NOTES

Previous
Max Radin

INTRODUCTION

1.To what extent the Jews of the present day or those of earlier times may be considered racially pure, depends upon what criteria of race are adopted. At present there is no general agreement among ethnologists on this subject. The historical data are very uncertain. At all events absolute racial unity of the Jews of the Dispersion cannot be maintained. The facts of their vigorous propaganda and their extensive slave-property are too well attested. But it is wholly impossible to determine how far the admixture went.

2.The best edition of Philo is the still unfinished one which is being prepared by two German scholars, Wendland and Cohen. In this the Apologia has not yet appeared. Earlier editions are those of Mangey (1742) and Holtze (1851).

Philo’s works were translated into English by C. D. Yonge (Bohn’s Library, London, 1854).

3.In Greek the two commonest editions of Josephus’ works are those of Niese (1887-1895) and of Naber (1896). Neither completely satisfies all the demands that may be made for the adequate presentation of the text.

The old English translation of W. Whiston, so widely circulated both in England and America, is very inaccurate. The revision of this translation by A. R. Shilleto (1889-1890) has only slightly improved it.

4.The references to the Jews in the inscriptions and papyri have not, as yet, been collected. Mr. Seymour de Ricci planned a collection of the Greek and Latin inscriptions to be called Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum. This Corpus was, at least partly, in manuscript form in 1912, but no part has been published. Mr. de Ricci’s article on “Inscriptions” in the Jewish Encyclopedia, and Johannes Oehler, Epigraphische BeitrÄge zur Geschichte des Judentums (Monatsschrift f. Gesch. u. Wiss. d. Jud. 1909, xvii. 292-302, 443-452, 524-538) give a practically complete collection.

Chapter I

GREEK RELIGIOUS CONCEPTS

5.It is nowhere directly stated that the power of a god did not extend beyond a definite locality. But the numerous local epithets applied to the various gods indicate it. We need mention only such typical references to the ?e?? ???????? as Aesch. Septem. 14, Soph. Trach. 183, and Thuc. ii. 74.

6.Cf. Dionysus in the “Frogs” of Aristophanes, Heracles and Poseidon in the “Birds.” The other comic poets, even Epicharmus, the oldest, dealt with even greater freedom with the gods. Even the scanty fragments of Cratinus and Amphis indicate that fact. In Sicily, an entire dramatic genre, that of the F??a?e?, contained practically nothing but situations in which the divine personages of the myths were the subjects of the coarsest fun.

7.Such heroic friendships as that of Achilles and Patroclus were perverted early in the imagination of Greeks. Cf. Aeschylus, in Athen. xiii. 601 A, and Aeschines, i. 142. So also the story of Apollo and Admetus became a love story for Alexandria; Callimachus H. ii. 49.

8.The subject has been discussed in full by de Visser, De Graecorum deis non referentibus speciem humanam (Leyden, 1900;) 2d ed. in German, 1903. So at Phigaleia, in Arcadia, Demeter had the form of a horse; the Brauronian Artemis was a bear; Apollo Lykeios was sometimes adored in the form of a wolf.

9.Aegean and Mycenean are both used to designate the civilization that preceded that of historical Greece. Aegean, however, has, to a large extent, superseded the older term. For the specifically Cretan form of it, Minoan is generally employed.

10.In spite of the apparently well-defined personalities of the Homeric gods and a poetic tradition of many centuries, the sculptors of later times found it necessary to indicate the subject of their labors, either by some well-known attribute, such as the caduceus, or a sacred animal, or a symplegma representing a scene of a known legend. Without these accessories, archeologists often find themselves at a loss when they are required to name the god intended. Cf. Koepp, ArchÄologie ii. 88 seq.

11.It is not suggested that prayer could not exist without sacrifice. But where sacrifice did take place, the act of worship did not lie in the sacrifice alone, or in the propitiatory allocution that accompanied it, but in the two together.

12.Cf. Apollo Soter, Soph. O. T. 149, Dionysus Soter, Lycophr. 206, Zeus Soter, Aristoph. Plut. 1186, etc.

13.Max MÜller, Lectures on the Science of Language, passim. The term is rarely used by recent investigators.

14.For the sacrificial act when addressed to gods, the word was ??e??; addressed to heroes, ??a???e??. Herod, ii. 44. The color of the sacrificial animal for heroes was usually black, and no part of the flesh was eaten. Cf. Sch. Hom. Il. i. 459.

15.For heroes whose position in the state was as high as that of gods, we have only to refer to the eponyms of the Cleisthenic tribes at Athens, Theseus, Cecrops, Erechtheus, etc.

16.Local deities, such as Pelops at Olympia (Sch. Pind. Ol. i. 149), Archemorus at Nemea (Arg. Pind. Nem. i), Tlepolemus at Rhodes (Sch. Pind. Ol. vii. 146).

17.Cf. Suidas. s. v. ??a????s???, Alciphro, iii. 58.

18.The doctrine of Socrates cited by Xenophon, Memor. iv. 7, represents popular Greek feeling on the subject of theological speculation.

19.Xenophanes of Colophon (sixth cent. B.C.E.) cited in Sex. Emp. adv. Math. ix. 193. The lines are frequently quoted, and are to be found in any history of philosophy.

20.A monotheistic or pantheistic tendency showed itself in the attempt on the part of poets like Aeschylus and Pindar to absorb the divine world into the personality of Zeno. Cf. Aesch. Heliades, 71:

?e?? ?st?? a????, ?e?? d? ?? ?e?? d’ ???a???,
?e?? t?? t? p??ta ? ?t? t??d’ ?p??te???.

21.The solar myth theory was especially advocated by Max MÜller in his various books and articles. Most of the older writers on mythology, e.g. in the earlier articles of Roscher’s Lexikon, accept it as an established dogma. There can be no reasonable doubt that the celestial phenomena of sun, moon, and stars exercised a powerful influence on popular imagination.

22.Dionysus came into Greece probably from Thrace and Macedon about the tenth century B.C.E. By the sixth century there was no Greek city in which he was not worshiped. As far as any center of his worship existed, it may be placed in Boeotia. Cf. Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, chs. iv. and v.

23.We find Aphrodite firmly established among Greek gods from the earliest times. It may be that the Semitic or Oriental connections which have been found for her (cf. Roscher, s. v. Aphrodite, Roscher’s Lex. i. 390-406) are due to the readiness with which she was associated with Oriental female deities. That fact, however, is itself significant.

24.The merchants of Citium formally introduced into Athens the worship of their local Aphrodite; Dittenberger, Syll. no. 551. Sarapis, Isis, and Sabazios also early found their way into Athens.

25.The statement that ?s?e?a was a negative offense, that its gravamen consisted not in introducing new divinities, but in neglecting the established ones, is made by Wilamowitz (Antigonus von Karyst, p. 277). It is, however, only qualifiedly true. The Greeks found purely negative conceptions difficult. Impiety, or ?s?e?a, was not the mere neglect, but such a concrete act as would tend to cause the neglect of the established gods. The indictment against Socrates charged the introduction of ?a??? da????a, but only because that introduction threatened the established form. The merchants of Citium (cf. previous note) might introduce their foreign deity with safety. No such danger was deemed to lie.

26.The stories of Lycurgus (Il. vi. 130) and of Pentheus (Euripides, Bacchae) are a constant reminder of the difficulties encountered by Dionysus in his march through Greece. Then, as has always been the case in religious opposition, the opponents of the new forms advanced social reasons for their hostility (Eurip. Bacchae, 220-225).

27.The Egyptian origin of the Eleusinian mysteries is maintained especially by Foucart, Les grands mystÈres d’Eleusis.

28.The Homeric Hymn to Demeter dates from the close of the seventh century B.C.E., perhaps earlier. In it we find the Eleusinian mysteries fully developed, and their appeal is Panhellenic.

29.Homer certainly knows of no general worship of the dead. But the accessibility of the dead by means of certain rites is attested not only by the ?????a (Od. x. 517-520), but by the slaughter of the Trojan captives at the funeral of Patroclus (Il. xxiii. 174). The poet’s own attitude to the latter is not so important as his evidence of the custom’s existence.

30.In later times any dead man was ????, and his tomb a ?????; C. I. G. 1723, 1781-1783.

31.The kinship of gods and men was an Orphic dogma, quickly and widely accepted. Pindar formulated it in the words ?? ??d???, ?? ?e?? ?????; Nem. vi. i. Cf. Plato, Timaeus, 41 C.

32.Od. iv. 561.

33.Hesychius, s. v. ???d??? ????.

Chapter II

ROMAN RELIGIOUS CONCEPTS

34.Adolph Bastian presents his theory of Grundideen in his numerous writings. It has, however, been found difficult, if not impossible, even for anthropologists to present the details of that theory with either definiteness or clearness.

35.Cf. W. Warde Fowler, Roman Religion, in Hasting’s Dictionary of Religions (consulted in proof).

36.The relation, or the contrast, between magic and religion has been a constant subject of discussion since the publication of Tylor’s Primitive Culture. For the present the contrast stated in the text may suffice.

37.Sei deo sei deivae sac (C. I. L. vi. 110); sive deo sive deae (ibid. iii, 1212); sei deus sei dea (ibid. xiv. 3572). Cf. also Not. d. Sc. 1890, p. 218.

38.Such a story as that of Mars and Nerione may belong to genuine Roman mythology. The enormous spread of Latin translations of Greek poems, and the wide popularity of Greek plays, rapidly drove out all the native myths which had attained no literary form.

39.Livy V. xxi. 3, 5.

40.Macrob. Sat. III. ix. 7-8.

41.The authenticity of this particular application of the formula has been questioned; Wissowa, s. v. Evocatio (deorum); Pauly-Wiss. vi. 1153. The proofs that the formula has been extensively modified are not conclusive. The evocati di received a special form of ritual at Rome. Festus, p. 237, a, 7. Cf. Verg. Aen. ii. 351-352.

42.For the Dioscuri, Livy, II. xx. 13. Apollo, Livy, III. lxiii. 7; IV. xxv. Both introductions are placed in the fifth century B.C.E. The historical account of the reception of Cybele and of Asclepius, Livy, Per. ix. and xxix. 10 seq.

43.The lectisternium is generally conceded to be of Greek origin. The ceremony consisted in formally dressing a banquet table and placing thereat the images of some gods, who reclined on cushions and were assumed to be sharing in the repast.

44.Cic. De Nat. Deor. i. 119.

