coming for me, & that the comander did not make the signall that was agreed upon betwixt us, this startled me very much, & I appeared as a man that had cause to feare the worst; which one of our frenchmen that steered the boat wherin ther was 4 Englishmen perceiving, cry'd out all was well, & made the signall. I blamed him & the comander for putting me in feare in not making the usuall signes.

When I came to the fort I was told Mr. Bridgar was there, & that hee was receayed, as has been recited. I was also tould hee had privat discours with the carpenter of the new England shipp that I had formerly ingadged in a friendly manner to attend & serve him. This discours made the comander the more narrowly to inspect Mr. Bridgar. & to stand better upon his gard, the Scotch man telling him hee was not come thither with any good intention; so that the comander of the Fort sent him away in the morning, having given him some Pork, Pease, & Powder. Having given Orders at the fort, I went to Mr. Bridgar. Being come to his House, I taxed him of breach of promise, & I tould him ther should bee no quarter if hee offered to doe soe any more, & that therefore hee should prepare himself to goe for the Bay (as soone as ever the Ice did permitt) in the vessell that wee had left, it being so agreed on by our french men, assuring him I would furnish him with all things necessary for the voyadge. Hee appear'd much amaz'd at the compliment I made him, & hee told me in plaine terms that it must bee one of thes 3 things that must make him quit the place,—his master's orders, force, or hunger. Hee desired me afterwards that if the captain of the salvages of the river of new Severn came, that hee might see him by my means, which I promis'd to doe.

Having thus disposed Mr. Bridgar for his departure, I continued to assist him & his people with all that I could to enable them to work to sit ourselves to bee gon. I left Mr. Bridgar in his house & I went unto ours, & having consulted my Brother-in-Law, wee resolved that 'twas best to burn the fort in the Island & secure Mr. Bridgar, thereby to draw back our men & to ease us of the care of defending the fort & of the trouble of so many other precautions of securing ourselves from being surprized by Mr. Bridgar. The crew of both our vessells made an agreement amongst themselves to oppose our dessigne of giving our shipp unto the English for their transportation. It was necessary at the first to seeme to yeeld, knowing that in time wee should master the factions. It was the master of my Bark that began the mutiny. The chief reason that made me seem to yeeld was that I would not have the English come to know of our Divisions, who happly might have taken some advantage of it. Wee had 4 amongst us unto whom I granted libberty upon their parole; but to make sure of those of new England, wee caus'd a Lodge to bee built in a litle Island over against our House where they were at a distance off us. Wee sent from time to time to visit them to see what they did. Wee gave them a fowling-peece to divert them, but one day abusing my nephew, wee took away the Gun from them.

Going afterwards unto the fort of the Island, I sent a boate unto Mr. Bridgar, advising him the captain hee desired to see was come, & that hee might come with one of his men; which hee did, & as soon as hee was come I told him that to assure our Trade I was obliged to secure him & would commit him into the custody of my nephew, unto whom I would give orders to treat him kindly & with all manner of respect, telling him withall that when I had put all things on board the vessell that was in the fort, I would go & set it on Fier. I told him hee might send his man with me to his House with what Orders hee thought fit. I went thither the same day. I told Mr. Bridgar's people that not being able to supply them any longer but with Powder only, & being redy for my departure to Cannada, it was necessary that those that intended to stay should speak their minds, & that those that desired to go should have their passage. I demanded their names, which they all told me except 2. I ordered them to have a great care of all things in the House. I left one frenchman to observe them & to goe fowling, Mr. Bridgar's men not being us'd to it. These Orders being given, I left Mr. Bridgar's house & cross'd over to the South side, where I met 2 of our french men a hunting. I sent them with what fowle they had kill'd to the fort of the Island, where they might bee servisable unto the rest in carrying down the shipp & in bringing her to an anker right against Mr. Bridgar's house, to take on board his goods, which was accordingly don. I came by land unto the other river, & met at the entrance of it severall Indians that waited impatiently for me, how wee might adjust & setle our Trade.

They would have had my Brother-in-Law to have rated the Goods at the same prizes as the English did in the bottom of the Bay, & they expected also I would bee more kind unto them. But this would have ruined our trade; therefore I resolved to stand firm in this occasion, becaus what wee now concluded upon with these Salvages touching comers would have ben a Rule for the future. The Indians being assembled presently after my arrivall, & having laid out their presents before me, being Beavors' tailes, caribou tongues dry'd, Greas of Bears, Deere, & of Elks, one of the Indians spake to my Brother-in-Law & mee in this wife: "You men that pretend to give us our Lifes, will not you let us live? You know what Beavor is worth, & the paines wee take to get it. You stile your selves our brethren, & yet you will not give us what those that are not our brethren will give. Accept our presents, or wee will come see you no more, but will goe unto others." I was a good while silent without answering the compliment of this Salvage, which made one of his companions urge me to give my answer; and it being that wheron our wellfare depended, & that wee must appeare resolute in this occasion, I said to the Indian that pressed me to answer, "To whom will thou have me answer? I heard a dogg bark; let a man speak & hee shall see I know to defend myself; that wee Love our Brothers & deserve to bee loved by them, being come hither a purpose to save your lives." Having said these words, I rose & drew my dagger. I took the chief of thes Indians by the haire, who had adopted me for his sonn, & I demanded of him who hee was. Hee answered, "Thy father." "Well," said I, "if thou art my father & dost love me, & if thou art the chief, speak for me. Thou art master of my Goods; this Dogg that spoke but now, what doth hee heare? Let him begon to his brethren, the English in the Bay; but I mistake, hee need not goe so farr, hee may see them in the Island," intimating unto them that I had overcom the English. "I know very well," said I, continueing my discours to my Indian father, "what woods are, & what 'tis to leave one's wife & run the danger of dying with hunger or to bee kill'd by one's Ennemys. You avoide all these dangers in coming unto us. So that I see plainly 'tis better for you to trade with us than with the others; yet I will have pitty on this wretch, & will spare his life, though hee has a desire to goe unto our Ennemys." I caused a sword-blade to bee brought me, & I said unto him that spake, "Heere, take this, & begon to your brethren, the English; tell them my name, & that I will goe take them." There was a necessity I should speak after this rate in this juncture, or else our trade had ben ruin'd for ever. Submit once unto the Salvages, & they are never to bee recalled.

Having said what I had a mind to say unto the Indian, I went to withdraw with my Brother-in-Law; but wee were both stop't by the chief of the Indians, who incouraged us, saying, Wee are men; wee force nobody; every one was free, & that hee & his Nation would hold true unto us; that hee would goe perswade the Nations to come unto us, as hee had alredy don, by the presents wee had sent them by him; desiring wee would accept of his, & that wee would trade at our own discretion. Therupon the Indian that spake, unto whom I had presented the sword, being highly displeas'd, said hee would kill the Assempoits if they came downe unto us. I answer'd him I would march into his country & eate Sagamite in the head of the head of his grandmother, which is a great threat amongst the Salvages, & the greatest distast can bee given them. At the same instant I caus'd the presents to be taken up & distributed, 3 fathom of black tobacco, among the Salvages that were content to bee our friends; saying, by way of disgrace to him that appear'd opposit to us, that hee should goe smoak in the country of the tame woolfe women's tobacco. I invited the others to a feast; after which the salvages traded with us for their Beavors, & wee dismissed them all very well sattisfy'd.

Having ended my business with the Indians, I imbark'd without delay to goe back, & I found the new England shipp at anchor over against Mr. Bridgar's House, as I had order'd. I went into the House & caus'd an Inventory to be taken of all that was there. Then I went to the fort of the Island, having sent order to my nephew to burn it. I found him there with Mr. Bridgar, who would himself bee the first in setting the Fort a fire, of which I was glad. There being no more to doe there, I went down to the shipp, & found they had put everything abord. I gave Order to my Nephew at my coming away that the next day hee should bring Mr. Bridgar along with him unto our House, where being arriv'd, my Brother-in-Law, not knowing him as well as I did, made him bee sent into the Island with the Captain of the new England shipp & his folks; of which Mr. Bridgar complain'd unto me next day, desiring that I would release him from thence, saying hee could not endure to bee with those people; which I promis'd to doe, & in a few days after brought him unto a place I caus'd to bee fitted on a point on the North side of our River, where hee found his own men in a very good Condition. I not being yet able to overcome our Men's obstinacy in not yeelding that I should give our vessell unto the English, Mr. Bridgar propos'd that hee would build a Deck upon the Shallup if I would but furnish him with materialls necessary for it; saying that if the shallup were but well decked & fitted, he would willingly venture to goe in her unto the Bay, rather then to accept of his passage for france in one of our vessells. I offerr'd him all that hee desir'd to that purpos, & stay'd with him till the shipp that I caus'd to bee fitted was arriv'd. When shee was come, I see a smoak on the other side of the River. I crossed over, & found that it was my Indian father. I told him how glad I was to see him, & invited him to goe aboard, saying that going at my request, my nephew would use him civilly; that they would fier a Great Gun at his arrivall, would give him something to eate, would make him a present of Bisketts, & of 2 fathom of Tobacco. Hee said I was a foole to think my people would doe all this without order. I wrote with a coale on the rind of a Tree, & gave it to him to carry aboard. Hee, seeing that All I said unto him was punctually perform'd, was much surpris'd, saying wee were Divells; so they call thos that doe any thing that is strange unto them. I return'd back to our houses, having don with Mr. Bridgar.

I had sounded the Captain of the Shipp that was in the Island right against our house, to know of him that, being an English man, whether hee would give a writing under his hand to consent that Mr. Bridgar should bee put in posession of his shipp, or if hee had rather I should carry her to Quebeck; but hee & his men intreated mee very earnestly not to deliver them unto Mr. Bridgar, beleeving they should receave better usage of the french than of the English. I told my Brother-in-Law what the Captain said, & that hee refer'd himself wholy unto our discretion.

Whilst wee were busy in fitting things for our departure, I found myself necessitated to compose a great feude that hapined betwixt my Indian father's familly & another great familly of the country. I had notice of it by a child, some of my Indian father's, who playing with his comrades, who quarrelling with him, one told him that hee should bee kill'd, & all his Familly, in revenge of one of the familly of the Martins, that his father had kill'd; for the famillys of the Indians are distinguis'd by the names of Sundry Beasts; & death being very affrighting unto thos people, this child came to my House weeping bitterly, & after much adoe I had to make him speak, hee told me how his comrade had threatned him. I thought at first of somthing else, & that the salvages had quarrel'd amongst themselves. Desiring, therefore, to concern my self in keeping peace amongst them, I presently sent for this chief of the Indians, my adopted father, who being come according to my order, I told him the cause of my feare, & what his child had told me. I had no sooner don speaking, but hee leaning against a pillar and covering his face with his hands, hee cryed more than his child had don before; & having asked what was the matter, after having a litle dry'd up his teares, hee told me that an Indian of another familly, intending to have surpris'd his wife, whom hee loved very tenderly, hee kill'd him, & the salvages that sided to revenge the other's cause having chased him, hee was forc'd to fly, & that was it that made him meet mee about 8ber last; that hee continued the feare of his Ennemys' displeasure, that they would come kill him.

