INDEX

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A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, J, K, L, M, N, O, P, Q, R, S, T, U, V, W, X, Y, Z

A
Abderahman, on the palm-tree, i. 189, note.
Ablutions at table, i. 168, ii. 303.
Aborigines of America, origin of the, i. 225, 230-253;
of their civilization, 240.
Peculiarities in their organization, 250.
See Indians and Mankind.
Absolution, Aztec rite of, i. 83.
Achilles, shade of, cited, i. 77, note.
Acolhuans. See Colhuans and Tezcucans.
Acolman, iii. 353. Dispute there, 373.
Aculan, Spaniards at the capital of, iv. 189.
Adelantado, i. 316, note, iii. 29.
Adrian of Utrecht, regent of Spain, iii. 355, iv. 139.
Warrant by, iv. 139.
Pope, 143.
Adultery, charge respecting, iv. 271, 371.
Agave Americana, or aloe, or maguey, i. 8.
Paper from the, 114, 151.
Various uses made of the, 114, note, 151, 171.
Dresden Codex made of the, 119, note.
Account of it, 151, 152.
Agriculture, tax on, among the Aztecs, i. 51, 150.
Remarks on, 147.
Of North American Indians, 148.
Among the Mexicans, 149.
Articles of Aztec, 150.
Encouraged by Nezahualcoyotl, 190.
Tlascalan, ii. 107.
Cholulan, 189.
Near the lake of Chalco, 240.
Attention to, after the Conquest, iv. 168, 231.
Aguilar, GerÓnimo de, a Christian captive, account of, i. 339.
CortÉs’ reception of, 341.
An interpreter, 342.
In the retreat from Mexico, iii. 175.
At Chalco, 326.
Aguilar, Marcos de, succeeds Ponce de Leon as royal commissioner, iv. 206, note.
Collects opinions in regard to repartimientos, ib..
Ahuahutle, insects’ eggs, used as food, ii. 290, note, iv. 66, note.
Ahualco, crossed by Spaniards, ii. 229.
Ahuitzotl, i. 25, 26, note, 95, note.
Ajotzinco, city of, ii. 237.
Alaman, LÚcas, cited, i. 116, note, 297, note, 363, note, ii. 228, note, 246, note, 247, note, 257 note, 298, note, 303, note, 319, note, iii. 156, note, 307, note, 333, note, 348, note, iv. 100, note, 102, note, 103, note, 137, note, 147, note, 152, note, 153, note, 158, note, 167, note, 169, note, 191, note, 230, note, 231, note, 247, note, 249, note, 250, note.
Alaminos, Antonio de, chief pilot of the armada, i. 328, ii. 21.
Despatched to Spain, ii. 63.
Anchors at Cuba, 64.
Alderete, Julian de, royal treasurer, iii. 324.
At Tacuba, 350.
Advice of, as to attack, iv. 36.
His division for assaulting Mexico, 37, and note.
Too eager and in peril, 39, 41.
Urges the torture of Guatemozin, 130, 145.
Alexander the Great, iii. 213, note.
Alexander VI., Pope, bull of partition by, ii. 209, note.
Enjoins conversion of the heathen, 210, note.
Algiers, expedition against, iv. 239.
Alms-giving, Aztec, i. 85.
Aloe. See Agave Americana.
Alphabet, Egyptian, i. 108, note.
Nearest approach to, 110.
European, introduced into Mexico, 112.
Alvarado, Jorge de, iv. 37.
Alvarado, Pedro de, enters the river Alvarado, i. 292, 359.
His return to Cuba with treasures, 294, 295, 310.
Joins CortÉs, 322.
Marches across Cuba, 323.
Reprimanded, 333.
In the battles near the Tabasco, 347-350.
On a foraging party, ii. 32.
Cuts down the body of Morla, 51.
Despatched to Cempoalla, 66.
Troops put under, 83.
At Tlascala, 172.
DoÑa Luisa given to, 174.
Visits Montezuma with CortÉs, 263.
Aids in seizing Montezuma, 342.
Montezuma pleased with, 363.
Takes command at Mexico, iii. 44.
Instructions to, 44.
Forces under, 46, 95, note.
Assault on, 78, 85.
Blockaded, 83, 85.
Joined by CortÉs, 85.
Aztecs massacred by, 87, note, 88, note, 91, note.
Character of, 94.
CortÉs’ dissatisfaction with, 94.
Chivalrous, 119.
Storms the great temple, 129.
Overpowered at the Mexican bridges, 143.
Acts at the evacuation of Mexico, 162.
Unhorsed, 171.
At the battle of Otumba, 200.
Accompanies Duero and Bermudez to Vera Cruz, 236.
Sandoval and, 297.
Reconnoitres Mexico, 304.
Conspiracy against, 357.
To command the point Tacuba, 367.
Enmity of Olid and, 373.
Demolishes the aqueduct, 374.
Operations of, iv. 18.
Protects breaches, 25.
Sandoval to join, 36.
His neglect to secure a retreat, 38.
Rebuked, 38.
His fortune at the assault, 47.
CortÉs opinion of, 51.
Temple burnt by, 77.
Meeting of CortÉs and, 79.
In the murderous assault, 89, 91.
To occupy the market-place, 96.
Detached to Oaxaca, 134.
Conquers Guatemala, 172.
Alvarado’s Leap, iii. 172, 173.
Amadis de Gaula, ii. 241, note.
Amaquemecan, Spaniards at, ii. 236.
Ambassadors, persons of, held sacred, i. 57.
Ammunition, iv. 62.
See Gunpowder.
Amnesty, granted by Nezahualcoyotl, i. 183.
Anaglyphs, i. 112, note.
Anahuac, i. 11.
Extent of, 13, note.
Meaning of the word, 14, note.
Forms of government in, 32.
Number of human sacrifices in, 94, note, 95.
See Aztecs and Mexico.
Andrada, Don Juan, iii. 155, note.
Animals, artificial, i. 155, note, 193, note, ii. 16, 58, 217, 313.
Animals, of the New World and the Old, different, i. 225.
Origin of, in the New World, 227.
No useful domesticated, among the Aztecs, 270.
Collection of, ii. 295.
See Draught-cattle.
Antigua or Vera Cruz Vieja, ii. 48, note, iv. 156.
Antiquities, i. 199, 264.
Of Cozumel, 335, note.
Aqueducts, conducting to Tezcotzinco, i. 197.
At Iztapalapan, ii. 244.
From Chapoltepec, 264, 284, note, 292.
Destroyed, iii. 374.
Arabic manuscripts destroyed, i. 115, 116.
Architecture, refinement and, i. 196.
Of the Tezcucans, 199, 207.
Coincidences with Aztec, 256, 261.
Of Palenque, 261.
In Yucatan, 292.
Of Cozumel, 334.
At Cempoalla, ii. 38, 39.
Of Tlascala, 166.
Marine, at Ajotzinco, 236.
At Cuitlahauc, 240.
Of Iztapalapan, 243.
On the Tezcucan lake, 248.
At Mexico, 254.
Encouragement of, by Montezuma, 292.
After the Conquest, iv. 151.
Archives at Tezcuco, i. 187, 192.
Argensola, on the house of CortÉs, i. 298, note.
On the detention of CortÉs in Spain, 300, note.
Arithmetic among the Aztecs, i. 124.
Ark, coincidences with the, i. 233.
Armada, intrusted to CortÉs, i. 311.
The fitting out of the, 313, 314.
Expense of it, 321, ii. 29.
Sails, i. 320.
Equipment of it, 320, 321, 322.
Joined by volunteers, 321.
Sails from Havana, 327.
Its strength, 328.
Chief pilot of the, 328.