Chapter III

GREEK AND ROMAN CONCEPTS OF RACE

45.The extreme of racial fanaticism will be found in H. S. Chamberlain, GrundzÜge des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts.

46.Aristophanes, Acharn. 104, ?a??a? and the Schol. ad loc.: ?t? p??ta? t??? ?????a? ????a? ??????? ?? ??a???.

47.After the defeat of the Persians, the victors set up a tripod at Delphi, about the stem of which a bronze serpent was coiled. About this serpent ran an inscription, t??de t?? p??e?? ?p???e??, “The following took part in the war.” Then follows the list of the Greeks beginning with the Lacedemonians. Here, if anywhere, a collective term denoting the common origin of all these nations might have been expected.

48.Euripides, Iph. Aul. 1400; Aristotle, Pol. I. ii. 4; ?? ta?t? f?se? ??a??? ?a? d????? ??.

49.Isocrates, Pan. 181.

50.Demosthenes, In Mid. 48 (xx. 530).

51.Daniel xi. 3.

52.Besides the flings at barbarian descent scattered throughout the orators (cf. Dem. In Steph. A. 30), Hellenic origin was required for all the competitors in the Olympian games. Herodotus, v. 22.

53.The secretary of Appius Caecus was a certain Gnaeus Flavius, grandson of a slave, who became not merely curule aedile, but one of the founders of Roman jurisprudence. (Livy, IX. xlvi.). Likewise the Gabinius that proposed the Lex Tabellaria of 139 B.C.E. was the son or grandson of a slave, vernae natus or nepos. (Cf. the newly discovered fragment of Livy’s Epitome, Oxyr. Pap. iv. 101 f.) The general statement is made by the emperor Claudius (Tac. Ann. xi. 24), in a passage unfortunately absent in the fragments of the actual speech discovered at Lyons.

54.Cicero, In Pisonem (Fragments 10-13). Aeschines, In Ctes. 172.

55.Muttines, a Liby-Phoenician (cf. Livy, XXI. xxii. 3, Libyphoenices mixtum Punicum Afris genus), becomes a Roman citizen (ibid. XXVI. v. 11).

56.Ennius ap. Cic. de. Or. iii. 168.

57.Mucius defines gentiles, i.e. true members of Roman gentes, as follows (ap. Cic. Topica, vi. 29): Gentiles sunt inter se qui eodem nomine sunt, qui ab ingenuis oriundi sunt, quorum maiorum nemo servitutem servivit, qui capite non sunt deminuti. Literally taken, that would exclude descendants of former slaves to the thousandth generation. But Pliny demands somewhat less even for Roman knights. The man is to be ingenuus ipse, patre, avo paterno (H. N. XXXIII. ii. 32).

58.Gallic was still spoken in southern Gaul in the fourth century C.E., Syriac at Antioch in the time of Jerome, and Punic at Carthage for centuries after the destruction of the city.

59.The racial bond upon which modern scientific sectaries lay such stress was constantly disregarded in ancient and modern times. The Teutonic Burgundians found an alliance with the Mongol Avars against the Teutonic Franks a perfectly natural thing.

Chapter IV

SKETCH OF JEWISH HISTORY BETWEEN NEBUCHADNEZZAR AND CONSTANTINE

60.The Carduchi, Taochi, Chalybes, Phasiani (Xenophon, An. IV. iii. 6), make friends with the Greek adventurers, or oppose them on their own account without any apparent reference to the fact that the army of the Ten Thousand was part of a hostile force recently defeated by their sovereign.

61.Herodotus, vii. 89: pa?e????t? d? a?t?? (sc. t?? t????ea?) e??de, F?????e? ?? s?? S????s? t??s? ?? t? ?a?a?st?? ?, and he later defines the name specifically (ibid.): t?? d? S???a? t??t? t? ?????? ?a? t? ???? ????pt?? p?? ?a?a?st??? ?a??eta?.

62.Aramaic Papyri Discovered at Assuan, edited by Sayce and Cowley, London, 1906. AramÄische Papyri ... zu Elephantine, ed. Sachau, Leipzig, 1911.

63.Josephus, Antiquities, XI. vii. Reference to the same incident in Eusebius, Chron. (Ol. 103), Syncellus (486, 10), and Orosius (iii. 7) depends upon Eusebius. The general statement of pseudo-Hecataeus (ap. Joseph, in Ap. i. 22) is, of course, worthless as evidence.

Ochus was especially noted for his sacrilege. (Cf. Aelian, N. A. x. 23).

64.After the death of Antiochus Sidetes, in 129 B.C.E., the various occupants or claimants of the Syrian throne are scarcely to be distinguished by nickname or number. They are uniformly imbeciles or puppets, and the last of them, Antiochus XIII, dies miserably at the hands of a Bedouin sheik.

65.In the Talmud John Hyrcanus is always ?????? ??? ????, but Alexander is ??? ????. On the coins John styles himself High Priest; but Jannai, on both his Hebrew and Greek coins, bears the title of King, ?????? ???? and ??e???d??? as??e??. Cf. Madden, Coins of the Jews. We have no record that the royal title was specifically bestowed upon Jannai, either by the Seleucids or by the people. It is therefore likely that it was assumed without such authorization. The high-priesthood, on the other hand, was duly conferred upon Simon and his descendants.

Chapter V

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE JEWS DURING THE PERSIAN PERIOD

66.Cf. especially the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, in the editions of Kautzsch or Charles.

67.That the name is Sira and not Sirach, as it appears in the LXX, is generally accepted. It was the practice of Greeks to put a final ? to foreign names to indicate that they were indeclinable. Cf. ??s?? (Luke iii. 26) for JosÉ.

68.Ecclesiasticus xlviii. 24.

69.Job iv. 7 seq.

Chapter VI

THE FIRST CONTACT BETWEEN GREEK AND JEW

70.S????? means scarcely more than “Oriental” in Aeschylus (Persae, 81, S????? ??a; and Ag. 1312, S????? ?????sa).

71.Except Hittite and Amorite, these names have no non-Biblical occurrence.

72.Caphthor is rendered Cappadocia in the LXX (Amos ix. 7), for no better reason, it may be, than the similarity between the first syllables. The Keftiu ships of the Egyptian monuments are scarcely other than Mycenean, and if they came from Crete, Minoan (Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, ii. 492). That the Philistines are of Cretan origin is, in the absence of monumental sources, a pure theory. It fits in well, however, with what we do know of them.

73.The Jews were commanded by Ezra to put away their “strange wives” (Ezra x. 10) for the specific reason that the latter incited them to idolatry. Instances of intermarriage occur in the papyri from Elephantine (see ch. IV., n. 3).

74.Datis and Artaphernes commanded the Persian troops defeated at Marathon, 490 B.C.E. Mardonius was defeated at Plataea in 479.

75.Joel iii. 6. There is nothing in the extant Book of Joel inconsistent with a pre-Exilic date. Such slave raids as the Phoenicians are here accused of making, the Greeks made freely in Homeric times, and Greek merchants were already in every mart. In the famous picture of a golden age in Isaiah, Jewish captives are to be assembled “from Assyria, Egypt—and from the islands of the sea” (Isaiah xi. 11), a passage indubitably pre-Exilic. The “islands of the sea,” however, are obviously Greek.

76.In the lexicon of Stephen of Byzantium (s. v.) we read S???? ?????? ? ??a p????? ?????. Strabo, writing in the time of Augustus, includes most of the nations of Asia Minor, such as the Cappadocians, etc., under that term (xvi. 2).

77.The famous Harpy-tomb from Xanthus in Lycia, now in the British Museum, dates from the sixth century. It is, however, so highly developed a work that it presupposes a long history of mutual artistic influence between Greece, Ionia, and Lycia.

78.One of the magnificent sarcophagi found in 1887 at Sidon by Hamdi Bey. They are all published in sumptuous form by Hamdi Bey and Reinach, Une nÉcropole royale Á Sidon, Paris, 1892. An excellent and convenient description may be found in Hans Wachtler, Die BlÜtezeit der griechischen Kunst im Spiegel der Reliefsarcophage, Teubner, 1910 (Aus Natur u. Geisteswelt, no. 272).

79.Strato, king of Sidon in 360 B.C.E. Athen. xii. 531. Cf. Gerostratos of Arados at about the same time.

80.Herodotus, ii. 104 (cf. ii. 37).

81.Aristotle states the fact in the Meteorologica, II. iii. 39, but does not mention the Jews.

82.Textes, p. 8. n. 3.

83.In the royal tombs at Sidon excavated by Hamdi Bey (see above, n. 9.), one of the monuments bears a long Phoenician inscription of a king of Sidon. It begins: “I, Tabnit, priest of Astarte and king of Sidonians, son of Eshmunazar, priest of Astarte, and king of the Sidonians.”

84.Plato, Euthyphro, 3 C., and passim.

85.Aristotle, Rhetoric, III. vii. 6.

86.Reinach, Textes, pp. 10-12. MÜller, Frag. hist. graec. ii. 323, quoted in Josephus, In Ap. i. 22.

87.The untutored philosophers of Voltaire’s stories were quite in the mode of the eighteenth century, which had discovered the “noble savage,” and were quite convinced that civilization was a retrogression from a state of rude and primitive virtue. It was, further, a convenient cloak behind which one might criticise an autocratic rÉgime. Hence the flood of “Turkish,” “Chinese,” “Japanese,” etc. “Letters,” of which Montesquieu’s Lettres Persanes are the most famous. Modern instances are “The Traveller from Altruria” of Mr. Howells, and Mr. Dickinson’s “Letters of a Chinese Official.”

88.Cited by Diogenes Laertius, i. 9 (MÜller, Frag. hist. graec. ii. 328).

89.Reinach, Textes, p. 13; MÜller, Frag. ii. 437; Clemens Alex, i. 15. Megasthenes had previously resided at the court of Sibyrtius, satrap of Arachosia (southern Afghanistan). Arrian, Anab. V. vi. 1.

90.Clemens Alex. Str. v. (Sylberg), pp. 607 seq. Justin Coh. ad Graecos, 25.

91.Cf. Ecclesiasticus l. 26; Zech. ix. 2.

92.At Elephantine we learn from the papyri recently from there (Pap. 1, Sachau) that the Jews had a shrine consecrated to ??? and that in 410 B.C.E. it was destroyed by the priests of a rival Egyptian temple.

93.Reinach, Textes, p. 39. MÜller, Frag. iii. 35.