I tould him hee should not fear any thing, the frenchmen being his fathers & I his sonn; that our king that had sent mee thither cover'd him with his hand, expecting they should all live in Peace; that I was there to setle him, & that I would doe it or dye; that I would require all the Indians to come in that day [that they] might know me & that hee should know my intentions. Having thus spoke unto him, I caus'd a fowling-peece & 2 ketles, 3 coats, 4 sword-blades, 4 tranches, 6 graters, 6 dozen of knives, 10 axes, 10 fathom of tobacco, 2 coverlets for women, 3 capps, some Powder & shott, & said unto the salvage my adopted father, in presence of his allies that were ther present, "Heere is that will cure the wound & dry away tears, which will make men live. I will have my brethren love one another; let 2 of you presently goe and invite the familly of the Martins to the feast of amity, and make them accept my presents. If they refute it & seek for blood, it is just I should sacrifice my life for my father, whom I love as I doe all the rest of the Indians our allies, more than I doe my owne selfe, So that I am redy to lay down my head to bee cutt off in case my presents did not serv turn, but I would stirr up all the frenchmen my brethren to carry Gunns to assist me to make warr against that familly."

The salvages went to goe unto the familly that was ennemy unto my adopted father to make them offer of my presents, & in my name to invite them unto the feast of unity. I stay'd so litle a while in the country afterwards that I could not quite determine this differrence. In due time I will relate what upon Inquiry I farther heard of it in my last voyadge.

This businesse being upon a matter ended, I was inform'd that Mr. Bridgar, contrary to his promise of not speaking with the Indians, yet enter'd into discours with them & said that wee were Ill people, & told them hee would come & kill us; that hee would traffick with them more to their advantage then wee did; that hee would give them 6 axes for a Bever Skin & a fowling-peece for 5 skins. I taxed Mr. Bridgar with it; also I ratted the salvages, who promis'd they would go neere him no more, & that I should feare nothing. Being desirous to make all things redy for my departure, I againe crossed over the dangerous river to goe burn Mr. Bridgar's House, there being nothing left remaining in it, having caused evry thing to bee put on board the New England shipp & taken a full Inventary of it before. I had along with me 3 English men & one frenchman, relying more on the English, who loved me because I used them kindly, than I did on the ffrenchmen. What I did at this time doth shew the great confidence I put in the English; for had I in the least distrusted them, I would not have ventur'd to have gon 11 Leagues from my habitation with 3 English & but one of my owne french men to have fired Mr. Bridgar's House. Wee were very like to bee lost in returning home. I never was in so great danger in all my life. Wee were surpris'd with a suddain storm of wind neere the flats, & there was such a great mist that wee knew not where wee were.

Being return'd unto our Habitation, I found our Men had brought the shipp to anker neere our House, & seeing the weather beginning to come favorable, I gave my Nephew Instructions to carry on the Trade in my absence untill our Return. I left 7 men with him & the absolute comand & disposall of all things; which being don I caused our ffurrs to bee put on board & the shipp to fall down to the mouth of the river to set saile the first faire wind. It was where I left Mr. Bridgar. His shallup being well provided & furnish'd with all things, hee was ready to saile; but having made some tripps from one river unto the other, the sight of such vast quantitys of Ice as was in those seas made him afraide to venture himselfe in so small a vessell to saile unto the Bay. So that wee fitting things to bee gon the 20 July, having sent for Mr. Bridgar to come receave his Provisions, hee told me hee thought it too rash an action for him to venture himself so great a voyadge in so small a vessell, & desired I would give him passage in our shipp, supposing all along that I would compell him to imbark for ffrance. I told him hee should bee very welcom, & that I intended not to force him to anything but only to quitt the place. It was concluded that hee should imbark with my Brother-in-Law in the small vessell. Hee said hee had rather goe in the other shipp; but it was but just that the Captain should continue on board, & wee could not with great reason take Mr. Bridgar on board, having allredy more English to keep then wee were french.

The 27th of July wee weighed Ankor & passed the flatts; but next day, having as yet sailed but 8 or 9 Leagues, wee were forced to enter into the Ice & used all our Endevor not to bee farr from each other. The Bark, tacking to come, cast her Grapers on the same Ice as wee fastned unto. Shee split to peeces, so that wee were forced to fend presently to their help & to take out all the goods was on board her, & to lay them on the Ice, to careen, which wee did with much difficulty. Wee continued in this danger till the 24 of August. Wee visitted one another with all freedom; yet wee stood on our gard, for the Englishman that wee found the beginning of the winter in the snow, remembring how kindly hee was used by me, gave mee notice of a dessigne the Englishmen had that were in the Bark, of cutting all the Frenchmen's throats, & that they only waited a fit opportunity to doe it. This hint made us watch them the more narrowly. At night time wee secured them under lock & key, & in the day time they enjoy'd their full liberty.

When wee were got to the southward in the 56 Degree, Mr. Bridgar desired me to let him have the Bark to goe to the Bay along with his men. I tould him I would speak to my Brother-in-Law about it, who was not much against it. Ther was only the master & some other obstinat fellows that opposed; but at length I got all to consent, and having taken the things out, wee delivered the Bark unto Mr. Bridgar, taking his receipt. It was in good will that I mannadg'd all this for him, and I thought hee would have gon in the Bark, for hee knows that I offerrd it unto him; but having made the Englishman that belong'd unto him, and since chosen to stay with us, and in whom wee put much confidence, to desire leave of me to goe along with Mr. Bridgar, wee presently supposed, and wee were not deceived, that 'twas by his perswasion this seaman desired to bee gon, & wee had some apprehension that Mr. Bridgar might have some dessigne to trepan us by returning unto port Nelson before us to surprise our people, wherunto the English seaman that understood our business might have ben very servicable unto him. Having therefore conferr'd amongst ourselves upon this Demand, wee resolv'd to keep Mr. Bridgar and to take him along with us unto Quebeck. Wee caus'd him to come out of the Bark and told him our resolution; wherat hee flew into great passion, espetially against me, who was not much concerned at it. Wee caus'd him to come into our vessell, and wee tould his people that they may proceed on their voyage without him, and hee should come along with us; after which wee took in our graple Irons from off the Ice, seeing the sea open to the westward and the way free'd to saile. Wee were distant about 120 leagues from the bottom of the Bay when wee parted from the Bark, who might easily have got ther in 8 days, and they had Provisions on board for above a month, vizt, a Barrill of Oatmealle, 42 double peeces of Beeff, 8 or 10 salt gees, 2 peeces of Pork, a powder Barrell full of Bisket, 8 or 10 pounds of powder, & 50 pounds of short. I gave over & above, unknown to my Brother-in-Law, 2 horns full of Powder & a Bottle of Brandy, besides a Barrill they drank the evening before wee parted. I made one of the new England seamen to goe on board the Bark to strengthen the crew, many of them being sickly.

Being got out of the Ice, having a favorable wind, wee soon got into the straights, where through the negligence or the ignorance of one of our French pilots and seamen, the English being confin'd in the night, a storm of wind & snow drove us into a Bay from whence wee could not get out. Wee were driven a shoare without any hopes of getting off; but when wee expected evry moment to be lost, God was pleased to deliver us out of this Danger, finding amongst the Rocks wherin wee were ingadg'd the finest Harbour that could bee; 50 shipps could have layn there & ben preserv'd without Anchor or cable in the highest storms. Wee lay there 2 days, & having refitted our shipp wee set saile & had the wether pretty favorable untill wee arriv'd at Quebeck, which was the end of 8ber. As soon as ever wee arriv'd wee went unto Monr La Barre, Governor of Cannada, to give him an Account of what wee had don. Hee thought fit wee should restore the shipp unto the new England Merchants, in warning them they should goe no more unto the place from whence shee came. [Footnote: This restoration did not meet with the approval of Monsr. de Seignelay, for he wrote to Govr. De la Barre, 10th April, 1684: "It is impossible to imagine what you meant, when of your own authority, without calling on the Intendant, and without carrying the affair before the Sovereign council, you caused to be given up to one Guillin, a vessel captured by the men named Radisson and des Grozelliers, and in truth you ought to prevent the appearance before his Majesty's eyes of this kind of proceeding, in which there is not a shadow of reason, and whereby you have furnished the English with matter of which they will take advantage; for by your ordinance you have caused a vessel to be restored that according to law ought to be considered a Pirate, having no commission, and the English will not fail to say that you had so fully acknowledged the vessel to have been provided with requisite papers, that you had it surrendered to the owners; and will thence pretend to establish their legitimate possession of Nelson's river, before the said Radisson and des Grozeliers had been there." New York Colonial MSS., Vol. IX. p. 221.] Mr. Bridgar imbark'd himself on her with young Guillem for New England against my mynde, for I advis'd him as a friend to imbark himself on the ffrench shipps, which were ready to saile for Rocheil. I foretold him what came to pass, that hee would lye a long while in New England for passage. Wee parted good ffriends, & hee can beare me witnesse that I intimated unto him at that time my affection for the English Intrest, & that I was still of the same mynde of serving the King & the nation as fully & affectionately as I had now serv'd the ffrench.

Eight or tenn days after my arrivall, Monsr. La Barre sent for me, to shew me a letter hee had receaved from Monsr. Colbert by a man-of-warr that had brought over some soldiers, by which hee writ him that those which parted last yeare to make discoverys in the Northern parts of America being either returned or would soon return, hee desired one of them to give the court an account of what they had don, & of what setlements might bee made in those parts; & the Governour told me that I must forthwith prepare myself to goe sattisfy Monsr. Colbert in the business. I willingly accepted the motion, & left my business in the hands of Monsr. De La Chenay, although I had not any very good opinion of him, having dealt very ill by me; but thinking I could not bee a looser by satisfying the prime Minister of state, although I neglected my owne privat affaires, I took leave of Monsr. La Barre, & imbark'd for france with my Brother-in-Law, the 11 9ber, 1683, in the frigat that brought the soldiers, and arrived at Rochell the 18 of Xber, where I heard of the death of Monsr. Colbert; yet I continued my jorney to Paris, to give the Court an account of my proceedings. I arriv'd at Paris with my Brother-in-Law the 15th January, wher I understood ther was great complaints made against me in the King's Councill by my Lord Preston, his Majesty's Envoy Extrordinary, concerning what had past in the River and Port Nelson, and that I was accus'd of having cruelly abused the English, Robbed, stoln, and burnt their habitation; for all which my Lord Preston demanded satisfaction, and that exemplary punishment might bee inflicted on the offenders, to content his majesty. This advice did not discourage me from presenting myself before the Marquiss De Signalay, & to inform him of all that had past betwixt the English and me during my voyadge. Hee found nothing amiss in all my proceedings, wherof I made him a true relation; and so farr was it from being blamed in the Court of france, that I may say, without flattering my self, it was well approved, & was comended. [Footnote: Louis XIV. to De la Barre, to April, 1684: "The King of England has authorized his ambassador to speak to me respecting what occurred in the river Nelson between the English and Radisson and des Grozelliers, whereupon I am happy to inform you that, as I am unwilling to afford the King of England any cause of complaint, & as I think it important, nevertheless, to prevent the English establishing themselves on that river, it would be well for you to have a proposal made to the commandant at Hudson's Bay that neither the French nor the English should have power to make any new establishments; to which I am persuaded he will give his consent the more readily, as he is not in a position to prevent those which my subjects wish to form in said Nelson's river."] I doe not say that I deserv'd it, only that I endeavor'd, in all my proceedings, to discharge the part of an honnest man, and that I think I did no other. I referr it to bee judged by what is contain'd in this narrative, which I protest is faithfull & sincere; and if I have deserved the accusations made against me in the Court of ffrance, I think it needlesse to say aught else in my justification; which is fully to bee seen in the Relation of the voyadge I made by his Majesty's order last year, 1684, for the Royal Company of Hudson's Bay; the successe and profitable returns whereof has destroyed, unto the shame of my Ennemys, all the evell impressions they would have given of my actions.

non without astonishment – a perusal of the sonnets of William Lisle Bowles. Deferring, however, for the present any research into the occult operation of this converting agency, it will be enough to note Coleridge's own assurance of its perfect efficacy. He was completely cured for the time of his metaphysical malady, and "well were it for me perhaps," he exclaims, "had I never relapsed into the same mental disease; if I had continued to pluck the flowers and reap the harvest from the cultivated surface instead of delving in the unwholesome quicksilver mines of metaphysic depths." And he goes on to add, in a passage full of the peculiar melancholy beauty of his prose, and full too of instruction for the biographer, "But if, in after-time, I have sought a refuge from bodily pain and mismanaged sensibility in abstruse researches, which exercised the strength and subtlety of the understanding without awakening the feelings of the heart, there was a long and blessed interval, during which my natural faculties were allowed to expand and my original tendencies to develop themselves – my fancy, and the love of nature, and the sense of beauty in forms and sounds." This "long and blessed interval" endured, as we shall see, for some eleven or twelve years.