Sails, 330, 339, 342.
Encounters a storm, 332.
At Cozumel, 332, 339.
At the Rio de Tabasco, 342.
Wounded sent back to the, 349.
Sails for Mexico, 358.
At San Juan de Ulua, Villa Rica, and Vera Cruz, 360, 365, ii. 21.
One vessel joins the, ii. 56.
One vessel of the, despatched to Spain, 63, 64.
Juan Diaz attempts to escape with one of the, 65.
Sunk, 68, 69, 70, note.
See Brigantines.
Armies, account of Aztec, i. 59.
Armor, tribute of, i. 51, 52, note.
Arms of Montezuma, ii. 264.
See Arrows.
Arrows, defence against, i. 324, 351.
Burnt, ii. 350.
Discharge of, at the assault in Mexico, iii. 109.
Art, few works of Aztec, found, i. 259.
Artillery.
See Cannon.
Artisans, Montezuma’s, ii. 305.
Astrology, i. 133, 136.
Origin of, 136.
Astronomy, Mexican, i. 137, 138.
Studied, 208, 216.
Atlantis of Plato, i. 226.
Audience, giving of, by Montezuma, ii. 304.
Auxiliaries.
See Indian allies.
Aviary, Aztec, ii. 244, 294, iv. 22, 151.
Avila, Alonso de, joins CortÉs, i. 322.
Fights, 343, 346, 350.
Aids to seize Montezuma, ii. 342;
Narvaez, iii. 60.
Before CortÉs, in behalf of the soldiers, iii. 76.
Tries to calm CortÉs, 96.
In the retreat from Mexico, 162, 175.
At the battle of Otumba, 200.
Despatched to St. Domingo, 243, note;
to Spain, iv. 138.
Captured by the French, 138.
Axayacatl, Aztec sovereign, Tlascalans oppose, ii. 110.
His treasure, 333, iii. 7-10.
See Treasure.
Axayacatl’s palace, ii. 257, 258, iii. 107.
Spaniards quartered in, ii. 257, 258.
Chapel in, 333.
Montezuma’s confinement in, 347.
Return of CortÉs to, iii. 85.
Spaniards besieged there, 92.
Assaulted by Aztecs, 108.
Fired, 111.
Commanded by the temple of the war-god, 127.
Destroyed, iv. 21.
Ayllon, the licentiate, sent to stay Velasquez’s expedition, iii. 31.
Joins the fleet, 31.
Seized and sent back, 35.
His report, 35.
Released, 355.
Azcapozalco, a slave-market, i. 162, 183, iii. 307, note.
Aztecs, or Mexicans, civilization of the, i. 1, 62, 218, 225, ii. 316.
Extent of their country, i. 4, iv. 112.
Quarter from which they came, i. 20, note.
Time of their arrival at Anahuac, 20, 22, note, iv. 112.
Their migratory habits, i. 20, 242.
Settlement of, at Mexico, 21.
Domestic feuds and secession among them, 22.
Extent of their territory just before the arrival of the Spaniards, 26.
Form of government among the, 33.
Election and installation of sovereigns, 35.
Legislative and judicial system among them, 41.
Great aim of their institutions, 56.
On calling them barbarians, 62, note.
Compared with Saxons of the time of Alfred, 62.
Comparison of modern Mexicans and, 62.
Their mythology, 70.
Cycles, 74, 127, note, 129, 232, 246.
Ideas of future life, 76.
Their claims to civilization, 98, iv. 112.
Compared with Europeans of the sixteenth century, i. 98.
Their law of honor, 99, note.
Their manuscripts, 114.
The Teoamoxtli, or divine book of the, 122, note.
Their literary culture, 123.
Measurement of time, 125.
Their cycle called an “old age,” 128, note.
Astrology, 136.
Astronomy, 137.
Their festival at the termination of the great cycle, 140.
Their agriculture, 148.
Acquaintance of, with plants, 153;
with minerals, 153;
with the mechanical arts, 155, 159.
Their domestic manners, 165.
Differ from North American Indians, 172, 254, note.
Character of the, original and unique, 173.
Nezahualcoyotl unites his forces with the, 182.
Beat and sacrifice Maxtla, 182.
Transfer of power to, from the Tezcucans, 217.
Essay on the origin of the civilization of the, 225.
Traditions respecting their origin, 251.
The first communication with them, 293-295.
Orders to CortÉs respecting the treatment of them, 315.
Their condition, and disgust with Montezuma, at the time of CortÉs’ arrival, ii. 8.
Defeated by Tlascalans, 110.
Aid in a Cholulan conspiracy, 194, 197.
Number of, in the Mexican market, 317.
Enraged at the profanation of their temples, iii. 20.
Aid in building vessels at Vera Cruz, 21.
Insurrection by the, 92.
Their assaults on the Spanish quarters, 108, 119.
Sally against them, 115.
Addressed by Montezuma, 123.
Insult Montezuma, 124.
Their spirit at the storming of the great temple, 130.
CortÉs’ address to, 134.
Their reply, 135.
Their combatant spirit, 141.
Assault the retreating Spaniards, 168.
Measures for rallying, 218.
Tlascalan alliance with, rejected, 221.
Guatemozin emperor of the, 249.
Proceeded against as rebels, 251.
Want of cohesion among them, 294.
Deride CortÉs, 313.
Fights with, on the Sierra, 328.
At Xochimilco, 344.
Defend the aqueduct of Chapoltepec, 374.
At Iztapalapan, iv. 3.
Defeat of their flotilla, 5.
Fight on the causeways, 11.
Their exasperation, 23.
Their hatred of white men, 34, 74.
Their bravery at the general assault, 42.
Attack Alvarado and Sandoval, 47.
Their spirit and sufferings, 64, 70, 75, 85, 95.
Sortie of, 69.
Do not bury their dead, 73, 87.
Assault on, at the market-place, 93.
Effect of Guatemozin’s capture on, 101.
Evacuate the city, 107.
Remarks on the fall of their empire, 112.
See Guatemozin and Montezuma.
B
Babel, coincidences of the tower of, and the temple of Cholula, i. 235.
Bachelors subject to penalties, iv. 157.
Badajoz, Gutierre de, storms the great teocalli, iv. 77.
Bahama Islands, i. 284. Expedition to, for slaves, 289.
Balboa, NuÑez de, i. 284, 306.
Transports brigantines, iii. 302, note.
Banana, i. 150.
The forbidden fruit, 150, note.
Bancroft, H. H., cited, i. 53, note, 72, note, 192, note, 238, note, 289, note, 323, note, ii. 301, note, 306, note, iii. 373, note, iv. 152, note.
Bandelier, A., cited, i. 17, note, 32, note, 36, note, 72, note, 176, note, 238, note, 259, note, ii. 181,
note, 183, note, 186, note, 187, note, 191, note, 231, note.
Banner of CortÉs, i. 324, ii. 148, note.
Lost and recovered, iv. 46.
See Standard.
Banners, River of, i. 293, 359.
Baptism, Aztec and pagan, i. 78, 240, 241.
Barante, on a disclosure in the reign of Louis the Eleventh, iii. 361.
Barba, Don Pedro, governor of Havana, ordered to seize CortÉs, i. 326.
Barba, Pedro, killed, iv. 29.
Barbers, Aztec, ii. 167, 314.
Barca, Madame Calderon de la, on Mexican love of flowers, ii. 38, note.
On Tacuba, iii. 374, note.
On Cuernavaca, iv. 231, note.
Barks at Ajotzinco, ii. 237.
See Canoes.
Barracks built at Mexico, iv. 31.
Barrio de San Jago, iv. 81.