Chapter VII

EGYPT

94.This fragment, of the authenticity of which little doubt can be entertained, must be distinguished from the books attributed to Hecataeus about the Jews and Abraham. Josephus uses both in his “Defense” against Apion (i. 22 seq.), but their authenticity was questioned even in ancient times (cf. Herennius Philo, cited by Origenes, C. Cels. i. 15; Reinach, Textes, p. 157). They are almost certainly Jewish works of the first century B.C.E.

The text of the real Hecataeus (Reinach, Textes, p. 14 seq.) is anything but certain. We have it only in a long citation by Diodorus, xl. 3. This book of Diodorus, however, has disappeared, and is found only in the Bibliotheca made by the Byzantine patriarch Photius in the ninth century C.E. (cod. 244).

95.There were in Egypt a number of colonies of military settlers. They are distinguished by certain privileges, and, in legal terminology, by the term t?? ?p??????, placed after the words of nationality. Just as there are ???sa? t?? ?p??????, so there are ???da??? t?? ?p??????. In the Hibeh Papyri, i. 96, of 259 B.C.E., we read an agreement between the Jew Alexander, son of Andronicus, decurion in the troop of Zoilus, and Andronicus, a Jew t?? ?p?????? The groom Daniel (?) in a papyrus of the second century B.C.E. (Grenfell, An Alexandrian Erotic Fragment and Other Papyri, no. 43.) and the farm laborer Teuphilus (Grenfell-Hunt, FayÛm Towns and their Papyri, no. 123) are also humble men, and probably in the same stage of cultivation as other men of their calling.

96.Elephantine Pap. (ed. Sachau), no. 6.

97.Osiris appears as a theophoric element, not only in Egyptian names and in those of Grecized Egyptians, but also in purely Phoenician names, and joined to Semitic elements. So Osirshamar, from Malta, and Osiribdil, from Larnaca (Notice des Mon. PhÉn du Louvre, nos. 133, 162).

98.Reinach, Textes, pp. 20 seq. MÜller, Frag. ii. 511-616.

99.Tac. Hist. V. ii.

100.Reinach, Textes, p. 362. Photius Bibl. no. 279.

Chapter VIII

JEWS IN PTOLEMAIC EGYPT

101.Naucratis was founded, on the Canopic mouth of the Nile, about 550 B.C.E.

102.However completely oligarchical in practice the government became, the sovereignty of the demos was recognized in theory. In the ancient doom ascribed to Lycurgus (Plutarch, Lyc. 6), which may be said to form the constitution of Sparta, occur the words d??d? ??? ????a? ?e? ?a? ???t??.

103.FrÄnkel, Inschriften, v. Perg. no. 5, 18 et passim.

104.Mitteis und Wilcken, GrundzÜge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde, I. v. i, pp. 14 seq.

105.Mitteis-Wilcken, op. cit. p. 15.

106.Xenophon, De Reditibus, ii. 4-7.

107.Josephus often refers to the Jews of Alexandria as o? ?? ??e?a?d?e?? ???da??? (Ant. XIII. iii. 4) or o? ?? ??e?a?d?e?? ?at??????te? ???da??? (Ant. XIV. vii. 2), but he refers similarly to the Greeks there (Ant. XVIII. viii. i), and plainly understands ?at???e?? simply as “inhabit.” The question is fully discussed in Contra Ap. ii. 5, where the general statement is made that Jews might and did become Alexandrian citizens, but that Egyptians were at first excluded.

108.Jewish ?a?ed??e?, Berliner Griechische Urkunden (B. G. U.), iv. 1068 (62). In other classes of citizenship, B. G. U. iv. 1140; iv. 1151, 7. For humbler classes of Jews cf. ch. VII., n. 2. A Jewish house-slave is manumitted in Oxyrhyncus Pap. ix. 1205.

109.The discussion is fully set forth by Brandis, s. v. Arabarches in the Pauly-Wissowa RealenzyklopÄdie, ii. 342. The word “alabarch” or “arabarch” impressed the Romans somewhat as “mogul” impresses the English, and was used with the same jocular intent. Cic. ad Att. II. xvii. 3. Juvenal, Satires, i. 130.

110.Apuleius, Met. xi. 30. Drexler in Roscher’s Lexikon Myth., s. v. Isis, ii. 409 seq. gives a list of the cities through which the worship of Isis spread.

111.Sarapis was not Osiris-Apis, but a deity of Sinope in Asia Minor, duly “evoked” into Alexandria by Ptolemy. The matter is left an open question by Cumont, Les religions orientales dans le paganisme romain, p. 112, but the general consensus of opinion is in favor of the theory just mentioned. The opposition referred to in the text was less an aggressive one than it was an assertion of the distinction between Greeks and Egyptians. It broke down with the fourth Ptolemy, and Sarapis was more or less officially identified with Osiris.

112.Alexandronesus. Cf. Reinach, in MÉlanges Nicolle, p. 451; Pap. of Magdola, n. 35.

113.Greek Pap. of the Brit. Mus. iii. 183, the ?????te? a ???da??? p??se???? pay their water tax.

114.B. G. U. iv. n. 562.

115.The cartouches representing the Ptolemies contain all the royal titles of the Pharaohs.

116.Mitteis-Wilcken, GrundzÜge und Chrestomathie, I. p. 42.

Chapter IX

THE STRUGGLE AGAINST GREEK CULTURE IN PALESTINE

117.Ecclesiasticus xxxi. 12-30; vi. 2-4.

118.Cf. ch. III., n. 14.

119.A full bibliography is given in SchÜrer, Geschichte der Juden 4th ed., iii. 472 seq.

120.Flinders Petrie Pap. iii. 31, g, 13.

121.By Mishnic tradition Antigonus was a pupil of Simon the Just (Abot i. 3). A later legend makes him the founder of the Sadducees (Abot R. N. v.). The saying of Antigonus is: “Be not like servants who minister to their master for the sake of a reward, but be like servants who minister to their master without the expectation of reward, and let the fear of Heaven be upon you.”

122.Andronicus (Hibeh Pap. i. 96), Helenus and Trypho (B. G. U. iv. 1140), Dionysius (Dittenberger, Syll. no. 73).

123.Cf. Oesterley’s edition of Ecclesiasticus, pp. xxiv-xxv.

124.Josephus, Ant. XII. iv.

125.Abot i. 4; Shab. 46 a; Eduy. viii. 4; Pes. 15 a.

Chapter X

ANTIOCHUS THE MANIFEST GOD

126.Polybius, XXVI. i. 1: ??t????? ? ? ?p?fa??? ?? ????e?? ?p?a??? d’ ?? t?? p???e?? ???as?e??. Cf. also Athenaeus, v. 5 (193), and x. 10 (439).

127.Ptolemy Euergetes II (Athenaeus, x. 10, 438 D).

128.It is usual to speak of the Seleucid kingdom as Syria. That, however, conveys a wholly wrong impression of either the pretensions of the house or the actual extent of its dominion. Seleucus himself actually maintained his authority within what is now Hindustan and was styled “king of Asia,” where he was not called simply “the king” as Alexander and the Persians had been before him. Even when Antiochus the Great gave up all his Asiatic possessions north of the Taurus, he did not renounce his claim to the Persian and Oriental patrimony of Alexander.

129.Zeitschr. d. deut. morg. Gesell. xxiii. 371; NÖldeke, Die sem. Spr. 41 f.; Zeitschr. f. Assyr. vi. 26. Cf. also Gardner, Greek and Scythic Kings of Bactria and India.

130.The full title is Te?? ?p?fa???, as it appears upon coins.

131.The st?at???? ?p? t? ? p?a i.e. “general of infantry,” was at that time practically equivalent to the chief magistracy. Athenian coins of the year 175 B.C.E. bear his name and the elephant which was the heraldic emblem of his house. Reinach, Rev. d. et. gr. 1888, 163 f.

132.Josephus, Ant. XII. v.

133.The titles ????????? and d?a???? are translations of “aedilis” and “tribunus,” which Antiochus sought to transfer to his capital. Polyb. XXVI. i. 5-6. Livy XLI. xx.

134.Livy (loc. cit.), Polyb. (loc. cit.), Athenaeus, x. 438 D and E.

135.Hybristas is mentioned in Livy XXXVII. xiii. 12.

136.Polyb. XXXI. xi. 3; Josephus, Ant. XI. ix.

137.I Macc. i.

138.Cf. ch. I., n. 22.

139.Cf. the article Druidae, Pauly-Wissowa, Realenzykl.

140.Isocrates Nicocles (III), 54. King Nicocles of Salamis in Cyprus, the type and exemplar of a benevolent despot, states to his subjects: ?ta??e?a? ? p??e?s?e ?te s???d??? ??e? t?? ??? ????? a? ??? t??a?ta? s?st?se?? ?? ?? ta?? ???a?? p???te?a?? p?e??e?t??s??, ?? d? ta?? ??a???a?? ???d??e???s??.

141.Jerome in Dan. xi. 21 f.

142.So the Spartans actively assisted the oligarchical party in Megara, Argos, Sicyon, and Achaea (Thuc. iv. 74; v. 81; v. 82).

Chapter XI

THE JEWISH PROPAGANDA

143.Cumont, Les religions orientales dans le paganisme romain, gives the best and clearest account of the spread of these foreign cults. The Cabiri came from Samothrace. They were generally referred to as Te?? e?????, and are found in many parts of the empire.

144.Athenian criminal statutes often contain in the penalty clause ?a? t? ????? a?t??. Cf. Glotz, La solidaritÉ de la famille dans le droit Ath. Cf. for Teos C. I. G. 3044.

145.Homer, Odys. xi. 489-491.

146.Frequently pictured relief (Gardner, Greek Sculpt. p. 136) formerly in the Sabouroff Coll. Pl. i., Ath. Mitth. 1877. Taf. xx-xxiv.

147.Il. iii. 243-244; v. 638-651; xviii. 117-119.

148.Cf. the translation of Menelaus, ch. I, notes 28, 29.

149.Hymn in Dem. 480-482.

150.Ben Sira knows of no life after death except Sheol. Perhaps it is better to say that he refuses to acknowledge any. His repeated affirmations have the air of consciously repudiating a doctrine advanced by others. The author of Wisdom (iii. 4) is sure of an immortality of the elect. It is in the apocryphal literature generally, in Enoch, the Testaments of the Patriarchs—most of them written in the first century B.C.E.—that the scattered and contradictory references to a future life are to be found.