His own account of his seduction from the paths of poetry by the wiles of philosophy is that physiology acted as the go-between. His brother Luke had come up to London to walk the hospitals, and young Samuel's insatiable intellectual curiosity immediately inspired him with a desire to share his brother's pursuit. "Every Saturday I could make or obtain leave, to the London Hospital trudged I. O! the bliss if I was permitted to hold the plaisters or attend the dressings.... I became wild to be apprenticed to a surgeon; English, Latin, yea, Greek books of medicine read I incessantly. Blanchard's Latin Medical Dictionary I had nearly by heart. Briefly, it was a wild dream, which, gradually blending with, gradually gave way to, a rage for metaphysics occasioned by the essays on Liberty and Necessity in Cato's Letters, and more by theology." [2] At the appointed hour, however, Bowles the emancipator came, as has been said, to his relief, and having opportunely fallen in love with the eldest daughter of a widow lady of whose son he had been the patron and protector at school, we may easily imagine that his liberation from the spell of metaphysics was complete. "From this time," he says, "to my nineteenth year, when I quitted school for Jesus, Cambridge, was the era of poetry and love."

Of Coleridge's university days we know less; but the account of his schoolfellow, Charles Le Grice, accords, so far as it goes, with what would have been anticipated from the poet's school life. Although "very studious," and not unambitious of academical honours – within a few months of his entering at Jesus he won the Browne Gold Medal for a Greek Ode on the Slave Trade [3] – his reading, his friend admits, was "desultory and capricious. He took little exercise merely for the sake of exercise, but he was ready at any time to unbend his mind in conversation, and for the sake of this his room was a constant rendezvous of conversation-loving friends. I will not call them loungers, for they did not call to kill time but to enjoy it." From the same record we gather that Coleridge's interest in current politics was already keen, and that he was an eager reader, not only of Burke's famous contributions thereto, but even a devourer of all the pamphlets which swarmed during that agitated period from the press. The desultory student, however, did not altogether intermit his academical studies. In 1793 he competed for another Greek verse prize, this time unsuccessfully. He afterwards described his ode On Astronomy as "the finest Greek poem I ever wrote;" [4] but, whatever may have been its merits from the point of view of scholarship, the English translation of it, made eight years after by Southey (in which form alone it now exists), seems hardly to establish its title to the peculiar merit claimed by its author for his earlier effort. The long vacation of this year, spent by him in Devonshire, is also interesting as having given birth to one of the most characteristic of the Juvenile Poems, the Songs of the Pixies, and the closing months of 1793 were marked by the most singular episode in the poet's earlier career.

It is now perhaps impossible to ascertain whether the cause of this strange adventure of Coleridge's was, "chagrin at his disappointment in a love affair" or "a fit of dejection and despondency caused by some debts not amounting to a hundred pounds;" but, actuated by some impulse or other of restless disquietude, Coleridge suddenly quitted Cambridge and came up, very slenderly provided with money, to London, where, after a few days' sojourn, he was compelled by pressure of actual need to enlist, under the name of Silas Titus Comberback (S. T. C.), [5] as a private in the 15th Light Dragoons. It may seem strange to say so, but it strikes one as quite conceivable that the world might have been a gainer if fate had kept Coleridge a little longer in the ranks than the four months of his actual service. As it was, however, his military experiences, unlike those of Gibbon, were of no subsequent advantage to him. He was, as he tells us, an execrable rider, a negligent groom of his horse, and, generally, a slack and slovenly trooper; but before drill and discipline had had time to make a smart soldier of him, he chanced to attract the attention of his captain by having written a Latin quotation on the white wall of the stables at Reading. This officer, who it seems was either able to translate the ejaculation, "Eheu! quam infortunii miserrimum est fuisse felicem," [6] or, at any rate, to recognise the language it was written in, interested himself forthwith on behalf of his scholarly recruit. [7] Coleridge's discharge was obtained at Hounslow on April 10, 1794, and he returned to Cambridge.

The year was destined to be eventful for him in more ways than one. In June he went to Oxford to pay a visit to an old schoolfellow, where an accidental introduction to Robert Southey, then an undergraduate of Balliol, laid the foundation of a friendship destined largely to influence their future lives. In the course of the following August he came to Bristol, where he was met by Southey, and by him introduced to Robert Lovell, through whom and Southey he made the acquaintance of two persons of considerable, if not exactly equal, importance to any young author – his first publisher and his future wife. Robert Lovell already knew Mr. Joseph Cottle, brother of Amos Cottle (Byron's "O! Amos Cottle! Phoebus! what a name"), and himself a poet of some pretensions; and he had married Mary Fricker, one of whose sisters, Edith, was already engaged to Southey; while another, Sara, was afterwards to become Mrs. Coleridge.

As the marriage turned out on the whole an unhappy one, the present may be a convenient moment for considering how far its future character was determined by previously existing and unalterable conditions, and how far it may be regarded as the result of subsequent events. De Quincey, whose acute and in many respects most valuable monograph on the poet touches its point of least trustworthiness in matters of this kind, declares roundly, and on the alleged authority of Coleridge himself, that the very primary and essential prerequisite of happiness was wanting to the union. Coleridge, he says, assured him that his marriage was "not his own deliberate act, but was in a manner forced upon his sense of honour by the scrupulous Southey, who insisted that he had gone too far in his attentions to Miss Fricker for any honourable retreat." On the other hand, he adds, "a neutral spectator of the parties protested to me that if ever in his life he had seen a man under deep fascination, and what he would have called desperately in love, Coleridge, in relation to Miss F., was that man." One need not, I think, feel much hesitation in preferring this "neutral spectator's" statement to that of the discontented husband, made several years after the mutual estrangement of the couple, and with no great propriety perhaps, to a new acquaintance. There is abundant evidence in his own poems alone that at the time of, and for at least two or three years subsequently to, his marriage Coleridge's feeling towards his wife was one of profound and indeed of ardent attachment. It is of course quite possible that the passion of so variable, impulsive, and irresolute a temperament as his may have had its hot and cold fits, and that during one of the latter phases Southey may have imagined that his friend needed some such remonstrance as that referred to. But this is not nearly enough to support the assertion that Coleridge's marriage was "in a manner forced upon his sense of honour," and was not his own deliberate act. It was as deliberate as any of his other acts during the years 1794 and 1795, – that is to say, it was as wholly inspired by the enthusiasm of the moment, and as utterly ungoverned by anything in the nature of calculation on the possibilities of the future. He fell in love with Sara Fricker as he fell in love with the French Revolution and with the scheme of "Pantisocracy," and it is indeed extremely probable that the emotions of the lover and the socialist may have subtly acted and reacted upon each other. The Pantisocratic scheme was essentially based at its outset upon a union of kindred souls, for it was clearly necessary of course that each male member of the little community to be founded on the banks of the Susquehanna should take with him a wife. Southey and Lovell had theirs in the persons of two sisters; they were his friends and fellow-workers in the scheme; and they had a sympathetic sister-in-law disengaged. Fate therefore seemed to designate her for Coleridge and with the personal attraction which she no doubt exerted over him there may well have mingled a dash of that mysterious passion for symmetry which prompts a man to "complete the set." After all, too, it must be remembered that, though Mrs. Coleridge did not permanently retain her hold upon her husband's affections, she got considerably the better of those who shared them with her. Coleridge found out the objections to Pantisocracy in a very short space of time, and a decided coolness had sprung up between him and Madame la Revolution before another two years had passed.

The whole history indeed of this latter liaison is most remarkable, and no one, it seems to me, can hope to form an adequate conception of Coleridge's essential instability of character without bestowing somewhat closer attention upon this passage in his intellectual development than it usually receives. It is not uncommon to see the cases of Wordsworth, Southey, and Coleridge lumped together indiscriminately, as interequivalent illustrations of the way in which the young and generous minds of that era were first fascinated and then repelled by the French Revolution. As a matter of fact, however, the last of the three cases differed in certain very important respects from the two former. Coleridge not only took the "frenzy-fever" in a more violent form than either Wordsworth or Southey, and uttered wilder things in his delirium than they, but the paroxysm was much shorter, the immediate reaction more violent in its effects and brought about by slighter causes in his case than in theirs. This will appear more clearly when we come to contrast the poems of 1794 and 1795 with those of 1797. For the present it must suffice to say that while the history of Coleridge's relations to the French Revolution is intellectually more interesting than that of Wordsworth's and Southey's, it plainly indicates, even in that early period of the three lives, a mind far more at the mercy of essentially transitory sentiment than belonged to either of the others, and far less disposed than theirs to review the aspirations of the moment by the steady light of the practical judgment.

This, however, is anticipating matters. We are still in the summer of 1794, and we left Coleridge at Bristol with Southey, Lovell, and the Miss Frickers. To this year belongs that remarkable experiment in playwriting at high pressure, The Fall of Robespierre. It originated, we learn from Southey, in "a sportive conversation at poor Lovell's," when each of the three friends agreed to produce one act of a tragedy, on the subject indicated in the above title, by the following evening. Coleridge was to write the first, Southey the second, and Lovell the third. Southey and Lovell appeared the next day with their acts complete, Coleridge, characteristically, with only a part of his. Lovell's, however, was found not to be in keeping with the other two, so Southey supplied the third as well as the second, by which time Coleridge had completed the first. The tragedy was afterwards published entire, and is usually included in complete editions of Coleridge's poetical works. It is an extremely immature production, abounding in such coquettings (if nothing more serious) with bathos as

"Now,
Aloof thou standest from the tottering pillar,
And like a frighted child behind its mother,
Hidest thy pale face in the skirts of Mercy."

and

"Liberty, condensed awhile, is bursting
To scatter the arch-chemist in the explosion."

Coleridge also contributed to Southey's Joan of Arc certain lines of which, many years afterwards, he wrote in this humorously exaggerated but by no means wholly unjust tone of censure: – "I was really astonished (1) at the schoolboy, wretched, allegoric machinery; (2) at the transmogrification of the fanatic Virago into a modern novel-pawing proselyte of the Age of Reason – a Tom Paine in petticoats; (3) at the utter want of all rhythm in the verse, the monotony and dead plumb-down of the pauses, and at the absence of all bone, muscle, and sinew in the single lines."