Barter, Grijalva’s, at the River of Banners, i. 293, 359.
Object of CortÉs’ expedition, 315.
At Cozumel, 333.
With the Tabascans, 356.
See Traffic.
Basque language, i. 251, note.
Bas-reliefs destroyed, ii. 298.
Batanzos, Fray Domingo de, discusses the repartimientos and probable fate of the Indians, iv. 207.
Baths of Montezuma, i. 198, ii. 299.
Battles, Aztecs avoided slaying their enemies in, i. 96.
Of Tabasco, 345, 348.
Of Ceutla, 351.
Between Aztecs and Tlascalans, ii. 110, 111;
Spaniards and Tlascalans, 116, 120-125, 135, 143;
Escalante and Quauhpopoca, ii. 339;
CortÉs and Narvaez, iii. 65.
At the Aztec insurrection, 108-119.
At the great temple, 129.
On leaving Mexico, 141.
Of the Melancholy Night, 167.
Of Otumba, 197.
Of Quauhquechollan, 229.
Of Iztapalapan, iii. 286.
Near Chalco, 290.
At Xaltocan, 305.
At Tlacopan, 310.
Of Jacapichtla, 319.
On the rocks of the Sierra, 327.
At Cuernavaca, 336.
At Xochimilco, 338, 343.
At the aqueduct of Chapoltepec, 375.
Naval, with the Indian flotilla, iv. 5.
On the Mexican causeways, 11.
With Alderete’s division, 41.
With the Panuchese, 141.
Beetles, CortÉs aided by, iii. 67.
Beggary, not tolerated, i. 206.
Bejar, Duke de, befriends CortÉs, iv. 142, 221.
His reception of him, 218.
Belus, on the tower of, i. 256 note.
Benavente, Count of, i. 281, note.
Bermudez, Agustin, iii. 69.
Bernaldez on devils, i. 70, note.
Bilious fever. See VÓmito.
Bird, Dr., on mantas, iii. 140, note.
Birds, artificial, i. 155, note, 193, ii. 16, 58, note, 217, 313.
See Aviary.
Births, consultation at, i. 136.
Bishop’s Pass, ii. 91.
Bison, domesticated, i. 270, note.
Blanc, Mont, height of, ii. 224, note.
Blasphemy, prohibited, iii. 255.
Blumenbach, on American skulls, i. 256, note.
Bodies of the Tlascalans painted, ii. 131, 132.
See Dead.
Bodleian Library, roll and Codex in the, i. 53, note, 118, note.
Body-guard of Montezuma, i. 38, note, ii. 300.
Of CortÉs, iii. 362.
See QuiÑones.
Booty, law on appropriating, iii. 256.
Little found in Mexico, iv. 109, 130.
See Gold and Treasure.
Borunda, the Mexican Champollion, i. 121, note.
Botanical garden, ii. 243, note, 297.
See Floating gardens.
Botello urges night retreat, iii. 159.
Boturini, Benaduci, Chevalier, his writings and collection of manuscripts, i. 14, note, 25, note, 26, 40, note, 114, note, 117, note, 121, note, 173, note, 174, 175,
188, note, 235, note, ii. 258, note, iii. 193.
Bradford’s American Antiquities, i. 223.
Branding of slaves, iii. 225, 299.
Brass substituted for iron, i. 154, note.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, AbbÉ, cited, i. 12, note, 70, note, 122, note.
His theory in regard to Mexican mythology, 226, note.
Brazil secured to Portugal, ii. 209, note.
Breaches in the causeways, made and filled, iv. 11, 38, 65, 77.
Neglected by Alderete, 39.
Measures for filling, 63.
Bread and wine, consecrated, i. 241, note.
Bridges, arched, at Tlascala, ii. 163.
At Mexico, ii. 250, 256, 284, 286, 336.
Removed, iii. 85, 98.
Demolished, 136, 141.
Restored, 143.
Leaped by CortÉs, 145.
Portable, 163, 164, 166.
At Cuernavaca, iii. 334.
In the expedition to Honduras, iv. 179, 181, 194.
See Breaches and Canals.
Brigantines, built on Lake Tezcuco, ii. 359.
Burnt, iii. 78.
Built and transported to Lake Tezcuco, 234, 245, 282, 297, 299, 322, 325, 362, 364.
Attempts to destroy, 325.
Canal for transporting, 362.
Launched, 363.
Remains of, preserved, 363, note, iv. 153.
Co-operate with the army, iv. 4-11, 37, 48, 99.
Decoyed and destroyed, 28.
Sail from Honduras to Truxillo, 196.
See Fleet.
Brinton, Dr. Daniel G., explanations of Mexican mythology by, i. 14, note, 17, note, 72, note, 73, note, 122 note, 238, note, 243, note, 335, note, 339, note.
Budh, incarnation of, i. 71, note.
Buffalo ranges, i. 270.
Buffoons, Aztec, i. 171, note.
See Jesters.
Bullock, W., on Tezcuco, i. 194, note, ii. 367, note.
On a basin at Tezcotzinco, i. 198, note.
On antiquities at Tezcotzinco, 200, note.
On Puebla de los Angeles, ii. 188, note
On the pyramids of Teotihuacan, iii. 190, note, 192, note.
On a banner in the Hospital of Jesus, iv. 46, note.
Bulls for the Conquerors, iii. 324, iv. 213, note.
Burials, i. 78, note.
See Dead.
Bustamante, editor of Sahagun’s Universal History, i. 103, 110, 121, note, 145, iv. 81, note, 117, note, 125.
C
Cabot, Sebastian, i. 284.
Cacama, king of Tezcuco, rival for the crown, ii. 8, 367, iii. 272.
Favors a friendly reception of CortÉs, ii. 14, 366.
Counsels Montezuma, 236, 366.
Mission of, to CortÉs, 236, 238.
Accompanies Montezuma, 251.
His plan for liberating Montezuma, 368.
Negotiations with, 369, 370.
Seizure of, and of his confederates, 370.
Brought away from Mexico, iii. 162.
Fate of, 264.
Cacao, i. 150, 161, note.
A circulating medium, 191, ii. 318.
CÆsar, Julius, order by, i. 354, note.
Calderon, SeÑor de, iii. 155, note.
See Barca.
Calendar, Aztec, i. 127, 128, and note, 129.
Of the lunar reckoning, 132, 133.
Coincidences with the Asiatic, 247.
Calendar-stone, i. 137, 157, 158, note, ii. 292.
Calmecac school, i. 84.
Calpixqui, i. 35, note, 54, note.
Calpullac, i. 33, note, 34, note.
Calpulli, or tribes, distribution into, i. 52, note.
Camargo, Diego MuÑoz, ii. 172, note.
Account of, and of his writings, iii. 102.
Cited, 148, note, 172, note, iv. 299.
Campeachy, Bay of, i. 342.
Canals, for irrigation, i. 150, 350, ii. 189, 240.
Instead of streets, 237.
In the gardens at Iztapalapan, 244.
In Mexico, 282, 286.
Filled up, 169, 282.
For transporting brigantines, iii. 362.
See Breaches and Bridges.
Cannibalism, i. 93, 99, 170, 339.
Coincidences as to, 244.
During the siege, iv. 29, 66.
Of the allies, 33.
Spanish captives the victims of, 54.
Cannon, landed from the ships, i. 349.
Command of, given to Mesa, 349.
Effect of, at the battle of Ceutla, 351.
Mounted on the Vera Cruz hillocks, 365.
Effect of, on Aztec visitors, 370.
Sent to the fleet, ii. 34.
At Cempoalla, 40.
Effect of, on the Tlascalans, 124, 136, 137.
At Cholula, 202.