151.Josephus, Wars, II. viii. 14. His words are (?? Sadd???a???) ????? te t?? d?a???? ?a? t?? ?a?’ ?d?? t????a? ?a? t??? ??a????s?. The passages in Josephus are our only contemporary authority for the sects and their differences; and Josephus was a Pharisee. The word a?a????s? would in this context naturally have the meaning “deny,” but it might also simply indicate that the Sadducean belief on the subject was, in his opinion, so vague or so qualified as to render their whole transcendental scheme ineffectual. It is, however, more natural to give the word its dialectic sense (Cf. Plato, Rep. 533 c).

152.Joseph. Ant. XIII. x. 10. Kid. 43 a.

153.The vision of a Messianic age in Isaiah ii. 4, and Micah iv. 1, expressly includes the gentiles. This is the more important as it is highly likely that both Micah and Isaiah are here quoting an ancient and widely-accepted prophecy.

154.There is no direct evidence about the extent of proselytizing in pre-Maccabean times. But there are two forms of proselytizing which always seemed natural and even inevitable to a man of ancient times. The slave, and the stranger actually resident under the roof of a head of a household, were, however foreign in blood, practically members of that household, and it was a small step when they were brought formally into it by appropriate ceremonies. So the first Biblical reference to circumcision especially notes that not merely Abraham but all his household, the slaves born there and those bought of strangers, were circumcised (Gen. xvii. 23, 27).

The ??, ?t?????, the sojourning stranger, is expressly held to the observance of the religious prohibitions. Ex. xii. 43; Lev. xvii. 12. And the relative frequency with which such a stranger became a full proselyte is indicated by Ex. xii. 48, and Num. ix. 14. It is true that the ??? or “stranger in blood” is treated with extreme rigor by Nehemiah, xiii. 30, but it is this same ??? who is referred to as a proselyte in Deutero-Isaiah (Is. lvi. 3, 6).

155.Ab. R. Nat. ii. 1.

156.Josephus, Ant. XV. viii.

157.Josephus, Wars IV. iv.; VII. viii.

158.Cf. Catullus, LXIII. The archigallus was not permitted to be chosen from Roman citizens till the time of Claudius.

159.This genre seems to have first taken literary form at the hands of Bion of Borysthenes, a pupil of Crates, who was himself a pupil of Diogenes.

160.Wisdom of Solomon xiv. 12-14. Cf. also the entire thirteenth and fourteenth chapters of Wisdom.

161.In Dan. x. 13-20 angels, or “princes,” are the patrons of the various nations, as also in the Testaments of the Patr. (Test. Naph. 9). That fact of itself indicates a belief in the reality of the divine protectors of the heathen nations. And the “devils,” ???? (Deut. xxxii. 17), and ?????? (Lev. xvii. 7), are very likely the local gods.

162.Philo, De Specialibus Legibus, ch. 7.

163.We have already noted the ancient prophecy cited in Is. ii. 4 and Micah iv. 1. The fullest statement of this universalist aspiration is in Malachi i. 11, and i. 14.

Chapter XII

THE OPPOSITION

164.The Messenians also expelled the Epicureans (Athen. xii. 547), and Antiochus (VI) Dionysius, or rather Tryphon in his name, expelled all philosophers from Antioch and all Syria (Athen. ibid.). The latter document has been questioned by Radermacher, Rh. Mus. N. F. lvi. (1901), 202, but on insufficient grounds. It is probably genuine, but the king referred to is uncertain. It will be remembered that the Epicurean Philonides claimed to have converted Epiphanes and to have been a favorite of Demetrius (CrÖnert, Stzb. Berl. (1900), 943, and Usener Rh. Mus. N. F. lvi. (1901), 145 seq.) Alexander Balas professed Stoicism.

165.Josephus, Ant. XVIII. ix.

166.Dio Cassius, lviii. 32; Ens. Chron. ii. 164. The account in its details is not free from doubt.

167.Josephus, Ant. XIV. x.

168.Senatusconsultum de Bacch. C. I. L. i. 43, n. 196. Bruns Fontes, n. 35, ll. 14-16.

169.Cf. the instances cited in Cumont, Les rel. or. dans le pag. rom., p. 122, and the articles on Isis in the Pauly-Wissowa Realenzykl, the Dar.-Saglio Dict., and Roscher’s Lexikon.

170.In Greek d?a???. Cf. Aristotle, Rhetoric, II. iii. 30; Syrianus, In Hermogenem, ii. (134, 3). Of this d?a???, a favorite form was ?p??eas??, “mockery” (Arist. op. cit. II. ii. 3), and “Commonplaces,” ?????? t?p??, on the subject are cited in Aristotle (op. cit. III. xv. 1).

171.Reinach, Textes, p. 49.

172.Eratosthenes was head of the Alexandrian Academy.

173.Apollo is the god named and ascribed to Dora, which, as Josephus remarks, is not in Idumaea at all. Nor does Apollo appear as the god of Dora on the coins of that city. According to Josephus (Ant. XV. vii. 9) the Idumean god was named Koze, who might of course have been identified with the Seleucid patron Apollo. It may be a title connected with ???? (Josh. x. 24, Micah iii. 1, 9).

174.An inscription forbidding the approach of gentiles has been found at Jerusalem, and is now in Constantinople: ????a ?????e?? e?sp??e?es?a? ??t?? t?? pe?? t? ?e??? t??f??t?? ?a? pe?????? ? ?? d’ ?? ??f?? ?a?t? a?t??? ?sta? d?? t? ??a??????e?? ???at??.

175.Reinach, Textes, p. 56. For an estimate of the importance of Posidonius for his time, cf. Wendland, Hellenist. Kult. p. 60 seq. and 134 seq.

176.Molo in Reinach, Textes, p. 60 seq. Damocritus, ibid. p. 121.

177.Reinach, Textes, p. 131.

178.Plutarch, Moralia, ii. 813; Reinach, Textes, p. 139.

179.Pseud-Opp. Cyn. iv. 256. Lact. Inst. i. 21-27.

180.Cf. also Aelian Var. Hist. xii. 34. Strabo, xv. 1057.

181.Pseudo-Plut. Sept. Sap. Con. 5. Apul. Met. xi. 6. Ael. Hist. An. x. 28.

182.Juvenal, Sat. xv. 1-3. Quis nescit Volusi Bithynice qualia demens Aegyptos portenta colat? crocodilon adorat pars haec, illa pavet saturam serpentibus ibÏn; cf. also latrator Anubis (Verg. Aen. viii. 698, Prop. iv. 11, 41).

183.It is not to be inferred that ancient historians as such were unreliable. In those times, as in ours, the value of an historical narrative must be judged by estimating the character and capacity of the writer and the means at his disposal. Many modern historians have been special pleaders, some consciously, like Froude and von Treitschke, and most have been impelled by personal sympathies and antipathies of many kinds.

It is, however, a fact that the writers of antiquity consciously used falsehoods in what they believed to be details, if they supposed that they could thereby more forcibly present the essential character of a transaction, or better enforce a moral lesson. The extreme danger of such a practice need not be insisted on, nor did all writers engage in it. But Panaetius and Cicero (Cic. De Orat. ii. 59; De Off. ii. 14), Quintillian (ii. 26-39) and the Church Fathers, unhesitatingly defend it (Eusebius, Praep. Evan., John Chrysost. De Sac. i. 6-8, Clemens Alex. Strom, vii. 9).

184.Polybius shares the general estimate of Syrians (XVI. lx. 3), but that does not prevent him from acknowledging the loyalty and devotion of the people of Gaza, whom he classes as Syrians.

Chapter XIII

THE OPPOSITION IN ITS SOCIAL ASPECT

185.Horace, Sat. I. v. 100.

186.Apuleius, Florida, i. 6.

187.Anthol. Pal. v. 160. Reinach, Textes, p. 55.

188.Fg. hist. gr. iii. 196; Reinach, Textes, p. 42.

189.Journ. Hell. Stud. xii. 233 seq.

190.Pausanius, X. xii. 9; Suidas, s. v. Sa???; Sibyllina, iii. 818.

191.Valerius Maximus, I. iii. 3.

192.Shab. vi. 2, 4, but cf. Demai iii. 11, and Erub. i. 10.

193.Cf. above, ch. VII., n. 2.

The letter of Dolabella to the Ephesians, cited in Josephus, Ant. XIV. x. 12, makes it perfectly clear that if the Sabbath restriction had actually been enforced in the sense indicated, Jews would have been wholly useless for the army. But we have seen that they not merely fought their own battles, but engaged freely as mercenaries. We can therefore understand the passage in Josephus only in the sense of an attempt to escape conscription with the other Ephesians, by alleging an extreme application of the Sabbath principle.

The other passage in Josephus (XVIII. iii.) is in direct contradiction with other sources, and will be discussed later.

194.Saguntum, Livy, XXI. xiv. Abydus, Livy, XXXI. xvii. Cf. also Livy XXVIII. xxiii.

195.Cic. De Nat. Deor. ii. 28, 71, his fabulis spretis ac repudiatis....

196.Reinach, Textes, p. 17. Cf. above, p. 93.

197.The word itself does not occur in Homer. However, Od. ix. 478, the taunt is flung by Odysseus, the blind monster,

s??t??’, ?pe? ?e????? ??? ??e? s? ??? ????
?s??e?a? t? se ?e?? t?sat? ?a? ?e?? ??????..

198.Arrian, Anab. I. ix. 9-10.

199.Il. iii. 207; Od. iii. 355; vii. 190.

200.Plutarch, Lycurgus, xxvii.; Ael. V. Hist. xiii. 16; Thuc. i. 144.

201.Juvenal, Sat. xv. 93-131.

202.Cf. the undoubted instances of the Gallus-Galla, Graecus-Graeca sacrifices at Rome. See article, Gallus et Galla, in Pauly-Wissowa Realenzykl, especially the unwilling testimony of Livy, XXII. lvii. 6.

203.The Tauric Artemis was considered a barbarian goddess, but received the veneration of Greeks, and of her we read, Eur. Iph. Taur. 384, a?t? d? ??s?a?? ?deta? ??t??t?????. The sacrifices of the Trojan captives at the funeral of Patroclus, the sacrifice of Polyxena, Astyanax, and Iphigenia are sufficient evidences of the familiarity of the practice to Greeks. An historical instance is the atonement-sacrifice of Epimenides at Athens. Diog. Laert. i. 111, 112; Athen. xiii. 602 C.