In September Coleridge returned to Cambridge, to keep what turned out to be his last term at Jesus. We may fairly suppose that he had already made up his mind to bid adieu to the Alma Mater whose bosom he was about to quit for that of a more venerable and, as he then believed, a gentler mother on the banks of the Susquehanna; but it is not impossible that in any case his departure might have been expedited by the remonstrances of college authority. Dr. Pearce, Master of Jesus, and afterwards Dean of Ely, did all he could, records a friend of a somewhat later date, "to keep him within bounds; but his repeated efforts to reclaim him were to no purpose, and upon one occasion, after a long discussion on the visionary and ruinous tendency of his later schemes, Coleridge cut short the argument by bluntly assuring him, his friend and master, that he mistook the matter altogether. He was neither Jacobin, [8] he said, nor Democrat, but a Pantisocrat." And, leaving the good doctor to digest this new and strange epithet, Coleridge bade farewell to his college and his university, and went forth into that world with which he was to wage so painful and variable a struggle.

Footnotes

1. He tells us in the Biographia Literaria that he had translated the eight hymns of Synesius from the Greek into English anacreontics "before his fifteenth year." It is reasonable to suppose, therefore, that he had more scholarship in 1782 than most boys of ten years.2. Gillman, pp. 22, 23.3. Of this Coleridge afterwards remarked with justice that its "ideas were better than the language or metre in which they were conveyed." Porson, with little magnanimity, as De Quincey complains, was severe upon its Greek, but its main conception – an appeal to Death to come, a welcome deliverer to the slaves, and to bear them to shores where "they may tell their beloved ones what horrors they, being men, had endured from men" – is moving and effective. De Quincey, however, was undoubtedly right in his opinion that Coleridge's Greek scholarship was not of the exact order. No exact scholar could, for instance, have died in the faith (as Coleridge did) that εστησε (S. T. C.) means "he stood," and not "he placed."4. Adding "that which gained the prize was contemptible" – an expression of opinion hardly in accordance with Le Grice's statement ("Recollections" in Gentleman's Magazine for 1836) that "no one was more convinced of the propriety of the decision than Coleridge himself." Mr. Le Grice, however, bears valuable testimony to Coleridge's disappointment, though I think he exaggerates its influence in determining his career.5. It is characteristic of the punctilious inaccuracy of Mr. Cottle (Recollections, ii. 54) that he should insist that the assumed name was "Cumberbatch, not Comberback," though Coleridge has himself fixed the real name by the jest, "My habits were so little equestrian, that my horse, I doubt not, was of that opinion." This circumstance, though trifling, does not predispose us to accept unquestioningly Mr. Cottle's highly particularised account of Coleridge's experience with his regiment.6. Miss Mitford, in her Recollections of a Literary Life, interestingly records the active share taken by her father in procuring the learned trooper's discharge.7. "In omni adversitate fortunÆ, infelicissimum genus est infortunii fuisse felicem." – Boethius.8. Carrlyon's Early Years and late Reflections, vol. i. p. 27.

unto him than hee expected, seeing I return'd so speedily. I told him, smiling, that I did fly when there was need to serve my friends, & that knowing his people were sick & wanted refreshments, I would not loose time in supplying them, assuring him of giving him part what our men did kill at all times. Some prying a litle too narrowly, young Guillem thought hee had ben discovered, wherat the Father & son were not a litle concern'd. I took upon me, & said it was not civill so narrowly to examine my people; they excus'd it, & the tyde being com in, I took leave to be gon. The Governor & Captain divided my provisions, & having made a signe unto my 2 men to rise out of their ambush, I came out of the shipp, & wee march'd all of us unto the place where wee left our Canoo. Wee got into it, & the young Captain admired to see a litle thing made of the rhind of a Tree resist so many knocks of Ice as wee met withall in returning.

Next day wee arrived at the Fort, & very seasonably for us; for had wee stayed a litle longer on the water, wee had ben surprized with a terrible storm at N. W., with snow & haile, which doubtless would have sunk us. The storm held 2 days, & hinder'd us from going to our pretended fort up the river; but the weather being setled, I took leave of the Captain. The Lieut. would faine have accompanyed us unto our habitation, but I sav'd him that Labour for good reasons, & to conceall the way. Parting from the fort, wee went to the upper part of the Island; but towards evening wee returned back, & next day were in sight of the sea, wherin wee were to goe to double the point to enter the River where our habitation was; but all was so frozen that it was almost impossible to pass any farther. Wee were also so hem'd in on all sides with Ice, that wee could neither go forward nor get to Land, yet wee must get over the Ice or perrish. Wee continued 4 hours in this condition, without being able to get backwards or forwards, being in great danger of our lifes. Our cloaths were frozen on our backs, & wee could not stirr but with great paine; but at length with much adoe wee got ashore, our canoo being broke to peeces. Each of us trussed up our cloaths & arms, & marched along the shoare towards our habitation, not having eat anything in 3 days, but some crows & Birds of prey that last of all retire from these parts. There was no other fowle all along that coast, which was all covered with Ice & snow. At length wee arrived opposite unto our habitation, which was the other side of the River, not knowing how to get over, being cover'd with Ice; but 4 of our men ventur'd in a Boat to come unto us. They had like to have ben staved by the Ice. Wee also were in very great danger, but wee surmounted all these difficultys & got unto our habitation, for which wee had very great cause to give God thanks of seeing one another after having run through so great Dangers.

During my travelling abroad, my brother-in-Law had put our House into pretty good order. Wee were secure, fearing nothing from the Indians, being our allies; & as for our neighbours, their disorder, & the litle care they took of informing themselves of us, set us safe from fearing them. But as it might well happen that the Governor Bridgar might have notice that the New England Interloper was in the same river hee was, & that in long running hee might discover the truth of all that I had discoursed & concealed from him, & also that hee might come to understand that wee had not the strength that I boasted of, I thought it fit to prevent Danger; & the best way was to assure my self of the New England shipp in making myself master of her; for had Mr. Bridgar ben beforehand with mee, hee would have ben too strong for me, & I had ben utterly unable to resist him; but the question was how to effect this businesse, wherin I see manifest difficultys; but they must bee surmounted, or wee must perrish. Therefore I made it my business wholy to follow this Enterprise, referring the care of our House & of the Traffick unto my brother-in-Law.

Seeing the River quite froze over, every other day for a fortnight I sent my men through the woods to see in what state the Company's shipp lay. At length they told me shee lay a ground neer the shoare, the creek wherin shee was to have layn the Winter being frozen up, which made me conjecture shee would infallibly bee lost. I also sent 2 of my men unto Young Captain Guillem into the Island, which hee had desired of me for his safegard; but I was told by my people that hee intended to deceave me, having, contrary unto his promise of not receaving any into his Fort but such as should come by my Orders, had sent his Boat to receave 2 men from the Company's shipp, which Mr. Bridgar had sent to discover what they could the way that I tould him our fort was, & also to see if they could find any wreck of their shipp; but these 2 men, seeing thos of the fort begin to stir & to Lanch out their Boat, they thought they would fier on them, as I had comanded. They were affrighted & run away. Being come to Mr. Bridgar, they told him there was a Fort & a french shipp neerer unto them than I had said. Upon this information, Mr. Bridgar sent 2 men to pass from north to south, to know if it were true that wee had 2 Shipps besides that which was at the Island. Wherof being advised by my people, I sent out 3 severall ways to endeavor to take the 2 men Mr. Bridgar had sent to make this discovery, having ordered my people not to doe them any violence. My people succeded, for they found the 2 poore men within 5 leagues of our House, allmost dead with cold & hunger, so that it was no hard matter to take them. They yeelded, & were brought unto my habitation, where having refreshed them with such provision as wee had, they seemed nothing displeas'd at falling into our hands. I understood by them the orders Mr. Bridgar had given them for making the Discovery, which made me stand the more close on my Gard, & to use fresh means to hinder that the Governor Bridgar should not have knowledge of the New-England Interlopers.

About this time I sent some provisions unto Mr. Bridgar, who was in great want, although hee strove to keep it from my knowledge. Hee thanked mee by his Letters, & assur'd me hee would not interrupt my trade, & that hee would not any more suffer his men to come neere the forts, which hee thought had ben ours. I also sent to visit young Guillem to observe his proceedings, & to see in what condition hee was, to make my best advantage of it. The 2 Englishmen which my people brought, told me the Company's shipp was stay'd to peeces, & the captain, Leftenant, & 4 seamen drown'd; but 18 of the company being ashore escaped that danger. Upon this advice I went to visit Mr. Bridgar, to observe his actions. I brought him 100 Partridges, & gave him some Powder to kill fowle, & offer'd him my servis. I asked where his shipp was, but hee would not owne shee was lost, but said shee was 4 leagues lower in the River. I would not press him any farther in the businesse, but civilly took our leave of each other.

From thence I went unto the Fort in the Island also, to see what past there, & to endeavor to compasse the dessigne I had laid of taking the Shipp & fort, having since discovered by letters intercepted, that young Guillim intended to shew me a trick & destroy me. Being come to the fort in the Island, I made no shew of knowing the losse of his father, nor of the Company's shipp, only I told young Guillim his father continued ill, & did not think safe to write him, fearing to discover him. Afterwards I desired hee would come unto our habitation; & so I returned without effecting any more that day. Eight days after, I returned to see Mr. Bridgar, unto whom I said that hee did not take sufficient care to preserve his men; that I had 2 of them at my Fort, who told me of the losse of his shipp, which hee owned. I told him I would assist him, & would send him his 2 men & what else hee desired. I also offer'd him one of our Barques, with provisions requisit to convey him in the Spring unto the bottom of the Bay, which hee refused. I assured him of all the servis that lay in my power, treating him with all civillity could bee for the Esteeme that I ever bore unto the English nation. As for Mr. Bridgar, I had no great caus to bee over well pleased with him, being advised that hee spake ill of mee in my absence, & had said publickly unto his people that hee would destroy my Trade, should hee give 6 axes & proportionably of other Goods unto the Indians for a Bevor Skin. [Footnote: The Company's early standard for trading was: "For 1 Gun, one with another, 10 good Skins, that is, winter beavor; 12 Skins for the biggest sort, 10 for the mean, and 8 for the smallest. Powder, a beaver for 1/2 a lb. A beaver for 4 lb. of shot. A beaver for a great and little hatchet. A beaver for 6 great knives or 8 jack-knives. Beads, a beaver for 1/2 a lb. Six beavers for one good laced coat. Five beavers for one red plain coat. Coats for women, laced, two yards, six beavers. Coats for women, plain, Five beavers. Tobacco, a beaver for 1 lb. Powder-horns, a beaver for a large one and two small ones. Kettles, a beaver for one lb. of Kettle. Looking-glasses and combs, 2 skins."] I have an attestation heerof to shew. I stayed 2 dayes on this voyadge with Mr. Bridgar, having then a reall intent to serve him, seeing hee was not in a condition to hurt me; & returning unto my habitation, I called at Young Gwillim's fort in the Island, where I intended to execute my dessigne, it being now time.