Effect of, at Mexico, 262, iii. 109, 115.
On board Narvaez’s fleet, 33.
At Cempoalla, 62, 65.
Turned against Narvaez, 66.
Effect of, at the retreat, 171.
All lost in the retreat, 181.
For attacking Mexico, 251.
In the fleet on Lake Tezcuco, 364.
Effects of, at the siege of Mexico, iv. 13, 46, 48.
Cast in Mexico, 153.
Cano, Don Thoan, iii. 89, note.
Married Montezuma’s daughter, 89, note, 126, note, 155, note, iv. 186, note.
Cited, iii. 126, note, 179, 180, note, 207, note, iv. 438.
Canoes, ii. 237, 249, 287, iii. 375, iv. 4, 8.
Captives. See Christians and Prisoners.
Caribbee Islands, i. 284.
Carli, Count, cited, i. 40, note, 139, note, 160, notes, 227, note, 241, note, 244, note, 271, note.
Carpets, cotton, at Vera Cruz, i. 365.
Carreri, Gemelli, chart of, i. 252, note.
Casa de Contratacion, i. 282, iii. 25.
Casa, Giovanni della, ii. 287, note.
Casas Grandes, ruins of, i. 253, note.
Castes in Mexico, i. 161.
Catalina. See Xuarez.
Catalogue of Mex ican historians, i. 112, note.
Catapult, built, iv. 82.
Cathedrals, i. 157, ii. 281, 319, iv. 152.
Catherwood’s illustrations, i. 223.
Catholics, Protestants and, i. 358, ii. 56.
Views of, as to infidels, ii. 208.
Catoche, Cape, i. 290, 342.
Cattle, i. 309, note, iv. 231.
Causeways, dividing Chalco from Xochicalco, ii. 240, 247.
The three, at Mexico, 284.
Present state of the, iv. 155.
See Cojohuacan, Iztapalapan, Tepejacac, and Tlacopan.
Cavaliers, i. 322, 335.
Cavaliero, superintendent of marine, iii. 77.
Cavalry, i. 349, 352, 354.
Indian ideas respecting, 354.
In Narvaez’s armada, iii. 33, 68.
Effect of, at Mexico, 115, 171, 174, 185.
Loss of, 180.
At the battle of Otumba, 198.
For attacking Mexico, 251.
At Tlacopan, 309.
Ambuscade with, 315, 349.
At the siege and surrender of Mexico, iv. 18, 46.
See Horses.
Cavo, on CortÉs’ bigotry, iv. 259, note.
Cempoalla, ii. 25, 34, 38, 39.
Reception of CortÉs at, 39.
Cacique of, at Chiahuitztla, 43.
CortÉs’ second visit to, 52.
Cacique of, aided by CortÉs, 51.
Arrests there, 54.
Proceedings there, 83.
Narvaez at, iii. 40, 60.
Sick and wounded left at, 79.
Cempoallan allies, ii. 85, 86, note.
Perish from cold, 91.
Distrust Cholulans, 100.
Four, sent to the Tlascalans, 100, 119.
Fight Tlascalans, 123.
Enter Cholula, 190.
Detect a conspiracy, 192.
Withdraw, 219.
At Mexico
with CortÉs, 247, note, iii. 95, note.
Centaurs, Spaniards thought to be, i. 354.
Central America, its ancient civilization distinct from that of Mexico, i. 16, note.
See Chiapa, Mitla, and Palenque.
Ceremonies, religious, i. 88.
Ceutla, battle of, i. 351, 354.
Chaac Mol, i. 158, note.
Chalcas, i. 195, note.
Chalchuites, resembling emeralds, ii. 21.
Chalco, iii. 289.
Sandoval’s expeditions to, 37, 317.
CortÉs’ expedition in favor of, 325.
Indian levies join Spaniards at, 366.
Chalco, lake of, i. 158, ii. 237, 324.
Challenges, iv. 71.
Champollion, i. 110, and note, 120, note.
Chapoltepec, carved stones at, destroyed, i. 138, note.
Residence of Mexican monarchs, ii. 230, 298.
Aqueduct from, 264, 284, note, iii. 373, 374.
Account of, ii. 298.
Views from, 298.
Charles V., Spain under, i. 280.
Erroneous statements regarding, 281, note.
Discovery by the beginning of his reign, 283.
Title of, ii. 28, note.
CortÉs’ First Letter to, 59.
Discussion before, on the civilization of Indians, 74.
Montezuma’s gifts to, iii. 6-10.
His first visit to Spain after his accession, 25.
His treatment of envoys from CortÉs, 27.
Second Letter to, by CortÉs, iii. 241, 354.
Grant by, to CortÉs, for capturing Guatemozin, iv. 102, note.
Third Letter to, from CortÉs and one from the army, 136, 138.
In Spain, 143.
Board selected by, respecting CortÉs, 143.
Powers given by, to CortÉs, 146.
Fifth Letter to, 178, note, 331.
Appoints a juez de residencia, 204.
Writes to CortÉs, 205; orders him to return to Spain, 210.
Gives audience to him, 218.
Confides in CortÉs, 219.
Visits him, 219.
Honors and rewards CortÉs, 220.
Goes to Italy, 224.
Absence of, 238.
Applications to, by CortÉs, and the result, 240.
Last Letter to, by CortÉs, 241, 337.
Charnay, cited, i. 17, note, 259, note, 265, note.
Chase, Montezuma’s fondness for the, ii. 364, 365.
Chastity, injunctions as to, iv. 270.
Chess, ii. 17, note.
Chiahuitztla, visit to, ii. 43.
Chiapa, Bishop of, ii. 77.
See Las Casas.
Chiapa, resemblances to architecture in, i. 258, 261.
Chichemecatl, a Tlascalan chief, iii. 300, 366, iv. 57.
Chichimecs, i. 16, 18, 19, note, 253.
Chicxulub, Chronicle of, i. 122, note, 339, note.
Chief of Men, i. 25, note.
Chilan Balam, i. 122, note.
Children, baptizing and naming of, i. 78, 240.
Education and discipline of, 83, 166.
Sacrificed, ii. 193.
CortÉs’ treatment of, 205.
Stew of, for Montezuma, 301, note.
Chimalpopoca, sacrificed, i. 99, note.
China, i. 56, note, 71, note, 161, note.
See Chinese.
Chinantla, lances from, iii. 44, 52.
Chinantlan allies aid CortÉs, iii. 44, 74.
Chinese, i. 147.
Their language and the Othomi, 251.
Iron among the, 271, note.
See China.
Chivalry, spirit of, in the troops, iii. 340, iv. 71.
Chocolate, i. 52, note, 150, 170, ii. 302.
Cholula, traditions connected with Quetzalcoatl at, i. 72, ii. 10, 182, iii. 6.
Coincidences of the tower of Babel and the temple of, i. 235.
Account of, ii. 3, 180, 182, 185.
Pilgrims to, 187.
Entered by the Spaniards, 190.
Massacre, 213, note.
Junction of CortÉs and Velasquez de Leon at, iii. 44, 49.
Olid’s countermarch on, 228.
Cholulan allies, iii. 228, iv. 56.
Cholulans, ii. 100.
Distrust of, 100, 176, 178.
Summons to the, 177, 178.
Embassy from the, 178.
Their reception of the Spaniards, ii. 190.
Conspiracy of the, 194.
To aid CortÉs, 197.
Massacred, 201.
Efforts to convert, 216.
Christianity, ideas, rites, and usages not unlike to, among the Mexicans, i. 69, 78, 82, ii. 333.
Measures for conversion to, i. 286, 356, 357, ii. 55, 90, 96, 97, 170, iv. 190, 192.