204.For the Gauls, cf. Strabo, iv. 198; the Thracians, vii. 300; the Carthaginians, Verg. Aen. i. 525.

205.The question of the Molech sacrifices in Palestine is too uncertain and complicated to be treated here in full. Doubtless some Jews at various times sacrificed to Molech; but some Jews in Greek times sacrificed to heathen gods, or, at any rate, adored them while still professing Judaism, and throughout the Middle Ages individual Jews indulged in superstitious practices severely reprobated by the rabbis. The passage in Jeremiah (xxxii. 35) does not necessarily imply that those who took part in these rites deemed themselves to be worshiping Jehovah.

206.Reinach, Textes, p. 121.

207.Sat. xv. 78-81 and 93 seq.

208.Sat. xiv. 103.

209.It is a curious and instructive fact that Chinese have charged Christian missionaries with precisely this same crime, i.e. of kidnapping and killing children as part of their religious ceremonies.

Chapter XIV

THE PHILOSOPHIC OPPOSITION

210.Cf. the whole Lucianic dialogue on Images, 459-484, and Zeus Tragoedus, 654 seq.

211.Cicero, De Nat. Deorum, i. 23, 63. Athenag. Supp. xii.

212.Josephus, Contra Ap. ii. 37.

213.Euthyphro, viii. 3 (7A).

214.Sophocles, Oed. Rex, 661.

215.Cf. ch. XI., n. 19. Also II. Chron. xi. 15. The ???? are mentioned in Psalms cvi. 37 as deities to whom human sacrifices are made.

216.Isocr. Pan. 155-156; Lycurgus, In Leocr. 80-81.

217.For the Boeotians cf. the common ?? ????t?a; Pind. Ol. vi. 153; id. Fr. iv. 9, and Hor. Epp. II. i. 244; for Egyptian perfidia, Val. Max. v. 1, 10; for Abdera, Juv. Sat. x. 50; Mart. x. 25, 4; for the Cretans, the famous ???te? ?e? ?e?sta?, Call. Hymn in Jov. v. 8., a proverb also quoted from Epimenides by Paul, Ep. ad Tit. i. 13. One may also note in this connection the Greek proverb, t??a ??ppa ????sta ? ?appad???a ?a? ???t? ?a? ??????a.

218.Livy, XXXIV. xxiv. 4.

219.Plautus, Rud. v. 50, scelestus, Agrigentinus, urbis proditor.

220.Cicero, Pro Fonteio, 14, 30.

221.Cicero, Pro Scauro, 17, 38.

222.Pliny, Hist. Nat. Praef. 25.

223.Africanus, ap. Eus. Praep. Ev. x. 10, 490 B, Clemens Alex Strom. i. 22.

224.Reinach, Textes, p. 122.

225.Cf. ch. VIII., n. 14.

226.Cf. ch. XII., n. 12.

227.Strabo, i. 66; Cic. De Rep. i. 58.

228.Cicero, Paradoxon, iii.: ?t? ?sa t? ?a?t?ata. Parva, inquit, est res. At magna culpa; nec enim peccata rerum eventis, sed vitiis hominum metienda sunt.

229.Cumont, Les rel. orient. pp. 157 seq.

Chapter XV

THE ROMANS

230.The first Greek historians to deal with Roman history are Hieronymus of Cardia and Timaeus, both of the fourth century B.C.E.

231.Pliny, Nat. Hist. III. lvii.

232.Psalms of Solomon, ii.

233.Livy, XLIX. v.: Syros omnis esse, haud paulo mancipiorum melius propter servilia ingenia quam militum genus.

234.Cf. ch. III., n. 9.

235.Servile origin has been ascribed to such a family as the Sempronian, and is assumed for the praenomen Servius, as for the nomen Servilius.

236.Macrob. Saturn. II. i. 13.

237.The reading of the last phrase in the mss. is quod servata, which is scarcely consistent with the rest of the passage. Bernays, Rh. Mus. 1857, p. 464 seq., conjectured that it was a Jewish or Christian marginal gloss which found its way into the text, a supposition by no means to be dismissed as cavalierly as Reinach does (Textes, p. 241, n. 1). A Christian scribe might easily have been moved by the taunt quam dis cara, to retort with the triumphant quod servata! It will be remembered that the Christians accepted as part of their own all the history and literature of the Jews till the birth of Christ, and resented as attacks upon themselves any slur against the Jews of pre-Christian times. Cf. the very interesting passage in Lactantius, Div. inst. iv. 2.

238.Cic. In Vat. 5, 12.

239.It may be worth while to indicate briefly the relation between the senatorial authority and the executive power at Rome. Unless the senate acted at the instance of the magistrate himself, a senatusconsultum was an advisory resolution, passed upon motion and suggesting to the holder of executive power, or imperium, a certain course of action. The words were generally: Placet senatui ut A. A., N. N. consules, alter ambove, si eis videretur, ilia faciant. In practice, it is true, such a resolution was almost mandatory. A strong magistrate, however, or a rash one, might and did disregard it. While, accordingly, a magistrate might neglect a course of action prescribed by the senate, there was nothing to hinder any action on his part (whether or not there was senatorial authority for it), except the veto power residing in the tribune or in an equal or superior magistrate. The only restrictions were made by the laws concerning the inviolability of the person of a civis Romanus, and of the aerarium.

240.The contio was a formal assembly of citizens, called by a magistrate holding imperium. The purpose was generally to hear projected legislation either favorably or unfavorably discussed. No one spoke except the magistrate or those whom he designated. The contio took no action except to indicate its assent by acclamation, or its dissent equally emphatically. At the actual legislative assembly, for which the contiones were preparations, no discussion whatever took place. The law was presented to be accepted or refused. It will be seen that a mass of Orientals who less than two years before had been Aramaic-speaking slaves can scarcely have been a power in such gatherings as these.

241.Philo, Leg. ad. Gaium, 23.

242.The language of the inscriptions in the various Jewish cemeteries at Rome is almost always Greek, as is that of most of the monuments in the Christian catacombs. Latin is rare and generally later. But these monuments belong to Jews who lived several generations after 63 B.C.E. As far as Palestine is concerned, both inscriptions and literature leave no doubt that the masses spoke only Aramaic or Hebrew.

243.Caesar, Bell. Gall. II. xxxiii. 7; III. xvi. 4.

244.Foucart, MÉm. sur l’affranchissement des esclaves.

245.Suet. Div. Iul. 84, 76, 80.

246.The pretensions of the senatorial party to be the only true Romans were not altogether unfounded. The terms boni and optimates which they gave themselves were perhaps consciously adapted from the ?a??? ???a??? of Athens. The importance of nobilitas as a criterion of true Roman blood lay in the fact that it attested lineage in a wholly unmistakable way. We may compare the insistence of Nehemiah upon documentary evidence of Israelitish blood (Neh. vii. 61, 64).

247.Pro Flacco, 15, 36, compared with 26, 62 seq.

248.Cf. ch. XIV., notes 11, 12.

249.The chief political asset of the triumvirs was the orientalized plebs of the city, whose origin and poverty would combine to make them bitterly detest the organized tax-farmers. Now Crassus, one of the triumvirs, was himself the head of a powerful financial group. It may be that the tax-farmers persecuted by Gabinius belonged to a rival organization, or that Crassus had withdrawn from that form of speculation before 60 B.C.E. In the case of Flaccus, the complaint of the tax-financier Decianus was a pretext, or else Decianus may have been forethoughtful enough to have joined the right syndicate.

250.Cicero ad Att. ii. 9.

251.Augustinus, De Civ. Dei, iv. 31, 2.

Chapter XVI

JEWS IN ROME DURING THE EARLY EMPIRE

252.Myths are understood by modern anthropologists exclusively as a “folk-way,” with the effects of single creative imaginations almost wholly eliminated. However, the better-known Greek myths are not at all folk-devised. As far as the Romans are concerned, it has so far been impossible to pick out a definite story which does not appear to have been derived from an existing Greek myth by quite sophisticated methods.

253.The phrase referred to is Ubi bene ibi patria, although just this form of it may not be ancient. However, the idea, that a fatherland might brutally ill-use its citizens and still claim their loyalty, was something that the average Greek scarcely recognized even in theory. When Socrates propounds some such doctrine in Plato’s Crito, 51 B, he is consciously advocating a paradox. It was regarded as a noble ideal somewhat beyond the reach of ordinary men. Its disregard involved no moral turpitude.

In Cicero, Tusc. v. 37, 108, the phrase runs, Patria est ubicunque est bene. That is an evident adaptation of a Greek phrase, such as the one in Aristoph. Plut. 1151, pat??? ??? ?st? p?s’ ??’ ?? p??tt? t?? e?.

254.Livy, Epit. lvi. Eunous, the leader, called his followers Syri, and himself King Antiochus. Cf. Florus, ii. 7 (iii. 9), Diodorus fr. xxxiv. 2, 5. Atargatis was the Dea Syria that played so important a rÔle in the life of the empire.

255.The philosophic schools had the usual corporate names of ??as??, s???d??, and the like. Or like other corporations they have a cult name in the plural, ?? ????e??sta?, ?? ??t?pat??sta?, ?? ?a?a?t?asta? (Athen. v. 186). For the International Athletic Union, ? pe??p???st??? ??st??? s???d??, cf. Gk. Pap. in Brit. Mus. i. 214 seq.

256.Cf. ch. III., n. 9.

257.Cf. Menippus in Lucian’s Icaromenippus, 6 seq. Menippus does not spare his fellow Cynics (ibid. 16).

258.Macrobius, Sat. II. i. 13. The jest has unfortunately not come down to us.

259.The book we know as the “Wisdom of Solomon” is unquestionably the finest in style and the profoundest in treatment of the Apocrypha. Such passages as i.; ii. 1 seq.; ii. 6; iii. 1 seq. can hardly have appealed to any but highly cultured men.

260.Until the time of Claudius, we are told by John Lydus, no Roman citizen might actively participate in the rites of Cybele. Cf. Dendrophori, Pauly-Wissowa, p. 216. Claudius removed the restriction, perhaps to make Cybele a counterfoil to Isis.

261.The story in Livy, XXXIX., viii. seq. is a case in point. The abominable excesses which, as Hispala testifies, took place among the Bacchae (ibid. 13) are almost certainly gross exaggerations.