When I arrived at the fort, I told young Gwillim his father continued ill, & that hee referr'd all unto me, upon which I said unto him touching his father & of his resolution, hee earnestly desired I would goe back with him & take him along with me, disguised as before, that hee might see him; but I disswaded him from this, & put in his head rather to come see our habitation, & how wee lived. I knew hee had a desire to doe soe, therefore I would sattisfy his curiosity. Having, therefore, perswaded him to this, wee parted next morning betimes. Hee took his Carpenter along with him, & wee arrived at our habitation, Young Gwillim & his man being sufficiently tired. I thought it not convenient that young Gwillim should see the 2 Englishmen that was at our House. I kept them privat, & fitted them to bee gon next morning, with 2 of my men, to goe athwart the woods unto their habitation, having promis'd Mr. Bridgar to send them unto him. I gave them Tobacco, Cloaths, & severall other things Mr. Bridgar desired; but when they were to depart, one of the Englishmen fell at my feet & earnestly desired that I would not send him away. I would not have granted his request but that my Brother-in-Law desired me to do it, & that it would also ease Mr. Bridgar's charge, who wanted provisions; so I sufferred the other to depart along with my 2 men, having given them directions. I caused young Gwillem to see them going, telling him I sent them unto our Fort up the river.

I continued a whole moneth at quiet, treating young Guillem, my new guest, with all civillity, which hee abused in severall particulars; for having probably discovered that wee had not the strength that I made him beleeve wee had, hee unadvisedly speak threatning words of me behind my back, calling me Pyrate, & saying hee would trade with the Indians in the Spring in spight of me. Hee had also the confidence to strike one of my men, but I connived at it. But one day discoursing of the privilledges of new England, he had the confidence to speak slightly of the best of Kings, wherupon I called him pittyfull Dogg for talking after that manner, & told him that for my part, having had the honour to have ben in his majesty's servis, I would pray for his majesty as long as I lived. Hee answered mee with harsh words that hee would return back to his fort, & when hee was there, that would not dare talk to him as I did. I could not have a fairer opportunity to begin what I dessigned. Upon which I told the young foole that I brought him from his fort & would carry him thither againe when I pleas'd, not when hee liked. Hee spake severall other impertinencys, that made me tell him that I would lay him up safe enough if hee behaved not himself wiser. Hee asked me if hee was a prisoner. I told him I would consider of it, & that I would secure my Trade, seeing hee threatened to hinder it. After which I retired & gave him leave to bee inform'd by the Englishman how that his father & the company's shipp were lost, & the bad condition Mr. Bridgar was in. I left a french man with them that understood English, but they knew it not. When I went out, young Gwillim bid the Englishman make his escape & goe tell his master that hee would give him 6 Barrills of Powder & other provisions if hee would attempt to deliver him out of my hands. The Englishman made no reply, neither did hee tell me of what had ben proposed unto him. I understood it by my frenchman, that heard the whole matter, & I found it was high time to act for my owne safety.

That evning I made no shew of any thing, but going to bed I asked our men if the fier Locks that wee placed at night round our fort to defend us from thos that would attack us were in order. At this word of fire Locks young Gwillim, who knew not the meaning of it, was suddenly startled & would have run away, thinking wee intended to kill him. I caused him to bee stay'd, & freed him of his feare. But next morning I made him an unwelcom compliment; I told him that I was going to take his shipp & fort. Hee answered very angrily that if I had 100 men I could not effect it, & that his men would kill 40 before they could come neere the pallissade. I was nothing discouradged at his bravado, knowing very well that I should compasse my dessigne. I made account that 2 of my men would have stay'd in the fort for hostages, but having what libberty they would, one of them returned to our habitation without my order. I was angry at it, but I made no shew of it, having laid my dessigne so as to make more use of skill & pollicy than of open force; seeing therefore the haughty answer young Gwillem made me, that I could not take his fort with 100 men, I asked of him how many men hee had in it. Hee said nyne. I desired him to choose the like number of myne, I being one of the number, telling him I would desire no more, & that in 2 dayes I would give him a good account of his fort & of his shipp, & that I would not have him to have the shame of being present to see what I should doe. Hee chose & named such of my men as hee pleas'd, & I would not choose any others. I sufferr'd him to come with me to the water side, & I made the ninth man that went upon this Expedition, with an Englishman of Mr. Bridgar's to bee a wittness of the busenesse.

Being arriv'd within half a league of the fort, I left the Englishman with one frenchman, ordering they should not stirr without farther order; at the same time I sent 2 of my men directly to the fort to the Southward of the Island, & I planted myself with my other 5 men at the North point of the same Island to observe what they did that I sent to the fort. They were stop't by 3 Englishmen armed, that asked if they had any letters from their master. My people answer'd, according to my Instructions, that hee was coming along with mee; that being weary, wee stay'd behind; that they came a litle before for some brandy which they offerr'd to carry. The Englishmen would needs doe the office, & my 2 men stay'd in the fort. Hee that was hostage had orders to seize on the Court of Gard Dore, one of them newly come to seize the Dore of the House, & the 3 was to goe in & out, that in case the dessigne was discover'd hee might stopp the passage of the Dore with Blocks of wood, to hinder it from being shutt & to give me freedom to enter unto their assistance; but there needed not so much adoe, for I enter'd into the fort before thos that were appointed to defend it were aware. The Lieutenant was startled at seeing me, & asked "wher his master was; it was high time to appear & act." I answered the Lieutenant "it matter'd not where his master was, but to tell me what men hee had & to call them out;" & my men being enter'd the fort & all together, I told thos that were present the cause of my coming, that I intended to bee Master of the place, & that 'twas too late to dispute. I commanded them to bring me the Keys of the Fort & all their Arms, & to tell mee if they had any Powder in their chests, & how much, referring myself unto what they should say. They made no resistance, but brought me their Arms, & as for Powder, they said they had none. I took possession of the Fort in the name of the King of ffrance, & from thence was conducted by the Lieutenant to take possession of the shipp also in the same name, which I did without any resistance; & whilst I was doing all this, young Guillem's men seemed to rejoyce at it rather then to bee troubled, complaining of him for their Ill usage, & that hee had kill'd his Supercargo. But a Scotchman, one of the crew, to shew his zeale, made his Escape & run through the woods towards Mr. Bridgar's House to give him notice of what pas't. I sent 2 of my nimblest men to run after him, but they could not overtake him, being gon 4 hours before them. Hee arrived at Mr. Bridgar's house, who upon the relation of the Scotchman resolved to come surprise me.

In the meane while I gave my Brother notice of all that past, & that I feared a Scotchman might occasion me some troble that had got away unto Mr. Bridgar, & that I feared I might bee too deeply ingadg'd unless hee presently gave me the assistance of 4 men, having more English prisoners to keep than I had french men with me. I was not deceiv'd in my conjecture. At midnight one of our Doggs alarm'd our sentinell, who told me hee heard a noise on board the shipp. I caus'd my People to handle their armes, & shut up the English in the cabins under the Gard of 2 of my men. I with 4 others went out to goe to the shipp. I found men armed on board, & required them to lay downe their arms & to yeeld. There was 4 that submitted & some others got away in the dark. My men would have fired, but I hinder'd them, for which they murmur'd against me. I led the prisoners away to the fort & examin'd them one after another. I found they were of Mr. Bridgar's people, & that hee was to have ben of the number, but hee stay'd half a League behind to see the success of the businesse. The last of the Prisoners I examin'd was the Scotch man that had made his escape when I took the fort; & knowing hee was the only cause that Mr. Bridgar ingadg'd in the businesse, I would revenge me in making him afraid.

I caus'd him to bee ty'd to a stake & told that hee should bee hang'd next day. I caus'd the other prisoners, his comrades, to bee very kindly treated; & having no farther dessigne but to make the Scotch man afraide, I made one advise him to desire the Lewtenant of the fort to begg me to spare his life, which hee did, & easily obtain'd his request, although hee was something startled, not knowing what I meant to doe with him. The 4 men I desired of my Brother-in-Law arrived during these transactions, & by this supply finding myself strong enough to resist whatever Mr. Bridgar could doe against me, I wrote unto him & desired to know if hee did avow what his men had don, whom I detain'd Prisoners, who had Broke the 2 Dores & the deck of the shipp to take away the Powder. Hee made me a very dubious answer, complaining against me that I had not ben true unto him, having concealed this matter from him. Hee writ me also that having suffitient orders for taking all vessells that came into those parts to Trade, hee would have joyned with me in seizing of this; but seeing the purchas was fal'n into my hands, hee hoped hee should share with mee in it.

I sent back his 3 men with some Tobacco & other provisions, but kept their arms, bidding them tell Mr. Bridgar on my behalf that had I known hee would have come himself on this Expedition, I would have taken my mesures to have receav'd him ere he could have had the time to get back; but I heard of it a litle too late, & that in some short time I would goe visit him to know what hee would bee at, & that seeing hee pretended to bee so ignorant in what quallity I liv'd in that country, I would goe and inform him. Before these men's departure to Mr. Bridgar's I was inform'd that some English men had hidden Powder without the fort. I examin'd them all. Not one would owne it; but at last I made them confess it, & 5 or 6 pound was found that had ben hid. Then I took care to secure the fort. I sent 4 of the English men of the fort unto my Brother-in-Law, & I prepar'd to goe discover what Mr. Bridgar was doing. I came to his House & went in before hee had notice of my coming. Hee appeared much surpris'd; but I spoke to him in such a manner as shewed that I had no intent to hurt him, & I told him that by his late acting hee had so disoblidged all the ffrench that I could not well tell how to assist him. I told him hee had much better gon a milder way to work, in the condition hee was in, and that seeing hee was not as good as his word to me, I knew very well how to deall with him; but I had no intention at that time to act any thing against Mr. Bridgar. I only did it to frighten him, that hee should live kindly by me; & in supplying him from time to time with what he wanted, my chief ayme was to disable him from Trading, & to reduce him to a necessity of going away in the Spring.

Seeing Mr. Bridgar astonish'd at my being there with 12 men, & in a condition of ruining him if I had desire to it, I thought fit to setle his mynd by sending away 6 of my men unto my Brother-in-Law, & kept but 6 with me, 4 of which I sent out into the woods to kill some provisions for Mr. Bridgar. About this time I receaved a letter from my Brother wherin hee blam'd me for acting after this manner with persons that but 2 days agoe endeavor'd to surprise me; that if I did so, hee would forsake all; that I had better disarm them for our greater security, & that I should not charge myself with any of them. It was also the judgment of the other french men, who were all exasperated against Mr. Bridgar. Not to displease my owne people, instead of 4 English men that I promis'd Mr. Bridgar to take along with me that hee might the better preserve the rest, I took but 2, one of which I put in the Fort at the Island, & the other I brought unto our habitation. I promiss'd Mr. Bridgar before I left him to supply him with Powder & anything else that was in my power, & demanding what store of musquets hee had remaining, hee told me hee had Ten, & of them 8 were broken. I tooke the 8 that were spoyl'd, & left him myne that was well fixt, promising to get his mended. Hee also offer'd me a pocket Pistoll, saying hee knew well enough that I intended to disarm him. I told him it was not to disarm him, to take away his bad arms & to give him good in stead of them. I offerr'd him my Pistolls, but hee would not accept of them. In this state I left him, & went to our habitation to give my Brother-in-Law an account of what I had don.