Similarity of Quetzalcoatl’s teachings to, ii. 182, note.
On conquest for conversion to, 209.
Duty to convert to, 209.
Attempts to convert Montezuma to, 261, 265, 364, iii. 14.
Maxixca, 235;
his son, and Xicotencatl, 244.
After the Conquest, iv. 152, 165.
Rapid spread of, 166.
See CortÉs.
Christians, in captivity, i. 315, 333, 339.
See Christianity.
Chronology, i. 126, 129.Weapons headed with, ii. 134.
Cora language, i. 253, note.
Cordillera mountains, i. 8.
Cordova, Gonsalvo de, iv. 250.
Cordova, Hernandez de, i. 289.
Corn. See Indian corn.
Coronation of Montezuma, ii. 4.
Corral, ensign, iii. 328, iv. 45.
CortÉs, Hernando, expedition of, to Honduras, i. 267, note, iv. 175, 203, note.
Velasquez selects him for an expedition, 297-313.
Birth and genealogy of, 297.
His early years, 298.
In Hispaniola, 302.
In Cuba, 303.
Marriage of, with Catalina Xuarez, 304, 308, 310.
His difficulties with Velasquez, 304, 311.
Put in irons, 305.
Escapes twice, 306, 307.
The Armada intrusted to him as Captain-General, 311, 316, 321.
Applies all his money to fitting out the fleet, 314, 321, ii. 29.
Instructions to, by Velasquez, i. 315, iv. 284.
His clandestine embarkation, i. 319.
His measures for equipment, 319, 321, 322.
Described, 324.
Strength of his armament, 328.
His address to his soldiers, 329.
At Cozumel, 332.
Endeavors to liberate captive Christians, 333.
His zeal to convert the natives, 335, 356, ii. 22, 41, 52, 90, 96, 216, 325, 327, iii. 245, 254, 350, iv. 162, 244.
At Tabasco, i. 342, 350.
His first interview with Mexicans, 364.
His presents and demands to see Montezuma, 368.
Embassy returns to, with presents from Montezuma, ii. 16. (See Montezuma.)
His second message to Montezuma, 19.
The reply, 21, 22.
First made acquainted with the condition of Mexico, 25, 42.
His resignation and reappointment, 30, 31, iii. 55.
His policy with the Totonacs and Montezuma, ii. 45.
Another Aztec embassy to, 49.
Aids the cacique of Cempoalla, 51.
Hangs up Morla, 51.
Reconciles Totonacs, 52.
His despatches to Spain, 57, 59, 60, note, 61.
Condemns conspirators, 66.
Destroys his ships, 68, 70, 71, note. (See Armada.)
His embassy to Tlascala, 100.
His vigilance, 101, 118, 143, 169, 198, 222, 237, note, 259, iii. 22.
His march to Tlascala, ii. 102, 147, 162.
Ill of a fever, 147, 161.
Standards borne by, 148, note.
Malecontents expostulate with, 150.
Mutilates Tlascalan spies, 154.
Montezuma discourages his visit to Mexico, 159.
Called Malinche, 175, iii. 134.
Invited to Mexico, ii. 175.
Massacre by, at Cholula, 201-206.
Prohibition of wanton injuries by, 205, 212.
Encourages the disaffection of the Aztecs, 233.
His entrance into Mexico, 246.
Visited by Montezuma, 251.
His quarters, 257.
His visit to Montezuma, 263.
Descendants of, now in Mexico, 263. (See Monteleone.)
Visits the market, 311;
the great temple, 319, 322;
its sanctuaries, 325.
Chapel granted to, 332.
Discovers hidden treasures, 333.
His seizure of Montezuma, 342;
fetters him, 351;
unfetters him, 352.
Seizes Cacama, 370.
Willing to relinquish his share of Montezuma’s gift, iii. 13.
On profaning Mexican temples, 18.
Learns Narvaez’s arrival, 37.
His treatment of envoy prisoners, 38.
His letter to Narvaez, 39;
marches against him, 43.
His parting with Montezuma, 46.
His strength, 52.
Met by Guevara and Duero, as envoys, 53, 56.
Summons Narvaez, 56;
assaults and defeats him, 62-69;
his treatment of him, 69;
of the captives and his own troops, 75.
His return to Mexico, 79.
His forces, 80, 95.
In ill-humor, 95.
Releases Cuitlahua, 96.
Rehorses Duero, 118.
Wounded, 120, 128, 145, 187, 199, 209, 339, iv. 43.
Leads in storming the great temple, iii. 128.
Addresses the Aztecs through Marina, 134.
Builds a manta, 140.
Deceived and releases priests, 143.
Exposures and hardihood of, 144.
Montezuma’s last conversation with, 149.
His respect for Montezuma’s memory, 157.
His retreat from Mexico, 163.
At Popotla, 174.
Loss of his Diary, 180.
Kills Cihuaca at the battle of Otumba, 200.
At Tlascala, 208.
Remonstrance with, by the troops, 212.
His expedition against the Tepeacans, 225;
against Quauhquechollan, 228.
At Itzocan, 231.
Increase of his authority, 232.
His plans for recovering Mexico, 233, 245, 251, 259, 365, 366.
His Second Letter to the emperor, 239.
His despatches to St. Domingo, 243.
Triumphal return of, to Tlascala, 243.
His forces, 251.
Enters Tezcuco, 266.
His mission to Guatemozin, 283.
Reconciles Indian allies, 293.
His reception of brigantines from Tlascala, 301.
Reconnoitres the capital, 304, 314, 325.
Seized and rescued, 339.
At Xochimilco, 342.
At Cojohuacan, 347.
Orders of, respecting his bones, 348, note, iv. 243.
Dejected, iii. 350.
Proceedings in Spain in regard to, 355.
Conspiracy against, in the camp, 356.
His body-guard, 362.
His forces, 364.
Makes three divisions, 367, note.
At Iztapalapan, iv. 4.
Takes post at Xoloc, 7.
His movements on the causeway, 10.
Levels buildings, 21, 63, 72.
His proffers to Guatemozin, 34, 89, 97.
Assaults the city, 38.
Reconnoitres Alderete’s route, 39.
Seized and rescued, 43.
Anxiety respecting, 47.
Gives the command to Sandoval, 50.
His entries into the tianguez, 79.
Murderous assault by, 93.
His last assault, 97.
His reception of Guatemozin, 103;
permits him to be tortured, 130.
Sends detachments to the Pacific Ocean, 133.
Rebuilding of Mexico by, 135, 145, 151.
His Third Letter, and one from the army, 136, 138.
Sends costly presents to Spain, 137, note.
Complaints against, in Spain, 139.
Board appointed respecting, 144.
The charges against, and the replies, 144, 204, 226.
Commission and powers given to, 147.
Founds settlements, 155.
Joined by his wife, 158.
The ordinances made by, 158, note.
His scruples about slavery, 159, 162, 243.
Suppresses the royal instructions annulling repartimientos, 161, note.
His desire of religious teachers, 162.
His regulations respecting agriculture, 168.
Voyages and expeditions of, 170.
His instructions for expeditions, 172.
Looks into the resources of the country, 172, 176, 197.
His Fifth Letter, 178, note, 210, 331.
At Truxillo, 196.
Further plans of conquest by, 196.
Embarks and returns, 200.
Sick and despondent, 201.
Driven to Cuba, 201.
At San Juan de Ulua and Medellin, 201.
Triumphal return of, to Mexico, 202.
Superseded by a juez de residencia, 204.
Further faction against, in Spain, 204.
Urged to assert his authority, 208.
Ordered to leave Mexico, 208.
Ordered to Spain, 210.
Arrival of, in Spain, 213.