This hostility to new-comers was not a sudden departure from previous usage. Sporadic instances are mentioned in Livy’s narrative. As early as 429 B.C.E., he tells us, Datum negotium aedilibus ne qui nisi Romani dii neu quo alio more quam patrio colerentur (Livy, IV. xxx. 11). The notice is of value as an indication that the general Roman feeling was not always so cordially receptive as is often assumed.

262.Valerius Max. I. iii. 3.

263.Cf. Cic. ad Att. iii. 15, 4; Asconius ad Pison. 8.

264.Suetonius, Div. Iul. 42. Josephus, Ant. XIV. x. 8. Suetonius (ibid. 84) states that many exterae gentes enjoyed his favor. The Jews may have been only one group among many. However, the statement is indirectly made by Suetonius and directly by Josephus, that they received his special protection to a striking extent. We have only the political support given the triumvirs and Caesar personally to fall back upon for a motive.

265. I undertake with some diffidence to revive a conjecture made before without much success, that the 30th Sabbath was the Day of Atonement. One remarkable misunderstanding of the Sabbath institution was that it was a fast-day. When we consider the number and activity of the Roman Jews, it seems scarcely credible that so many otherwise well-informed persons supposed that the Jews fasted once a week. Augustus in his letter to Tiberius seems to do so (Suet. Aug. 76). Pomp. Trogus (Justinus), xxxvi. 2, explicitly states it. Cf. also Petronius (BÜcheler, Anth. Lat. Frg. 37) and Martial, iv. 4. But at least one man, Plutarch, not only knew that it was not so, but was aware that, if anything, the Sabbath was a joyous feast-day (Moralia ii., Quaest. Con. v. 2). To this testimony must be added that of Persius, Sat. v. 182 seq. It is in the highest degree surprising that Reinach (p. 265, n. 3) could have accepted the theory that the pallor alluded to is the faintness brought on by fasting. The tunny fish on the plate should have convinced him of his error. It may be remembered that fish in all its forms was one of the chief delicacies of the Romans. Tunny, however, was a very common fish, and one of the principal food staples of the proletariat.

Persius writes from personal experience. Of the other writers it is only Pompeius Trogus who makes the unqualified statement that the Sabbath as such was a fast-day. When Strabo writes that Pompey is said to have taken Jerusalem t?? t?? ??ste?a? ???a? t???sa? (xvi. 40), he is assumed to have been guilty of the same confusion. But it is not easy to see why he should have hesitated to say the Sabbath if he meant the Sabbath. Nor is it so certain that Josephus is mechanically copying Strabo (Reinach, p. 104. n. 1) when he says (Ant. XIV. iv. 3) that Jerusalem was taken pe?? t??t?? ??a t? t?? ??ste?a? ????. The details of Josephus are vastly fuller than those of Strabo, and he is not guilty of the latter’s error regarding Jewish observance of the Sabbath in times of war (Ant. XIV. iv. 2). Besides, the siege lasted several weeks—more than two months—so that Pompey’s maneuver, if it depended wholly upon the Sabbath, might have been performed at once.

Hilgenfeld’s supposition (Monatsschrift, 1885, pp. 109-115) that the day was the Atonement, is better founded than Reinach would have us think. In the mouth of Josephus, ? t?? ??ste?a? ???a can scarcely have any other sense. And if Josephus believed that Jerusalem fell on the Kippur, he believed so from more intimate tradition than the writings of Strabo.

Now, ? t?? ??ste?a? ???a, the great fast of the Jews, must have been as marked a feature in their life two thousand years ago as to-day. While all the other feasts have individual names, it does not appear that this one did. ??? ??????? (Lev. xxiii. 27; LXX, ???a ????as??) seems rather a descriptive term than a proper name. Josephus (Ant. IV. x.) has no name for it, although he has for the others. In the Talmud, it is ??? “the Day,” ???? ??? “the Great Day,” ???? ???, “the Great Fast.” In Acts xxvii. 9 we meet the phrase ? ??ste?a, “the fast ?at’ ??????.” Similarly in Philo, De Septenario, all the festivals have names except this, which is referred to simply as “the Fast.” It must be, however, evident that with the institution of other fasts, ? ??ste?a would hardly be adequate. As a distinctive appellation, some other name had to be chosen.

In the Pentateuch the term (??? ?????) is used of ordinary Sabbaths (Ex. xxxi. 15, xxxv. 2, Lev. xxiii. 3) as well as of the Atonement (Lev. xvi. 31, xxiii. 32). But the LXX expressly distinguishes the application of it to ordinary Sabbaths from its application to the Atonement. The former, it renders s?ata ??apa?se??, the latter s?ata sa?t??. This latter term may therefore be considered the specific designation of the Atonement Day, and it is so used by Philo, De Septen. 23, s?at?? sa?t??, t?? ????? ????te?a? (?d?ade?).

We may, therefore, assume that in the Greek-speaking Jewish community of Rome, s?ata sa?t??, “the Great Sabbath,” was the common designation—or at least a familiar designation—of the Day of Atonement. In that case it could scarcely be otherwise than familiar to those who had any dealings whatever with the Jews.

Fuscus pretends to share a very general observance, and on the strength of it to be disinclined to discuss any personal matters with his friend. Can that day have been a simple Sabbath? The tone indicates a rarer and more solemn occasion. Besides, we are definitely told that it is a special Sabbath, the “thirtieth.”

The Jews at that time seem to have reckoned their festivals by strict lunar months (Josephus, Ant. IV. x.) and their civil year by the Macedonian calendar. The thirtieth Sabbath, if we reckon by the Roman calendar, might conceivably have fallen on the Atonement. By the Macedonian or Athenian it could not have done so. However, as the Roman calendar was a solar one, the correspondence of the thirtieth Sabbath with the Atonement can only have been a fortuitous one in a single year. Tricesima sabbata can hardly apply to that.

It is just possible that the reason for the word “thirtieth” is to be found in the widely and devoutly pursued astrology of that time. The number thirty had a certain significance in astrology, Firmicus Maternus, IV. xvii. 5; xxii. 3. If for one reason or another the mansio of the moon, which coincided with the second week of the seventh lunar month (cf. Firm. Mat. IV. i. seq. for the importance of the moon in astrology), bore the number thirty, then tricesima sabbata, to initiated and uninitiated, might bear the portentous meaning required for the Horatian passage.

Whether that is so or not, the only Sabbath which we know to have been specially singled out from the rest of the year, was this s?ata sa?t??, the Day of Atonement. Whatever reason there was for calling it the thirtieth, the mere fact of its being particularly designated makes it likely that Horace referred to that day.

Nearly every one of the festivals in Tishri has already been suggested for the phrase, but these results have been reached by elaborate and intricate calculations, which bring the thirtieth Sabbath on the festival required. The main difficulty with all such calculations has been noted. The coincidence can only have been exceptional, and an exceptional coincidence will not help us here. Some especially rigorous Jews undoubtedly fasted every week like the Pharisee in Luke xviii. 11-20, but that was intended as a form of asceticism. The custom survived in some Christian communities, notably in Rome, which elevated it almost to a dogma, so that Augustine had to combat the point with especial vigor. (Ep. xxxvi., and Casulanum, Corp. Scr. Eccl. xxxiv. pp. 33 seq.) It may be interesting to remember that from a passage of this epistle referring to this Sabbath fast (xiv. 32) is derived the famous proverb, “When you are in Rome, do as the Romans do.”

266.Sat. I. iv. 18.

267.Sat. I. v. 97.

268.Apellas is a common name for a slave or freedman. Cic. ad Fam. vii. 25; C. I. L. x. 6114. That a Jew should bear a name derived from that of Apollo, is not at all strange. Cf. ch. IX., n. 6.

269.Cf. Ep. I. vi. 1 seq. The nil admirari of the first line is Horace’s equivalent for the ?ta?a??a of Epicurus.

270.As is stated in the text, the peregrina Sabbata and the septima festa, which is merely a metrical paraphrase for Sabbata, are treated here as of annual occurrence. The word redeunt itself points to that. It has been suggested in Note 264, that the great annual Sabbath was the Day of Atonement. If that is referred to here, the application is very natural. The season of the Tishri festivals coincided in the Mediterranean with rather severe storms. These generally began after the Day of Atonement, so that among Jews sailing was rarely undertaken after that day. This is strikingly shown by Acts xxvii. 9. But the equinoctial storms, while sufficient to make a sea-voyage dangerous, do not seem to have caused serious discomfort on land. The reference, accordingly, must in each case be understood from its context. In the first the courtship is to be begun, tu licet incipias, at the great Sabbath, to take advantage of the exquisite autumn of Italy. In the second, the voyage is not to be deferred even for this same Sabbath, which ordinarily marked the danger line of navigation.

271.Vogelstein u. Rieger, Gesch. der Jud. in der Stadt Rom., p. 39 seq.

272.Reinach, Textes, p. 259.

273.Pliny, Hist. Nat. XXIX. i. 6. Plaut. Amphitruo, 1013.

274.Cf. Garrucci, Cimitero ... in Signa Randanini; F. X. Kraus, Roma Sott. p. 286 ff.; Garucci, Storia del arte Cristiana, VI. tav. 489-491.

Chapter XVII

THE JEWS OF THE EMPIRE TILL THE REVOLT

275.Verg. Ecl. i. 6-7; Georg. i. 503; Horace, Odes, I. ii. 43; Ovid, Ex Ponto, ii. 8.

276.Xen. An. IV. i. 2-3.

277.Cic. ad Att. i. 1.

278.While notoriously corrupt governors like Cotta (130 B.C. E.), Cic. Pro Mur. 58, and Aquilius (126 B.C.E.), Cic. Div. in Caec. 69, were acquitted, a rigidly honest man like Rufus was convicted under such a charge. Dio Cassius, fr. 97.

279.Ditt. Or. inscr. no. 456, l. 35; from Mytilene, 457, 659.

280.The Edict of Caracalla, called the Constitutio Antonina or Antoniniana, has been known in substance for a long time. Recently fragments of its exact words in Greek were discovered in a papyrus (Giessen, Pap. II. (P. Meyer), p. 30 seq): d?d?? t??? s???pas?? ?????? t??? ?at? t?? ????????? p???te?a? ??a??? ????t?? pa?t?? ?????? p???te??t?? ????? t?? dede?t?????. The exact effect of the decree is not yet quite clear. It seems evident that the dediticii were excluded.

281.Dio Cassius, xxxvi. 6.

282.Suet. Aug. 93.