Some dayes after, I went to the Fort in the Island to see if all was well there, & having given all necessary directions I return'd unto our place, taking the Lieutenant of the Fort along with me, unto whom I gave my owne chamber & all manner of libberty; taking him to bee wiser than his captain, whom they were forc'd to confine in my absence. Hee thanked mee for my civillityes, & desiring hee might goe to his Captain, I consented. About this time I had advise, by one of the men that I left to guard the fort in the Island, that Mr. Bridgar, contrary to his promis, went thether with 2 of his men, & that our men having suffer'd them to enter into the fort, they retain'd Mr. Bridgar & sent the other 2 away, having given them some Bread & Brandy. This man also told me that Mr. Bridgar seemed very much trobl'd at his being stopt, & acted like a mad man. This made me presently goe to the fort to hinder any attempts might be made against me. Being arrived, I found Mr. Bridgar in a sad condition, having drank to excess. Him that comanded in the fort had much adoe to hinder him from killing the Englishman that desired to stay with us. Hee spoke a thousand things against me in my hearing, threatning to kill me if I did not doe him right. But having a long time born it, I was at length constraint to bid him bee quiet; & desirous to know his dessignes, I asked him if any of his People were to come, because I see smoake & fiers in crossing the River. Hee Said Yes, & that hee would shortly shew me what hee could doe, looking for 14 men which hee expected, besides the 2 my people return'd back. I told him I knew very well hee had not soe many men, having let many of his men perish for want of meate, for whom hee was to bee accountable; & morover I was not afraid of his threats. Nevertheless, no body appear'd, & next dayly I order'd matters so as Mr. Bridgar should come along with me unto our habitation, wherunto hee see it was in vaine to resist. I assured him that neither I nor any of my People shold goe to his House in his absence, & that when hee had recreated himself 10 or 15 Days with mee at our habitation, hee might return with all freedom againe unto his House.

Mr. Bridgar was a fortnight at our House without being overtired, & it appeared by his looks that hee had not ben Ill treated; but I not having leasure allways to keep him company, my affairs calling me abroad, I left him with my Brother-in-Law whilst I went unto the Fort in the Island to see how matters went there; & at my going away I told Mr. Bridgar that if hee pleas'd hee might dispose himself for his departure home next morning, to rectify some disorders committed by his people in his absence, to get victualls, & I told him I would meet him by the way to goe along with him. Having dispatcht my business at the fort of the Island, I went away betimes to bee at Mr. Bridgar's house before him, to hinder him from abusing his men. The badness of the weather made me goe into the House before hee came. As Soon as I was enter'd, the men beseech'd me to have compassion on them. I blam'd them for what they had don, & for the future advised them to bee more obedient unto their master, telling them I would desire him to pardon them, & that in the Spring I would give passage unto those that would goe home by the way of ffrance. Mr. Bridgar arrived soon after me. I beg'd his pardon for going into his House before hee came, assuring him that I had still the dessigne of serving him & assisting him, as hee should find when hee pleas'd to make use of me, for Powder & anything else hee needed; which also I performed when it was desir'd of me, or that I knew Mr. Bridgar stood in need of any thing I had. I parted from Mr. Bridgar's habitation to return unto our own. I passed by the fort in the Island, & put another frenchman to comand in the place of him was there before, whom I intended to take with me to work uppon our shipps.

The Spring now drawing on, the English of the fort of the Island murmur'd because of one of Mr. Bridgar's men that I had brought thether to live with them. I was forst to send him back to give them content, not daring to send him to our habitation, our french men opposing it, wee having too many allready. Arriving at our habitation, I was inform'd that the English captain very grossly abused one of his men that I kept with him. Hee was his carpenter. I was an eye witness myself of his outrageous usage of this poore man, though hee did not see me. I blamed the Captain for it, & sent the man to the fort of the Island, to look after the vessell to keep her in good condition. My nephew arrived about this time, with the french men that went with him to invite downe the Indians, & 2 days after there came severall that brought provisions. They admired to see the English that wee had in our House, & they offer'd us 200 Bevor skins to suffer them to goe kill the rest of them; but I declar'd unto them I was far from consenting therunto, & charged them on the contrary not to doe them any harm; & Mr. Bridgar coming at instant with one of his men unto our habitation, I advised him not to hazard himself any more without having some of my men with him, & desir'd him, whilst hee was at my House, not to speak to the Indians. Yet hee did, & I could not forbeare telling him my mynde, which made him goe away of a suddain. I attended him with 7 or 8 of my men, fearing least the Indians who went away but the Day before might doe him a mischief. I came back next day, being inform'd that a good company of Indians, our old Allies, were to come; & I found they were come with a dessigne to warr against the English, by the perswasion of some Indians that I see about 8ber last, & with whom I had renew'd an alliance. I thanked the Indians for their good will in being ready to make warr against our Ennemys; but I also told them that I had no intent to doe them any harm, & that having hindred them from hurting me I was sattisfy'd, & that therefore they would oblidge me to say nothing of it, having promis'd me they would bee gon in the Spring, but if they came againe I would suffer them to destroy them. The Indians made great complaints unto me of the English in the bottom of the Bay, which I will heere omitt, desiring to speak only of what concerns myself; but I ought not omit this. Amongst other things, they alleadg'd to have my consent that they might warr against the English. They said thus: "Thou hast made us make presents to make thine Ennemys become ours, & ours to bee thyne. Wee will not bee found lyers." By this may bee seen what dependance is to bee laid on the friendship of this people when once they have promis'd. I told them also that I lov'd them as my own Brethren the French, & that I would deal better by them than the English of the Bay did, & that if any of my men did them the least injury I would kill him with my own hands; adding withall that I was very sorry I was not better stor'd with Goods, to give them greater tokens of my friendship; that I came this voyage unprovided, not knowing if I should meet them, but I promis'd to come another time better stor'd of all things they wanted, & in a condition to help them to destroy their Ennemys & to send them away very well sattisfy'd. The English admir'd to see with what freedom I lived with these salvages. This pas't in the beginning of Aprill, 1683. Being faire wether, I caused my nephew to prepare himself, with 3 men, to carry Provisions & Brandy unto our french men & to the English men at the fort of the Island. The Ice began to bee dangerous, & I see that it was not safe hazarding to goe over it after this time; therefore I said to my nephew that hee would doe well to proceed farther unto the Indians, unto whom hee promis'd to give an account how wee did, & to inform them also that wee had conquer'd our Ennemys.

After my nephew's departure on this voyadge, there hapned an unlookt-for accident the 22 or 23rd of Aprill, at night. Having haled our vessells as far as wee could into a litle slip in a wood, wee thought them very secure, lying under a litle Hill about 10 fathom high, our Houses being about the same distance off from the River side; yet about 10 o'clock at night a hideous great noise rous'd us all out of our sleep, & our sentinill came & told us it was the clattering of much Ice, & that the floods came downe with much violence. Wee hasted unto the river side & see what the sentinell told us, & great flakes of Ice were born by the waters upon the topp of our litle Hill; but the worst was that the Ice having stop't the river's mouth, they gather'd in heaps & were carry'd back with great violence & enter'd with such force into all our Brooks that discharg'd into the River that 'twas impossible our vessells could resist, & they were stay'd all to peeces. There remained only the bottom, which stuck fast in the Ice or in the mudd, & had it held 2 hours longer wee must have ben forst to climbe the trees to save our lives; but by good fortune the flood abated. The river was cleer'd by the going away of the Ice, & 3 days after, wee see the disorder our vessells were in, & the good luck wee had in making so great a voyadge in such bad vessells, for myne was quite Rotten & my Brother's was not trunnel'd. This accident put us into a great feare the like mischief might bee hapned unto the New England shipp; the Indians telling us that the River was more dangerous than ours, & that they beleev'd the vessell could not escape in the place wher shee lay. But mr Bridgar having heertofore related unto me alike accident hapned in the River Kechechewan in the Bottom of the Bay, that a vessell was preserv'd by cutting the Ice round about her, I took the same cours, & order'd the Ice should bee cut round this vessell quite to the keele, & I have reason to thank mr Bridgar for this advice; it sav'd the vessell. Shee was only driven ashore by the violence of the Ice, & there lay without much dammadge. Whilst the waters decreas'd wee consulted upon which of the 2 bottoms wee should build us a shipp, & it was at last resolv'd it shold bee on myne. Upon which wee wrought day & night without intermission, intending this vessell should carry the English into the Bay, as I had promis'd mr Bridgar.

I went down 2 or 3 times to the River's mouth to see what the floods & Ice had don there, & if I could pass the point into the other River, wher mr Bridgar & the English vessell was at the fort of the Island, for was impossible to pass through the woods, all being cover'd with water. I adventur'd to pass, & I doubled the point in a canoo of bark, though the Ice was so thick that wee drew our canoo over it. Being enter'd the River, I march'd along the South Shore & got safe to the fort of the Island with great difficulty. I found the shipp lying dry, as I mention'd before, in a bad condition, but easily remedy'd, the stern being only a litle broke. I gave directions to have her fitted, & I incouradged the English to work, which they did perform better than the french. Having given these directions, I took the shipp's Boat & went down to Mr. Bridgar's habitation, & looking in what condition it was, I found that 4 of his men were dead for lack of food, & two that had ben poyson'd a litle before by drinking some liquer they found in the Doctor's chest, not knowing what it was. Another of Mr. Bridgar's men had his Arm broke by an accident abroad a hunting.

Seeing all these disorders, I passed as soon as I could to the South side of the river to recover unto our Houses, from whence I promis'd Mr. Bridgar I would send his English Curiorgion that was with us some Brandy, vinegar, Lynnen, & what provisions I could spare out of the small store wee had left. Being got a shore, I sent back the Boat to the fort of the Isle, with orders unto my 2 men I left there to bring my canoo & to use it for fowling. In returning I went a shore with one of Mr. Bridgar's men that I took along with me to carry back the provisions I had promis'd, although hee did not seeme to be very thankfull for it, continueing his threatnings, & boasted that hee expected shipps would come unto him with which hee would take us all. I was nothing daunted at this, but kept on my cours, knowing very well Mr. Bridgar was not in a capacity of doing us any harm; but it being impossible but that his being present on the place should hinder me, I order'd my business so as to bee gon with what skins I had, & sent away Mr. Bridgar after having secured our Trade.

I made severall journeys to the Fort of the Island about repairing of the shipp; also I went severall times to Mr. Bridgar's house to carry him provisions, & to assist him & also his men with all things that I could procure, which they can testify; & had it not ben for me they had suffred much more misery. I had like to bee lost severall times in these journeys by reason of great stores of Ice; & the passage of the entrance of the River to Double the point to enter into that where Mr. Bridgar & the new England shipp lay was allways dangerous.

I will not here insist upon the perrills I expos'd my self unto in coming & going to prepare things for our departure when the season would permitt; but I cannot omit telling that amongst other kindnesses I did Mr. Bridgar I gave him stuff suffitient to sheath his shallup, which was quite out of order, as also cordage & all things else necessary; but hee did not well by me, for contrary to his word which he had given me not to goe to the fort in the Island, hee attempted to goe thether with his people in his shallup, & being come within musket-shott under a pretence of desiring some Powder, the comander would not suffer him to come any neerer, & made him cast anker farther off. Hee sent his boats for Mr. Bridgar, who came alone into the fort, though hee earnestly desired one of his men might bee admitted along with him, but was deny'd. His men were order'd to lodge themselves ashore the North side of the River in hutts, & provisions was sent unto them. Mr. Bridgar spent that night in the Fort, went away the next day. The day before I see the shallup going full salle towards the fort, whether I was also going myself by land with one Englishman in whom I put a great deale of confidence, having no body else with me. I did suspect that Mr. Bridgar had a dessign to make some surprise, but I was not much afraid by reason of the care & good order I had taken to prevent him.

Nevertheless I feared that things went not well; for when I came neer the fort, seeing the boate coming for me, & that the comander did not make the signall that was agreed upon betwixt us, this startled me very much, & I appeared as a man that had cause to feare the worst; which one of our frenchmen that steered the boat wherin ther was 4 Englishmen perceiving, cry'd out all was well, & made the signall. I blamed him & the comander for putting me in feare in not making the usuall signes.