Meets Pizarro, 213.
At Guadaloupe, 216.
His reception, 217.
His interview with the emperor, 218.
Marquis of Oaxaca, 220.
Gift of land to, 220.
Not reinstated in government, 221.
Captain-General of New Spain, 222.
Second marriage of, 223.
Embarks for New Spain, 225.
An investigation of his conduct by the Royal Audience, 226.
Accused of murdering his first wife, 226.
To keep ten leagues from Mexico, 229.
Welcome to, at Tezcuco, 229.
Retires to Cuernavaca, 230.
Expeditions of, for discovery, 232, 235.
His final return to Castile, 238.
His attendance on the Council of the Indies, 238.
Joins an expedition against Algiers, 239.
Wrecked, 239.
His applications to the emperor, 240.
His last letter to him, 241, 337.
Prepares to return to Mexico, 243.
Sick, 243.
His will, 243.
Dies, 246.
Obsequies of, 247, 342.
His children and descendants, 249-250.
His character, 251.
Ascendency over his soldiers, 254.
Compared to Hannibal, 255.
As a conqueror, 256.
Not cruel, 257.
In private life, 258.
His bigotry, 259.
His dress and appearance, 261.
His education, 262.
See Spaniards.
CortÉs, Don Luis, iv. 250.
CortÉs, Don Martin, iii. 25.
Exertions of, for his son, iv. 142.
Death of, 212.
CortÉs, Don Martin, son of CortÉs by his second marriage, iv. 238.
Wrecked, 239.
Provision for, 242.
Present at his father’s death, 246.
Persecuted, 249.
CortÉs, Don Martin, son of Marina, i. 362, iv. 192, 250.
Cosmogony, Humboldt on, i. 75, note.
Cotton dresses, i. 52, ii. 217, 261.
Cotton mail, or escaupil, or jackets quilted with cotton, i. 58, 324, 351, ii. 134, 135.
Cottons, given to CortÉs, i. 368, ii. 17, 50.
Council, of finance, i. 184.
Of justice, 184.
Of state, 184.
Of war, 184.
Of music, 185.
Council of the Indies, i. 282.
Ordinances by the, iii. 355, iv. 140.
Reception of CortÉs by the, iv. 238.
Couriers, i. 55, note, 141.
Courts, Aztec, i. 43-47.
Merchants allowed to have, 164.
At the Mexican market, ii. 318.
Coxcox, survived the Deluge, i. 233.
Cozumel, i. 292, 332-339.
Cozumel Cross, i. 238, 239, note.
Crimes, punishments for, i. 48.
Cross, the, a common symbol of worship, i. 335, note.
See Crosses.
Crosses of stone, at Palenque, i. 239.
Cozumel, 239, note.
Frequency of, 239, ii. 90, and note.
Antiquity and generality of, among pagans, 241.
In Yucatan, 292.
In Cozumel, 334.
At Naulinco, ii. 90.
On raising, at Tlatlanquitepec, or Cocotlan, 96.
At Tlascala, 173, 174.
Upon Quetzalcoatl’s temple at Cholula, 217.
At Mexico, 328, iii. 16.
Pulled down, iii. 132.
Cruz del Marques, 336.
Crowning of Aztec sovereigns, i. 37.
Cruz del Marques, mountain, iii. 336.
Cuba, i. 287.
Expeditions from, to Yucatan, 289-295.
CortÉs in, 303-307.
Propositions in the army to return to, ii. 20, 25, 27.
CortÉs’ emissaries land at, 64.
Las Casas’ labors in, 73.
CortÉs’ apprehensions from, 220.
Sailing of Narvaez’s fleet from, iii. 33.
Desire of troops to return to, 212, 357.
Return of some to, 236.
CortÉs driven to, iv. 201.
See St. Jago de Cuba, and Velasquez.
Cuernavaca, or Quauhnahuac, capture of, iii. 332-336.
Asks aid, iv. 61.
CortÉs’ residence at, 230.
Remarks on, 230.
Cuicuitzca, made cacique of Tezcuco, ii. 371, note, iii. 264.
Put to death, iii. 265.
Cuitlahua, lord of Iztapalapan, ii. 236.
Interview of, with CortÉs, 242.
Accompanies Montezuma, 251.
Released, iii. 96, 218.
Supplies Montezuma’s place, 97, 121, note.
Arouses the Aztecs for the battle of Otumba, 195, 218.
Notice of, 217.
Dies of smallpox, 235, 246.
Succeeded by Guatemozin, 249.
Cuitlahuac, Spaniards at, ii. 241.
Culinary science, Aztec, ii. 301.
Currency, Mexican, i. 161, ii. 318.
Cycles, Aztec, i. 74, 127, note, 129.
Persian, 127, note.
Etruscan 128, note.
Wheels of, 132, note.
Of the lunar reckoning by the priests, 132, note.
Analogies respecting, in the Old and the New World, 232, 246.
Cypress, CortÉs’, ii. 98.
Size of, 298.
D
Dancing, Mexican, i. 171, and note.
Darien, Isthmus of, crossed, i. 284.
Colony there, 285, 340.
Oviedo there, iii. 98.
Dates, on Mexican, i. 129.
Daughters, counsels to, i. 166, iv. 267.
Days, Aztec arrangement of, i. 127, 128.
Division of civil, 138, note.
Coincidences as to the signs of, 246.
Dead, burnt, i. 78, 218, note.
Buried, 78, note.
Coincidences as to the obsequies of the, 244, 245.
Carried off in battle, ii. 124, 125.
Spanish, buried, 139.
Unburied during the siege, iv. 73, 87, 105.
Buried, 108.
See Funeral ceremonies.
Death, a penalty, i. 42.
Judges punished with, 45.
For crimes, 45.
Inflicted on soldiers, 60.
Two sons put to, by a Tezcucan prince, 60.
Defaulters, liable to slavery, i. 54.
Deities, Mexican, i. 69-73.
Days and festivals appropriated to, 69, 88.
On unity and plurality of, 69, note.
Huitzilopochtli, the Mexican Mars, 70.
Quetzalcoatl, the god of the air, 71.
Penates, 75, 140.
Tezcatlipoca, 89, ii. 326.
See Huitzilopochtli, Idols, Quetzalcoatl, and Tezcatlipoca.
Delafield’s Antiquities, map in, i. 252, note.
Deluge, coincidences as to the, in the Old and the New World, i. 233.
Denon, on an Egyptian temple, i. 106, note.
De Roo, P., cited, i. 237, note, 238, note.
Devil, Mexican, i. 70, note, 95, note.
His delusion of the Aztecs, 242, note, 243.
CortÉs possessed with the, ii. 33, note.
Diary of CortÉs, lost, iii. 180.
Diaz, Bernal, errors of, ii. 175, note.
His way of life, iii. 22, note.
His share of spoil, 75, note.
Letter not signed by, 242, note.
Account of, and of his writings, 274-277.
Ravine crossed by, 335, note.
Leaves his farm to accompany CortÉs to Honduras, iv. 177, note.
On the Christianity of Guatemozin and the prince of Tacuba, 185, note.
On CortÉs at Honduras, 201.
His character of CortÉs, 261-263.
Diaz, Juan, the licentiate, efforts of, to convert natives, i. 337, ii. 364.
His conspiracy, ii. 65.
Performs mass in the great temple, 334, iii. 17.
Dikes opened upon the Spaniards at Iztapalapan, iii. 287.
See Causeways and Breaches.
Discovery, progress of, by the beginning of the reign of Charles V., i. 284.
Catholic and Protestant views as to, ii. 209, 210, note.
Progress of, under CortÉs, iv. 134, 155, 170, 232, 235.