283.Josephus, Ant. XIV. x.; XII. iii. 2.

284.The “heterodox Jewish propaganda” is of course Christianity. The success of Paul and other missionaries in Asia Minor is best indicated by the churches of Asia to which Revelations is addressed.

285.Horace, Ep. II. ii. 184. The sumptuous present of Aristobulus, which formed part of Pompey’s triumphal procession, Josephus, Ant. XIV. iii. 1. Pliny, Hist. Nat. XXXVII. ii. 12, must have made the Jewish kings symbols of enormous wealth. None the less, Herod’s unsparing severity toward his own sons was also well known, and it is said to have elicited from Augustus the phrase mallem Herodis porcus esse quam filius—Macrob. Sat. II. iv. 11—a jest which, as Reinach points out (Textes, p. 358), is of doubtful authenticity, and certainly not original.

286.Josephus, Ant. XX. iii.

287.Judea herself was free from tribute, but Herod was responsible for certain Arab revenues. Besides, he received from Augustus a number of Greek towns (Josephus, Wars, I. xx. seq.), and his kingdom included further Batanaea south of Damascus, Galilee, and Peraea, the Greek cities across the Jordan and south through Idumaea. All this was held by him as the acknowledged beneficiary of Rome (Josephus, Ant. XV. vi. 7).

288.Josephus, Ant. XV. i. 2.

289.Josephus, Ant. XVII. vi. 6.

290.Cf. ch. XI., n. 15. Cf. also Josephus, Ant. XVII. x.

291.Not merely composed of Herod’s old soldiers (Josephus, Ant. XVII. x. 4). Matt. xxii. 16; Mark iii. 6; xii. 13.

292.Madden, Coins of the Jews. Cf. also Josephus, Ant. XVIII. iii. 1.

293.Josephus, Ant. XX. viii. 11.

294.Josephus, Ant. XX. v. 4.

295.Josephus, Ant. XV. xi. 15.

296.Josephus, Ant. XVI. vii.-viii. seq. The many children of Herod’s ten wives were in almost constant intrigues against him and one another.

297.Strabo, xvi. 755.

298.It is necessary at every point to note the uncertain character of our evidence. The Historiae Philippicae of Pompeius Trogus written under Augustus would have been of inestimable value for us, if we had them in full. But we possess them merely in the summary of Justin (third century?), which gives us all the substance, but little or none of the personality of the writer. And in this case the loss is the more serious because Trogus seems to have had a keener feeling for the dramatic character of events and a broader sympathy than many other ancient historians.

299.Josephus, Ant. XVII. x. 9.

300.This is the Varus made famous in the Teutoburg battle. The insurrection mentioned in the text is the polemos shel Varos of the Seder Olam.

301.Caesar, Bell. Gall. iii. 10.

302.Josephus, Ant. XVII. x. 9.

303.Nicolaus of Damascus, philosopher and historian, was Herod’s principal Greek adviser and the advocate of the Jews in many public controversies. As far as we can judge from fragments, his History of the World, in no less than 114 Books, was a loosely connected compilation rather than a work of literary merit.

304.Josephus, Ant. XVIII. i. 1 and 6.

305.A complete investigation of this subject is contained in Domaszewski, Die Religion des rÖmischen Heeres.

306.Cagnat. in Dar.-Sagl. Dict. des ant. s. v. legio, p. 1084.

307.The signa were actually worshiped by the soldiers. They are the propria legionum numina. Tac. Ann. ii. 17. Cf. Cagnat., op. cit. p. 1065. Domaszewski, op. cit. p. 115.

308.To the sense and tact of this typical Roman official the averting of a crisis in the history of Palestinian Jewry is due. The rebellion which Gaius would undoubtedly have provoked might have dragged other parts of the world with it, and at that time the conditions were less favorable for re-establishment of the empire than in 68 C.E.

309.Josephus, Ant. XVIII. vii. 2.

310.Josephus, Ant. XIX. vi.

311.That Tacitus shows a strong antipathy to the Jews can scarcely be questioned. It is in these chapters (Hist. v. 2. seq.) more than most others, that we are able to see the rhetorical historian of ancient times almost in the act of preparing his narrative. The sources of Tacitus are open to us. That he used Manetho and Apion instead of Josephus and Nicolaus is itself ample indication of the complete lack of conscience with which such a writer could select his evidence according to the thesis he meant to establish.

312.Cagnat. Inscr. Gr. ad res Rom. pertin. ii. n. 176.

313.Cf. for the Jewish feeling toward him, Jos. Ant. VI. i. 2; Ketub. 17a; Pes. 88b. He is represented as a rigidly observant and pious Jew. However, the boon companion of the young Gaius and the voluptuaries of the imperial court must have undergone an overwhelming change of heart if he was really worthy of the praise lavished upon him.

314.Josephus, Ant. XIX. vii.

315.Josephus, Ant. XX. i. One of the slain rioters is named Hannibal.

316.Josephus, Ant. XX. v.

317.Josephus, Ant. XX. viii.

318.Cf. Livy, Books XXXIX and XL.

319.Tac. Ann. iii. 40 seq.; ibid. ii. 52; iv. 23. In 52 C.E., Cilicia rose in revolt; ibid. xii. 55. The Jewish disturbances of the same year are alluded to in Tac. Ann. xii. 54—a passage omitted in Reinach.

320.Josephus, Wars, II. xvi.

321.The entire life of this curious impostor, as portrayed by Lucian, is of the highest interest. The maddest and most insolent pranks received no severer punishment than exclusion from Rome.

322.C. I. L. vii. 5471.

323.For the Armenian, British, etc., rebellions, see Suet. Nero, 39, 40. In at least one other part of the empire, prophecy and poetry maintained the hope of an ultimate supremacy, something like the Messianic hope of the Jews. This was in Spain, and upon this fact Galba laid great stress. Suet. Galba, 9: Quorum carminum sententia erat, oriturum quandoque ex Hispania principem dominumque rerum.

324.Suetonius speaks first of the joy shown at his death, then of the grief. It is, however, easy to see that the latter manifestation was probably the more genuine and lasting.

325.Josephus, Ant. XX. viii. 11; Vita, 3.

326.We learn from the same passage that a great many accounts of Nero existed, and many of them were favorable. The implication further is that these accounts were written after his death. We have only the picture drawn by Tacitus and Suetonius. If we had one written from the other side, like Velleius Paterculus’ panegyric of Tiberius (Vell. Pat. ii. 129 seq.), we should be better able to judge him.

327.Gittin 56a.

328.Reinach, Textes, pp. 176-178.

329.Neither the arch nor the inscription exists any longer. A copy of the inscription was made, before the ninth century, by a monk of the monastery of Einsiedeln, to whose observation and antiquarian interest we owe more than one valuable record.

330.The phrase Iudaica superstitione imbuti, already quoted, shows what the term would be likely to suggest to Roman minds. In Diocletian’s time, when the Persians were the arch-enemies of Rome, and Persian doctrine in the form of Manicheism was widely spread over the empire, the emperors did not hesitate to call themselves Persicus. But Persicus never meant an adherent of a religious sect.

331.Idumaea is used for Iudaea in Statius Silvae, iii. 138; v. 2, 138; Valerius Flaccus, Argon. 12.

Chapter XIX

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ROMAN JEWISH COMMUNITY

332.Philo, Leg. ad Gaium, 24.

333.We may compare such expressions as magica arte infecti, Tac. Ann. ii. 2; Cic. Fin. III. ii. 9.

334.Long before the attempts made in the nineteenth century to rehabilitate all the generally acknowledged historical monsters, historians had looked askance at the portrait of Tiberius drawn by Tacitus. For a recent discussion, cf. Jerome, The Tacitean Tiberius, Class. Phil. vii. pp. 265 seq.

335.Suet. Tib. 36. The mathematici are strictly the astrologers whose science was called ???s??. Cf. the title of Firmicus Maternus, Matheseos libri. The governmental attempt to suppress the mathematici was a total failure, but the law’s attitude toward them may be seen from the rescript of Diocletian (294 C.E.): ars mathematica damnabilis interdicta est (Cod. Just. IX. xviii. 2).

336.Nero assigned Sardinia to the senate as ample satisfaction for Achaea, which he took under his own jurisdiction.

337.Acts xi. 26; xxvi. 28. ??s?? ???st?? in the inscription quoted in n. 10. In this case the identification of names may be due to iotacism.

338.Cf. the well-known rhetorician Philostr. Vita. Soph. ii. 11, and in Rome itself Inscr. gr. Sic. et Ital. 1272; and ibid. 2417, 2.

339.The question of the authenticity and date of the Acts does not belong to this study. A thorough discussion will be found in Wendland, Die urchristlichen Literaturformen,3 p. 314 seq.

340.Acts xi. 19; xiii. 5, 50.

341.s??a???? = ?????s?a. Le Bas, 2528 (318 C.E.), a Marcionite association.

342.There was a jurist Tertullian of whom some fragments have been preserved in the Digest (29, 2, 30; 49, 17, 4). He has on plausible grounds been assumed to be the same as the Church Father. There can be no question that the latter had legal training. As for the cruelties described by Tacitus, it may be said that Eusebius has no word of them, even in his denunciation of Nero. (Hist. Eccl. II. xxv.)

343.All the Church Fathers mention these outrageous charges. Pliny (Ep. x. 96) refers vaguely to wickednesses charged against them, but the flagitia cohaerentia nomini are more likely to be the treasonable machinations which the Christian associations were assumed to be engaged in than these foul and stupid accusations. It will be remembered that Tertullian (loc. cit.) is more eager to free the Christians from the charge of treason than of any other. Treason in this case, however, meant not sedition or rebellion, but anarchy, i.e. attempts at the destruction of the state. The attitude of medieval law toward heresy gives a good analogy.

344.It would scarcely be necessary to refute this slander, if it had not recently renewed currency; Harnack, Mission and Ausbreitung. Tertullian knows nothing of it, nor Eusebius, although the latter refers in the case of Polycarp to Jewish persecution of Christians (Hist. Eccl. IV. xv. 29). Tertullian, on the contrary, implies that an enemy of the Jews would be likely to be a persecutor of Christians (Apol. 5).

345.Like most men of his time he bore two names, his native name of Saul and the name by which he was known among Christians, Paul. This is indicated by the phrase Sa???? ? ?a? ?a???? (Acts xiii. 9), which is the usual form in which such a double name was expressed.