When I came to the fort I was told Mr. Bridgar was there, & that hee was receayed, as has been recited. I was also tould hee had privat discours with the carpenter of the new England shipp that I had formerly ingadged in a friendly manner to attend & serve him. This discours made the comander the more narrowly to inspect Mr. Bridgar. & to stand better upon his gard, the Scotch man telling him hee was not come thither with any good intention; so that the comander of the Fort sent him away in the morning, having given him some Pork, Pease, & Powder. Having given Orders at the fort, I went to Mr. Bridgar. Being come to his House, I taxed him of breach of promise, & I tould him ther should bee no quarter if hee offered to doe soe any more, & that therefore hee should prepare himself to goe for the Bay (as soone as ever the Ice did permitt) in the vessell that wee had left, it being so agreed on by our french men, assuring him I would furnish him with all things necessary for the voyadge. Hee appear'd much amaz'd at the compliment I made him, & hee told me in plaine terms that it must bee one of thes 3 things that must make him quit the place,—his master's orders, force, or hunger. Hee desired me afterwards that if the captain of the salvages of the river of new Severn came, that hee might see him by my means, which I promis'd to doe.

Having thus disposed Mr. Bridgar for his departure, I continued to assist him & his people with all that I could to enable them to work to sit ourselves to bee gon. I left Mr. Bridgar in his house & I went unto ours, & having consulted my Brother-in-Law, wee resolved that 'twas best to burn the fort in the Island & secure Mr. Bridgar, thereby to draw back our men & to ease us of the care of defending the fort & of the trouble of so many other precautions of securing ourselves from being surprized by Mr. Bridgar. The crew of both our vessells made an agreement amongst themselves to oppose our dessigne of giving our shipp unto the English for their transportation. It was necessary at the first to seeme to yeeld, knowing that in time wee should master the factions. It was the master of my Bark that began the mutiny. The chief reason that made me seem to yeeld was that I would not have the English come to know of our Divisions, who happly might have taken some advantage of it. Wee had 4 amongst us unto whom I granted libberty upon their parole; but to make sure of those of new England, wee caus'd a Lodge to bee built in a litle Island over against our House where they were at a distance off us. Wee sent from time to time to visit them to see what they did. Wee gave them a fowling-peece to divert them, but one day abusing my nephew, wee took away the Gun from them.

Going afterwards unto the fort of the Island, I sent a boate unto Mr. Bridgar, advising him the captain hee desired to see was come, & that hee might come with one of his men; which hee did, & as soon as hee was come I told him that to assure our Trade I was obliged to secure him & would commit him into the custody of my nephew, unto whom I would give orders to treat him kindly & with all manner of respect, telling him withall that when I had put all things on board the vessell that was in the fort, I would go & set it on Fier. I told him hee might send his man with me to his House with what Orders hee thought fit. I went thither the same day. I told Mr. Bridgar's people that not being able to supply them any longer but with Powder only, & being redy for my departure to Cannada, it was necessary that those that intended to stay should speak their minds, & that those that desired to go should have their passage. I demanded their names, which they all told me except 2. I ordered them to have a great care of all things in the House. I left one frenchman to observe them & to goe fowling, Mr. Bridgar's men not being us'd to it. These Orders being given, I left Mr. Bridgar's house & cross'd over to the South side, where I met 2 of our french men a hunting. I sent them with what fowle they had kill'd to the fort of the Island, where they might bee servisable unto the rest in carrying down the shipp & in bringing her to an anker right against Mr. Bridgar's house, to take on board his goods, which was accordingly don. I came by land unto the other river, & met at the entrance of it severall Indians that waited impatiently for me, how wee might adjust & setle our Trade.

They would have had my Brother-in-Law to have rated the Goods at the same prizes as the English did in the bottom of the Bay, & they expected also I would bee more kind unto them. But this would have ruined our trade; therefore I resolved to stand firm in this occasion, becaus what wee now concluded upon with these Salvages touching comers would have ben a Rule for the future. The Indians being assembled presently after my arrivall, & having laid out their presents before me, being Beavors' tailes, caribou tongues dry'd, Greas of Bears, Deere, & of Elks, one of the Indians spake to my Brother-in-Law & mee in this wife: "You men that pretend to give us our Lifes, will not you let us live? You know what Beavor is worth, & the paines wee take to get it. You stile your selves our brethren, & yet you will not give us what those that are not our brethren will give. Accept our presents, or wee will come see you no more, but will goe unto others." I was a good while silent without answering the compliment of this Salvage, which made one of his companions urge me to give my answer; and it being that wheron our wellfare depended, & that wee must appeare resolute in this occasion, I said to the Indian that pressed me to answer, "To whom will thou have me answer? I heard a dogg bark; let a man speak & hee shall see I know to defend myself; that wee Love our Brothers & deserve to bee loved by them, being come hither a purpose to save your lives." Having said these words, I rose & drew my dagger. I took the chief of thes Indians by the haire, who had adopted me for his sonn, & I demanded of him who hee was. Hee answered, "Thy father." "Well," said I, "if thou art my father & dost love me, & if thou art the chief, speak for me. Thou art master of my Goods; this Dogg that spoke but now, what doth hee heare? Let him begon to his brethren, the English in the Bay; but I mistake, hee need not goe so farr, hee may see them in the Island," intimating unto them that I had overcom the English. "I know very well," said I, continueing my discours to my Indian father, "what woods are, & what 'tis to leave one's wife & run the danger of dying with hunger or to bee kill'd by one's Ennemys. You avoide all these dangers in coming unto us. So that I see plainly 'tis better for you to trade with us than with the others; yet I will have pitty on this wretch, & will spare his life, though hee has a desire to goe unto our Ennemys." I caused a sword-blade to bee brought me, & I said unto him that spake, "Heere, take this, & begon to your brethren, the English; tell them my name, & that I will goe take them." There was a necessity I should speak after this rate in this juncture, or else our trade had ben ruin'd for ever. Submit once unto the Salvages, & they are never to bee recalled.

Having said what I had a mind to say unto the Indian, I went to withdraw with my Brother-in-Law; but wee were both stop't by the chief of the Indians, who incouraged us, saying, Wee are men; wee force nobody; every one was free, & that hee & his Nation would hold true unto us; that hee would goe perswade the Nations to come unto us, as hee had alredy don, by the presents wee had sent them by him; desiring wee would accept of his, & that wee would trade at our own discretion. Therupon the Indian that spake, unto whom I had presented the sword, being highly displeas'd, said hee would kill the Assempoits if they came downe unto us. I answer'd him I would march into his country & eate Sagamite in the head of the head of his grandmother, which is a great threat amongst the Salvages, & the greatest distast can bee given them. At the same instant I caus'd the presents to be taken up & distributed, 3 fathom of black tobacco, among the Salvages that were content to bee our friends; saying, by way of disgrace to him that appear'd opposit to us, that hee should goe smoak in the country of the tame woolfe women's tobacco. I invited the others to a feast; after which the salvages traded with us for their Beavors, & wee dismissed them all very well sattisfy'd.

Having ended my business with the Indians, I imbark'd without delay to goe back, & I found the new England shipp at anchor over against Mr. Bridgar's House, as I had order'd. I went into the House & caus'd an Inventory to be taken of all that was there. Then I went to the fort of the Island, having sent order to my nephew to burn it. I found him there with Mr. Bridgar, who would himself bee the first in setting the Fort a fire, of which I was glad. There being no more to doe there, I went down to the shipp, & found they had put everything abord. I gave Order to my Nephew at my coming away that the next day hee should bring Mr. Bridgar along with him unto our House, where being arriv'd, my Brother-in-Law, not knowing him as well as I did, made him bee sent into the Island with the Captain of the new England shipp & his folks; of which Mr. Bridgar complain'd unto me next day, desiring that I would release him from thence, saying hee could not endure to bee with those people; which I promis'd to doe, & in a few days after brought him unto a place I caus'd to bee fitted on a point on the North side of our River, where hee found his own men in a very good Condition. I not being yet able to overcome our Men's obstinacy in not yeelding that I should give our vessell unto the English, Mr. Bridgar propos'd that hee would build a Deck upon the Shallup if I would but furnish him with materialls necessary for it; saying that if the shallup were but well decked & fitted, he would willingly venture to goe in her unto the Bay, rather then to accept of his passage for france in one of our vessells. I offerr'd him all that hee desir'd to that purpos, & stay'd with him till the shipp that I caus'd to bee fitted was arriv'd. When shee was come, I see a smoak on the other side of the River. I crossed over, & found that it was my Indian father. I told him how glad I was to see him, & invited him to goe aboard, saying that going at my request, my nephew would use him civilly; that they would fier a Great Gun at his arrivall, would give him something to eate, would make him a present of Bisketts, & of 2 fathom of Tobacco. Hee said I was a foole to think my people would doe all this without order. I wrote with a coale on the rind of a Tree, & gave it to him to carry aboard. Hee, seeing that All I said unto him was punctually perform'd, was much surpris'd, saying wee were Divells; so they call thos that doe any thing that is strange unto them. I return'd back to our houses, having don with Mr. Bridgar.

I had sounded the Captain of the Shipp that was in the Island right against our house, to know of him that, being an English man, whether hee would give a writing under his hand to consent that Mr. Bridgar should bee put in posession of his shipp, or if hee had rather I should carry her to Quebeck; but hee & his men intreated mee very earnestly not to deliver them unto Mr. Bridgar, beleeving they should receave better usage of the french than of the English. I told my Brother-in-Law what the Captain said, & that hee refer'd himself wholy unto our discretion.

Whilst wee were busy in fitting things for our departure, I found myself necessitated to compose a great feude that hapined betwixt my Indian father's familly & another great familly of the country. I had notice of it by a child, some of my Indian father's, who playing with his comrades, who quarrelling with him, one told him that hee should bee kill'd, & all his Familly, in revenge of one of the familly of the Martins, that his father had kill'd; for the famillys of the Indians are distinguis'd by the names of Sundry Beasts; & death being very affrighting unto thos people, this child came to my House weeping bitterly, & after much adoe I had to make him speak, hee told me how his comrade had threatned him. I thought at first of somthing else, & that the salvages had quarrel'd amongst themselves. Desiring, therefore, to concern my self in keeping peace amongst them, I presently sent for this chief of the Indians, my adopted father, who being come according to my order, I told him the cause of my feare, & what his child had told me. I had no sooner don speaking, but hee leaning against a pillar and covering his face with his hands, hee cryed more than his child had don before; & having asked what was the matter, after having a litle dry'd up his teares, hee told me that an Indian of another familly, intending to have surpris'd his wife, whom hee loved very tenderly, hee kill'd him, & the salvages that sided to revenge the other's cause having chased him, hee was forc'd to fly, & that was it that made him meet mee about 8ber last; that hee continued the feare of his Ennemys' displeasure, that they would come kill him.