Dishes of Montezuma, ii. 300.
Divine book, or Teoamoxtli, i. 122, note.
Domestic manners of the Aztecs, i. 165.
Dominican friars, i. 285, ii. 75-77.
Dove, coincidences with Noah’s, i. 233, 234.
On the topmast, 301.
Drain of Huehuetoca, ii. 283.
Draught-cattle, want of, i. 158, 270, iii. 223.
Draw-bridges, Mexican, ii. 250, 286, 336, iii. 98.
Dresden Codex, i. 118, and note, 119, note, 263.
Dresses, of Aztec warriors, i. 58.
Owls embroidered on, 70, note.
Of Cholulans, ii. 190.
Of Aztec chiefs, 249.
Of Montezuma, 252, 300, iii. 122.
Of Mexicans, 311.
Of Indian allies, iii. 115, 253.
Drought at Tezcuco, ii. 275.
Drum, the Tlascalan, ii. 121.
The huge Mexican, 323, iii. 165.
Of the war-god, sounded for the sacrifice of Spaniards, iv. 52.
Ducat, value of the, ii. 18, note.
Duero, Andres de, i. 311, 318.
In Narvaez’s armada, iii. 40.
Envoy to CortÉs, 53, 56.
To share in the profits, 56.
At Cempoalla, 69.
Unhorsed and rehorsed, 118.
Remonstrates, 213.
Returns to Cuba, 236.
In Spain, sustaining Velasquez, 236.
Dupaix, i. 137, note, 224, 258, note.
On Mexican tools, 260, note.
On antedeluvian buildings, 265, note.
Du Ponceau, P. S., i. 249, note.
On the synthetic structure of the Indian dialects, 249, note.
Dyes, and dye-woods, Mexican, i. 159, 285.
E
Eagle, on a standard, ii. 132, iii. 366.
Earthen-ware, Aztec, i. 159.
Earthquake, i. 110.
Ebeling, collection of maps by, iv. 179, note.
Eclipses, Aztec knowledge as to, i. 137.
Education, Aztec, i. 83, 166, ii. 330.
For the profession of hieroglyphical painting, i. 113.
The council of music virtually a board of, 185.
Of the Tezcucan royal household, 195.
Egyptians, temples of, i. 106, note.
Hieroglyphics of, 108, 109.
Sothic period of, 133, note.
Sophocles on the, 149, note.
Addresses to their kings by priests, 195.
Their representations of the human frame, 262.
Elphinstone, W., on mythology, i. 68, note.
Emeralds, Mexican use of, i. 155.
One of the, sent to Spain, iv. 137.
Genuineness of, disputed
by Alaman, 137, note.
Given by CortÉs to his second wife, 223, and note.
Emperor, i. 37, ii. 28, note.
Encomiendas. See Repartimientos.
Entertainments, style of Mexican, i. 167.
Era, the Mexican, i. 129.
Ercilla, cited, iii. 185, note, 199, note.
Escalante, Juan de, ii. 83, 84.
Forces intrusted to, 86, 339.
Instructions to, from Cholula, 220.
Treachery towards, 339.
Mortally wounded, 339.
Escobar, ii. 32, iii. 126.
Escudero, Juan, i. 307.
Executed, ii. 66.
Estates, held by Aztec nobles, i. 39.
Estrada, juez de residencia, iv. 207-211.
Estrada, MarÍa de, a heroine, iii. 168.
Estrella’s manuscript, cited, i. 288, note, 301, note, 303, note, 308, note, 309, note, 318, note.
Account of it, 331, note.
Etruscans, cycles of the, i. 128, note.
Eucharist, rite analogous to the, i. 239.
Euripides on purification, i. 241, note.
Eve, Aztec coincidences as to, i. 236.
Everett, Edward, i. 269, note.
F
Fairs, days for, i. 126, 161, ii. 317.
Traffic at, i. 161.
For the sale of slaves, 162.
At Tlascala, ii. 167.
See Market.
Falsehood, a capital offence, i. 185.
Famine, in Mexico, iv. 29, 35, 59, 66, 73, 74, 86.
At Honduras, 195.
Fans given by Montezuma, ii. 59, note.
Farfan grapples with Narvaez, iii. 66.
Feather-work, mantles of, for tribute, i. 52, and note.
Worn by warriors, 58.
Manufacture of, 160.
Made by the royal household of Tezcuco, 195.
Given to CortÉs, 368, ii. 16, 50, 58, note, 159, 234.
Worn by Tlascalans, 132.
Beauty and warmth of, 311.
Female snake, i. 34, note.
Females. See Women.
Ferdinand and Isabella, state of Spain at the close of the reign of, i. 277.
Festivals, for deities, i. 69, 88.
At the termination of the great cycle, 140.
Festivities, style of, i. 167.
Feudal system, in Anahuac, i. 40, note, ii. 106.
Fever. See VÓmito.
Fiefs, origin of, in Anahuac, i. 39, note.
Figurative writing, i. 107.
See Hieroglyphics.
Fire-arms, i. 351, ii. 140.
All lost in the retreat from Mexico, iii. 181.
Supply of, 238.
Fires always burning, i. 87, ii. 186, 323, 328.
First-fruits for the priests, i. 85.
Fish, reservoirs of, ii. 244.
Tanks of, 297.
Fleet fitted out by Velasquez against CortÉs, ii. 65, iii. 32.
Narvaez commander of the, iii. 33.
Its strength, 33.
At San Juan de Ulua, 33.
Dismantled, 77.
See Armada, Brigantines, Flotilla, and Ships.
Fleets for discovering a strait, iv. 133, 170.
Ruined by the Royal Audience, 233.
Flemings in Spain, i. 280, ii. 73.
Floating gardens, or chinampas, ii. 240, 249, 283.
See Gardens.
Florida, i. 284, iv. 170.
Flotilla, Indian, destroyed, iv. 5.
Flowers, fondness for, ii. 37, 38, 191, 230, 316.
In the Iztapalapan gardens, 243.
Fohi, incarnation of the, i. 71, note.
Fonseca, Juan Rodriguez de, Bishop of Burgos, notice of, ii. 74, iii. 27.
His hostility to Columbus, to his son, and to CortÉs, iii. 28, 242, iv. 145, 148.
Exertions of, against CortÉs and his envoys, iii. 28, 354, iv. 139, 145.
Orders CortÉs to Spain for trial, iii. 237.
Procures the passing of ordinances, 355, iv. 139.
Interdiction of, 143, 146.
End of his influence, 147.
His death, 148.
Forbidden fruit, the, i. 150, note.
Forests, destroyed, i. 10, ii. 98, and note.
Penalties for destroying, i. 150.
Laws on gathering wood in, 203, 204.
See Fuel.
Fractions, arithmetical, of Aztecs, i. 125.
Franciscan friars, in New Spain, iv. 163.
Francis I., of France, envious of the Emperor Charles V., iv. 138.
Franklin, Benjamin, on the turkey, i. 169, note.
Fruit-trees not allowed in Montezuma’s gardens, ii. 297, note.
Fuel, on gathering, i. 204.
Funeral ceremonies, Aztec, i. 78.
For Nezahualpilli, 218, note.
See Dead.
Funeral piles, i. 218, note.
Of arms, ii. 350.
Future life, Aztec views of, i. 76.
G
Galindo, Colonel, on civilization in Palenque, i. 264.
Gallatin, Albert, on Mexican prayers, i. 79, note, 250, note, 270.
Galvez, castle of, ii. 298.
Gama, Antonio, on hieroglyphics, i. 109, 110, note.
On Mexican notation, 125, note.
On intercalation, 127, note.