346.The mother church at Jerusalem consisted exclusively of Jews until the time of Hadrian (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. IV. v. 2).

347.Quint. Inst. X. i. 93.

348.Maecenas, too, was of the highest Etruscan nobility. Horace, Sat. I. vi. 1 seq. The antiquity of Etruscan families was proverbial among the Romans.

349.Mommsen seeks to make his crabbed style a racial characteristic. The statement is quite gratuitous. His peculiarity of expression is amply explained by his youth, his lack of literary practice, and his absorption in his philosophical pursuits.

350.Pers. v. 176. Reinach, Textes, p. 264.

351.Strabo apud Jos. Ant. XIV. vii. 2: ?a? t?p?? ??? ?st? ??d??? e??e?? t?? ????????? ?? ?? pa?ad?de?ta? t??t? t? f???? ?d’ ?p???ate?ta? ?p’ a?t??. Seneca apud Aug. De Civ. Dei, vi. 10: Cum interim usque eo sceleratissimae gentis consuetudo valet ut per omnes iam terras recepta sit; victi victoribus leges dederunt.

352.Besides the capital passage (Sat. xiv. 96) Juvenal speaks of Jews in Sat. iii. 10 seq., 296; vi. 156, 542.

353.Cf. Garrucci, Cimitero ... in Signa Randanini; Rossi, Roma Sotteranea, especially the Indices. As late as 296 C.E. the epitaph of the Bishop of the Roman church is given in Greek.

Chapter XX

THE FINAL REVOLTS OF THE JEWS

354.Perhaps the “egg laid on the Sabbath” would have excited less comment, if the fact were kept in mind that a decision in a specific case can hardly fail to be particular.

355.C. I. L. ix. 1. 26.

356.Laius outraged Chrysippus, son of Pelops, who had been left in his care. The Euripidean lost play on Oedipus seems to have adopted that version. Pisander, Schol. Eur. Phoen. 1760: p??t?? d? ????? t?? ????t?? ???ta t??t?? ?s?e?.

357.Cf. Philo, De Spec. Leg. 7.

358.Tosefta Ab. Zar. ii. 6.

359.Ziebarth, Kulturbilder aus griechischen StÄdten, p. 73.

360.In very much earlier times Jews left dedications in the temple of Pan Euhodus. Ditt. Inscr. Or. 74: Te?d?t?? ???????? ???da??? s??e?? ?? pe?????. Cf. 73, ?t??ea??? ?????s??? ???da???.

361.This became a standing formula and in inscriptions is regularly abbreviated N. K. C. (Valerius Probus, 4), i.e. non kalumniae causa. The use of k for c testifies to the antiquity of the formula.

362.Suet. Domit. 12.

363.Dio Cassius (Xiph.), lxvii. 14.

364.Passed in 81 B.C.E. This law punished offenses as diverse as murder, arson, poisoning, perjury, abortion, and abuse of magisterial power. In every case it was the effect of the act that was considered.

365.Reinach, Textes, p. 197, n. 1.

366.The polemos shel kitos of Mishnah Sota ix. 14 and the Seder Olam.

Quietus was a Moorish chieftain of great military ability. He seems to have hoped for the succession to the throne. After the end of the revolt he was transferred to his native province, Mauretania, by Hadrian, and was ultimately executed for treason.

367.Meg. Taan., Adar 12; GrÄtz, Gesch. der Juden,3 iv. 445 seq.

368.In the case of non-Jews, the Messianic hope was simply the dread of an impending cataclysm. As far as this dread was connected with the failure of the Julian line, it proved groundless. But the Jewish Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of this time are full of prophecies of the end of the world. It was the general belief that the world was very old, and that a fixed cycle, then rapidly coming to its end, determined the limits it would reach.

369.Jerus. Taan. iv. 7, p. 68 d. Ekah Rab. ii. 1.

370.Dio Cassius (Xiph.), lxix. 12; Reinach, Textes, p. 198.

371.Dig. 50, 15, 1, 6.

372.Euseb. Hist. Eccl. IV. vi. 4.

373.Gen. Rab. lxiii. (xxv. 23) makes Hadrian the typical heathen king, as Solomon is the typical Jewish king. His name is followed, as is that of Trajan, by a drastic curse. But there are traditions of a kindlier feeling toward him. Sibyl. v. 248. In the Meg. Taan. the 29th of Adar.

374.Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. IV. vi., quoting Aristo of Pella. Jerome in Ezek. i. 15. It is here that the famous passage of Jerome occurs, which describes the Jews as “buying their tears.” Cf. also Itiner. Burdigal. (Hierosolymitanum), I. v. 22.

375.Vopiscus, Vita Saturn. viii.; Reinach, Textes, p. 326. The authenticity of this letter has been questioned, but the transmission, although indirect, is better documented than in most such cases. Hadrian is known to have written an autobiography, and Phlegon, his freedman, who also wrote his life, no doubt used it. Spartianus, Hadr. i. 1; xiv. 8.

376.The writers Spartianus, Capitolinus, etc., dedicate their work to Diocletian or Constantine. It was suggested by Dessau, Hermes, 24, 337, that these writers never existed, and were invented by a forger of a century later. Mommsen, Hermes, 25, 298, assumed their existence, but regarded the extant works as revised at the time mentioned by Dessau. Other investigators, except H. Peter, accept Mommsen’s conclusions. Whether they are authentic or not, these biographies are alike wretched in style and thought.

377.Paul, Sent. V. xxiii. 14; Dig. 48, 8, 3, 2; 8, 8. The date is not certain; Dig. 48, 8, 3, 4.

378.B. G. U. 347, 82.

379.Dig. 48, 8, 11. pr.

380.Paul, Sent. V. xxii. 3.

381.Lampridius, Vita Alex. 22.

382.Jews made converts even after the prohibition of Theodosius (Jerome, Migne Patrol, 25, p. 199; 26, p. 311). One further ground for doubting the statement of Paul as it appears in the extant texts is the following: In the Digest (48, 8, 4, 2) it is only the physician and the slave that are capitally punished for castration. The owner of the slave (ibid. 48, 8, 6) is punished by the loss of half his property. Further, the penalty for circumcision is stated to be the same as that for castration. That was the case not only in Modestinus’ time, who lived after Paul, but as late as Justinian, since it is received into the Digest. Yet Paul, according to the extant text, makes the circumcision of alien slaves a capital crime (V. xxii. 4). The discrepancy can scarcely be reconciled.

383.Capitol. Antoninus Pius, 5.

384.193 C.E. It was on this occasion that the Pretorians offered the imperial purple to the highest bidder.

385.Josephus, Ant. XIV. x.

386.The legend of Polycarp assumes a large and powerful Jewish community. In late Byzantine times, the Jews of Asia Minor were still a powerful factor. The emperor Michael II, a Phrygian, was suspected of Jewish leanings; Theophanes (Contin.), ii. 3 ff.

Chapter XXI

THE LEGAL POSITION OF THE JEWS IN THE LATER EMPIRE

387.The theory advanced by Wilcken-Mitteis (GrundzÜge und Chrestomathie der Pap. vol. I.) that all who paid a poll-tax were dediticii, and therefore excluded from the Const. Ant. is wholly gratuitous. There is no evidence whatever connecting the dediticii with the poll-tax.

388.There are few reliable statements in the extant texts for estimating the population. Beloch’s work on the subject puts all the data together, but nothing except uncertain conjectures can be offered.

389.Lanciani, Ancient Rome, pp. 50-51; Pelham, Essays on Roman History, pp. 268 seq.

390.Lampridius, Alex. 33: corpora omnium constituit vinariorum ... et omnino omnium artium.

391.These are the collegia, idcirco instituta ut necessariam operam publicis utilitatibus exhiberent (Dig. 50, 6, 6, 1). They are the transportation companies and others engaged in caring for and distributing the annona, the fire companies and the burial associations of the poor. Cf. C. I. L. vi. 85, 29691; x. 1642, xiv. 2112.

392.The institutio alimentaria commemorated on the marble slabs (anaglypha) in the Forum and by the bronze tablets of Veleia and the Baebiani (C. I. L. ix. 1147; xi. 1455). It had begun with Nerva: puellas puerosque natos parentibus egestosis sumptu publico per Italiae oppida ali iussit (Aur. Vict., Nerva, xii.).

393.An entire article of the Digest (26, 1) is devoted to the tutela. Another one (27, 1) deals with excusationes, which are mainly exemptions from the burden of the tutela.

394.The distinction is thoroughgoing in the penal clauses cited in the Digest. It was already established in Trajan’s time (Plin. Ep. X. lxxix. 3). It is implied in Suetonius, Gaius, 27: multos honesti ordinis. It is doubtful, however, whether the distinction was already recognized in the time of Caligula.

395.Gaius wrote about 150 C.E., probably in the eastern provinces.

396.Abot ii. 5. The saying of Hillel has no direct reference to apostasy, and concerns rather arrogance or eccentricity of conduct. But it literally describes the act by which such a man as Tiberius Julius Alexander ceased to be classed as a Jew.

397.Cf. Plutarch, Numa, 17; Dionys. Hal. iv. 43.

398.Dig. 50, 2, 3, 3.

399.Cod. Theod. viii. 14.

400.Exodus xxi. 2; Josephus, Ant. IV. viii. 28.

401.Bab. Bat. 3b; Gittin 46b. The duty was regarded as of the highest urgency.

402.Vogelstein and Rieger, Gesch. der Juden, p. 61 seq. FriedlÄnder, Darstellungen der Sitt.7 i. p. 514.

403.Ox. Pap. ii. no. 276.

404.Aurelian reigned from 270-275 C.E. The sol invictus whom he adored was probably the Baal of Palmyra. Cumont, Les rel. orient, pp. 170, 367, n. 59.

405.Cod. Theod. xvi. 4.

406.In 311 C.E. Galerius, and in 318 C.E. Constantine and Licinius, legalized the practice of Christianity. In 380 C.E., by the edict of Thessalonica, most of the heathen practices became penal offenses.

407.Every state as such had its characteristic and legally established state ritual. Many centuries later Gladstone, then “the rising hope of the stern and unbending Tories,” stated, as a self-evident proposition, that a government in its collective capacity must profess a religion (The Church in its Relation to the State, 1839).

408.Cyprian. De catholicae ecclesiae unitate, ch. x.

409.Matth. v. 13. Cf. generally the Pauline Epistles, e.g. II. Corinth. xiii. 13.

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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