I tould him hee should not fear any thing, the frenchmen being his fathers & I his sonn; that our king that had sent mee thither cover'd him with his hand, expecting they should all live in Peace; that I was there to setle him, & that I would doe it or dye; that I would require all the Indians to come in that day [that they] might know me & that hee should know my intentions. Having thus spoke unto him, I caus'd a fowling-peece & 2 ketles, 3 coats, 4 sword-blades, 4 tranches, 6 graters, 6 dozen of knives, 10 axes, 10 fathom of tobacco, 2 coverlets for women, 3 capps, some Powder & shott, & said unto the salvage my adopted father, in presence of his allies that were ther present, "Heere is that will cure the wound & dry away tears, which will make men live. I will have my brethren love one another; let 2 of you presently goe and invite the familly of the Martins to the feast of amity, and make them accept my presents. If they refute it & seek for blood, it is just I should sacrifice my life for my father, whom I love as I doe all the rest of the Indians our allies, more than I doe my owne selfe, So that I am redy to lay down my head to bee cutt off in case my presents did not serv turn, but I would stirr up all the frenchmen my brethren to carry Gunns to assist me to make warr against that familly."

The salvages went to goe unto the familly that was ennemy unto my adopted father to make them offer of my presents, & in my name to invite them unto the feast of unity. I stay'd so litle a while in the country afterwards that I could not quite determine this differrence. In due time I will relate what upon Inquiry I farther heard of it in my last voyadge.

This businesse being upon a matter ended, I was inform'd that Mr. Bridgar, contrary to his promise of not speaking with the Indians, yet enter'd into discours with them & said that wee were Ill people, & told them hee would come & kill us; that hee would traffick with them more to their advantage then wee did; that hee would give them 6 axes for a Bever Skin & a fowling-peece for 5 skins. I taxed Mr. Bridgar with it; also I ratted the salvages, who promis'd they would go neere him no more, & that I should feare nothing. Being desirous to make all things redy for my departure, I againe crossed over the dangerous river to goe burn Mr. Bridgar's House, there being nothing left remaining in it, having caused evry thing to bee put on board the New England shipp & taken a full Inventary of it before. I had along with me 3 English men & one frenchman, relying more on the English, who loved me because I used them kindly, than I did on the ffrenchmen. What I did at this time doth shew the great confidence I put in the English; for had I in the least distrusted them, I would not have ventur'd to have gon 11 Leagues from my habitation with 3 English & but one of my owne french men to have fired Mr. Bridgar's House. Wee were very like to bee lost in returning home. I never was in so great danger in all my life. Wee were surpris'd with a suddain storm of wind neere the flats, & there was such a great mist that wee knew not where wee were.

Being return'd unto our Habitation, I found our Men had brought the shipp to anker neere our House, & seeing the weather beginning to come favorable, I gave my Nephew Instructions to carry on the Trade in my absence untill our Return. I left 7 men with him & the absolute comand & disposall of all things; which being don I caused our ffurrs to bee put on board & the shipp to fall down to the mouth of the river to set saile the first faire wind. It was where I left Mr. Bridgar. His shallup being well provided & furnish'd with all things, hee was ready to saile; but having made some tripps from one river unto the other, the sight of such vast quantitys of Ice as was in those seas made him afraide to venture himselfe in so small a vessell to saile unto the Bay. So that wee fitting things to bee gon the 20 July, having sent for Mr. Bridgar to come receave his Provisions, hee told me hee thought it too rash an action for him to venture himself so great a voyadge in so small a vessell, & desired I would give him passage in our shipp, supposing all along that I would compell him to imbark for ffrance. I told him hee should bee very welcom, & that I intended not to force him to anything but only to quitt the place. It was concluded that hee should imbark with my Brother-in-Law in the small vessell. Hee said hee had rather goe in the other shipp; but it was but just that the Captain should continue on board, & wee could not with great reason take Mr. Bridgar on board, having allredy more English to keep then wee were french.

The 27th of July wee weighed Ankor & passed the flatts; but next day, having as yet sailed but 8 or 9 Leagues, wee were forced to enter into the Ice & used all our Endevor not to bee farr from each other. The Bark, tacking to come, cast her Grapers on the same Ice as wee fastned unto. Shee split to peeces, so that wee were forced to fend presently to their help & to take out all the goods was on board her, & to lay them on the Ice, to careen, which wee did with much difficulty. Wee continued in this danger till the 24 of August. Wee visitted one another with all freedom; yet wee stood on our gard, for the Englishman that wee found the beginning of the winter in the snow, remembring how kindly hee was used by me, gave mee notice of a dessigne the Englishmen had that were in the Bark, of cutting all the Frenchmen's throats, & that they only waited a fit opportunity to doe it. This hint made us watch them the more narrowly. At night time wee secured them under lock & key, & in the day time they enjoy'd their full liberty.

When wee were got to the southward in the 56 Degree, Mr. Bridgar desired me to let him have the Bark to goe to the Bay along with his men. I tould him I would speak to my Brother-in-Law about it, who was not much against it. Ther was only the master & some other obstinat fellows that opposed; but at length I got all to consent, and having taken the things out, wee delivered the Bark unto Mr. Bridgar, taking his receipt. It was in good will that I mannadg'd all this for him, and I thought hee would have gon in the Bark, for hee knows that I offerrd it unto him; but having made the Englishman that belong'd unto him, and since chosen to stay with us, and in whom wee put much confidence, to desire leave of me to goe along with Mr. Bridgar, wee presently supposed, and wee were not deceived, that 'twas by his perswasion this seaman desired to bee gon, & wee had some apprehension that Mr. Bridgar might have some dessigne to trepan us by returning unto port Nelson before us to surprise our people, wherunto the English seaman that understood our business might have ben very servicable unto him. Having therefore conferr'd amongst ourselves upon this Demand, wee resolv'd to keep Mr. Bridgar and to take him along with us unto Quebeck. Wee caus'd him to come out of the Bark and told him our resolution; wherat hee flew into great passion, espetially against me, who was not much concerned at it. Wee caus'd him to come into our vessell, and wee tould his people that they may proceed on their voyage without him, and hee should come along with us; after which wee took in our graple Irons from off the Ice, seeing the sea open to the westward and the way free'd to saile. Wee were distant about 120 leagues from the bottom of the Bay when wee parted from the Bark, who might easily have got ther in 8 days, and they had Provisions on board for above a month, vizt, a Barrill of Oatmealle, 42 double peeces of Beeff, 8 or 10 salt gees, 2 peeces of Pork, a powder Barrell full of Bisket, 8 or 10 pounds of powder, & 50 pounds of short. I gave over & above, unknown to my Brother-in-Law, 2 horns full of Powder & a Bottle of Brandy, besides a Barrill they drank the evening before wee parted. I made one of the new England seamen to goe on board the Bark to strengthen the crew, many of them being sickly.

Being got out of the Ice, having a favorable wind, wee soon got into the straights, where through the negligence or the ignorance of one of our French pilots and seamen, the English being confin'd in the night, a storm of wind & snow drove us into a Bay from whence wee could not get out. Wee were driven a shoare without any hopes of getting off; but when wee expected evry moment to be lost, God was pleased to deliver us out of this Danger, finding amongst the Rocks wherin wee were ingadg'd the finest Harbour that could bee; 50 shipps could have layn there & ben preserv'd without Anchor or cable in the highest storms. Wee lay there 2 days, & having refitted our shipp wee set saile & had the wether pretty favorable untill wee arriv'd at Quebeck, which was the end of 8ber. As soon as ever wee arriv'd wee went unto Monr La Barre, Governor of Cannada, to give him an Account of what wee had don. Hee thought fit wee should restore the shipp unto the new England Merchants, in warning them they should goe no more unto the place from whence shee came. [Footnote: This restoration did not meet with the approval of Monsr. de Seignelay, for he wrote to Govr. De la Barre, 10th April, 1684: "It is impossible to imagine what you meant, when of your own authority, without calling on the Intendant, and without carrying the affair before the Sovereign council, you caused to be given up to one Guillin, a vessel captured by the men named Radisson and des Grozelliers, and in truth you ought to prevent the appearance before his Majesty's eyes of this kind of proceeding, in which there is not a shadow of reason, and whereby you have furnished the English with matter of which they will take advantage; for by your ordinance you have caused a vessel to be restored that according to law ought to be considered a Pirate, having no commission, and the English will not fail to say that you had so fully acknowledged the vessel to have been provided with requisite papers, that you had it surrendered to the owners; and will thence pretend to establish their legitimate possession of Nelson's river, before the said Radisson and des Grozeliers had been there." New York Colonial MSS., Vol. IX. p. 221.] Mr. Bridgar imbark'd himself on her with young Guillem for New England against my mynde, for I advis'd him as a friend to imbark himself on the ffrench shipps, which were ready to saile for Rocheil. I foretold him what came to pass, that hee would lye a long while in New England for passage. Wee parted good ffriends, & hee can beare me witnesse that I intimated unto him at that time my affection for the English Intrest, & that I was still of the same mynde of serving the King & the nation as fully & affectionately as I had now serv'd the ffrench.

Eight or tenn days after my arrivall, Monsr. La Barre sent for me, to shew me a letter hee had receaved from Monsr. Colbert by a man-of-warr that had brought over some soldiers, by which hee writ him that those which parted last yeare to make discoverys in the Northern parts of America being either returned or would soon return, hee desired one of them to give the court an account of what they had don, & of what setlements might bee made in those parts; & the Governour told me that I must forthwith prepare myself to goe sattisfy Monsr. Colbert in the business. I willingly accepted the motion, & left my business in the hands of Monsr. De La Chenay, although I had not any very good opinion of him, having dealt very ill by me; but thinking I could not bee a looser by satisfying the prime Minister of state, although I neglected my owne privat affaires, I took leave of Monsr. La Barre, & imbark'd for france with my Brother-in-Law, the 11 9ber, 1683, in the frigat that brought the soldiers, and arrived at Rochell the 18 of Xber, where I heard of the death of Monsr. Colbert; yet I continued my jorney to Paris, to give the Court an account of my proceedings. I arriv'd at Paris with my Brother-in-Law the 15th January, wher I understood ther was great complaints made against me in the King's Councill by my Lord Preston, his Majesty's Envoy Extrordinary, concerning what had past in the River and Port Nelson, and that I was accus'd of having cruelly abused the English, Robbed, stoln, and burnt their habitation; for all which my Lord Preston demanded satisfaction, and that exemplary punishment might bee inflicted on the offenders, to content his majesty. This advice did not discourage me from presenting myself before the Marquiss De Signalay, & to inform him of all that had past betwixt the English and me during my voyadge. Hee found nothing amiss in all my proceedings, wherof I made him a true relation; and so farr was it from being blamed in the Court of france, that I may say, without flattering my self, it was well approved, & was comended. [Footnote: Louis XIV. to De la Barre, to April, 1684: "The King of England has authorized his ambassador to speak to me respecting what occurred in the river Nelson between the English and Radisson and des Grozelliers, whereupon I am happy to inform you that, as I am unwilling to afford the King of England any cause of complaint, & as I think it important, nevertheless, to prevent the English establishing themselves on that river, it would be well for you to have a proposal made to the commandant at Hudson's Bay that neither the French nor the English should have power to make any new establishments; to which I am persuaded he will give his consent the more readily, as he is not in a position to prevent those which my subjects wish to form in said Nelson's river."] I doe not say that I deserv'd it, only that I endeavor'd, in all my proceedings, to discharge the part of an honnest man, and that I think I did no other. I referr it to bee judged by what is contain'd in this narrative, which I protest is faithfull & sincere; and if I have deserved the accusations made against me in the Court of ffrance, I think it needlesse to say aught else in my justification; which is fully to bee seen in the Relation of the voyadge I made by his Majesty's order last year, 1684, for the Royal Company of Hudson's Bay; the successe and profitable returns whereof has destroyed, unto the shame of my Ennemys, all the evell impressions they would have given of my actions.