On the beginning of the year of the new cycle, 129, note.
On the lunar reckoning of the priests, 132, note.
On the nine companions, 133, note.
His astrological almanac, 136, note.
Carved stones seen by, 138, note.
Account of, and of his writings, 144, 145.
On a night in Cholula, ii. 199, note.
Gaming, ii. 360, iii. 14, 255.
Gante, Pedro de, convent by, iv. 152.
Garay, Francisco de, his squadron, ii. 84, iii. 237.
Crews of, join CortÉs, iii. 237.
Gardens of plants, i. 153.
Of Iztapalapan, ii. 243.
First European, 244, note.
Montezuma’s, 297.
At Huaxtepec, iii. 318.
See Floating gardens.
Garrisons, in the larger cities, i. 54, note.
Gauntlet run by Spaniards, ii. 348, note.
Geology, conjectures confirmed by, i. 76, note.
Gerolt, Federico de, ii. 228, note.
Gestures, Indian, i. 361.
Gibbon, Edward, ii. 71, note.
Girls, counsels given to, i. 166, iv. 267.
Gladiatorial sacrifices, i. 92, note.
Glass , sent to Montezuma, i. 368.
Gold, tribute of, i. 52, note.
From a tomb, 78, note.
Said to be found in temples, 87. note.
Traffic with, 161.
Mines of, worked in Cuba, 289, 309.
Curiously wrought specimens of, from Yucatan, 291.
Plates given to Grijalva, 292.
Trade for ornaments and vessels of, 293.
Despatched to Spain by Velasquez, 294.
Barter for, at Cozumel, 333.
Spanish desire of, 346, 364, 369, iii. 12.
Given to CortÉs, by Teuhtlile, i. 368.
Bits of, obtained by the soldiers, ii. 15.
Presented by Montezuma, 16, 17, 50, 58, note, 159, 217, 234, 262, 270.
Relinquished by the Conquerors, 57, iii. 13.
Sent by CortÉs to Spain, ii. 57.
Four loads of, offered as a bribe to CortÉs, 234.
Present of, at Amaquemecan, 237.
Worn by Montezuma, 252.
Place of getting, 372.
Sent by Montezuma to the Castilian sovereign, iii. 7, 8.
Comparison of, with silver, 10, note.
nverted into chains, 14, 160.
Effect of the arrival of, in Spain, 24.
Given to Narvaez’s soldiers, 75.
Fate of, on the evacuation of Mexico, 160, 180, note, 187.
Spaniards killed while transporting, 210, 264.
Given for maize bread, 211, note.
Cannon of, sent to Spain, iv. 172, note.
Carried to Spain by CortÉs, 213.
Drawn from Tehuantepec by CortÉs, 232.
See Treasure.
Golden Fleece, i. 281, note.
Goldsmiths, skill of Mexican, i. 155, note, ii. 258.
See Animals.
Golfo Dolce, iv. 195.
Gomara, Francisco Lopez de, i. 95, note, 293, note, 326, note.
On domesticated bisons, 270, note.
Authority for CortÉs’ First Letter, ii. 60.
On firing at the Aztecs, iii. 109, note.
On the baptism of Montezuma, 148, note.
On losses at the retreat, 180.
Account of, and of his writings, 272, 273.
On protecting Guatemozin, iv. 188.
On CortÉs’ precious stones, 233, note.
Goods, sale and transportation of, i. 161, 162.
Government in Anahuac, i. 32.
Under Nezahualcoyotl, 184.
Of the Tlascalans, ii. 105.
Of Cholula, 181.
Grado, Alonso de, at Villa Rica, ii. 358.
Granaries, i. 54, 150.
Grijalva, Juan de, expedition of, to Yucatan, i. 291.
Returns to Cuba and is censured, 294.
CortÉs to join, 315.
Volunteers from, join CortÉs, 322.
Effect of his landing, on Montezuma, ii. 13.
Grijalva, River of, i. 292, 342.
Guadaloupe, in Spain, iv. 216.
Gualipan, iii. 207, note.
Guatemala, settlement of the Toltecs in, i. 267.
Conquered, iv. 172.
Guatemozin, Montezuma’s nephew, iii. 124, note.
Tecuichpo, wife of, 155, note, 249, iv. 186, note.
Elected emperor, 104.
Rallies for defence of his capital, 249.
Missions to, iii. 283, 295.
His animosity to the Spaniards, 296.
His application to Tangapan, 296, note.
CortÉs’ desire of an interview with, 312.
Attempts the recovery of Chalco, 320, to relieve Xochimilco, 342.
His policy, 345, iv. 27.
Decoys brigantines, 28.
Proffers to, 34, 66, 89, note, 97.
Distributes heads of Spaniards and of horses, 54.
Effect of his machinations, 61.
Council called by, 67.
Will not surrender, 68, 97.
His palace, 71.
Declines meeting CortÉs, 89, 97.
Efforts of, to escape, 97.
Captured, 100.
Intercedes for his wife and followers, 100.
His interview with CortÉs, 103.
On a monument to, 117, note.
Torture of, 130, 142, 144.
Regarded as a rebel, 142.
Suspected, 183.
Executed, 185.
Remarks on, 185.
Guevara, Narvaez’s envoy to Sandoval, iii. 36.
CortÉs’ reception of, 39.
His return, 40.
Envoy to CortÉs, 53, 56.
Gulf of California, iv. 134, 233.
Penetrated by Ulloa, 235.
Called Sea of CortÉs, 237.
Gulf of Mexico, i. 285, ii. 372.
Gunpowder, manufactured, iii. 245, iv. 154.
Guns. See Cannon and Fire-arms.
Guzman, captured, iv. 44.
Sacrificed, 57.
Guzman, NuÑez de, at the head of the Royal Audience of New Spain, iv. 225, 229.
CortÉs’ expedition against, 233.
H
Hanging gardens of Nezahualcoyotl, i. 196.
See Floating gardens.
Hannibal, ii. 232, note, iv. 255.
Hardy, Lieutenant, on Casas Grandes, i. 253, note.
Harems, royal, i. 192, ii. 233, 299.
Harvard University Library, maps in, iv. 179, note.
Hatuey, on Spaniards and heaven, i. 288.
Havana, i. 289, note.
The armada at, 323, note.
Orders respecting CortÉs at, 326.
See Cuba.
Head of a Spaniard sent to Montezuma, ii. 340.
Heaven, the Aztec, i. 76, note.
Hatuey’s remark on, 288.
Heckewelder, John, i. 70, note.
Heeren, A. H. L., i. 67, note, 106, note, 111, note.
Helmet, the Aztec, i. 59.
Filled with gold dust, ii. 17.
Henry IV. of France, treasury of, iii. 11, note.
Hernandez, Francisco, on maize, i. 151, note.
On the species of the maguey, 152, note.
Panegyrizes tobacco, 169, note.
Takes models, 193.
His work on natural history, 193, note.
On the gardens of Huaxtepec, iii. 319, note.
Herodotus, i. 60, note, 67.
Heron, an heraldic emblem, ii. 132.
Herrera, Antonio de, i. 287, note, 295 note.
On CortÉs’ escape on a plank, 308, note.
On Aguilar’s temptations, 340, note.
Gives a speech by Marina, ii. 123, note.
On the Spaniards at Cholula, 191, note.
On Canoes in Lake Tezcuco, 249, note.
Account of, and of his writings, 272-274.
On humming-birds, 294, note.
On cochineal, 314, note.
On arrows at the Aztec assault, iii. 109, note.
On gold thrown away, 187, note.
On stewed human flesh, 225, no

Influence of, on the Aztecs, 96, 101, note, iv. 113.
Compared with the Inquisition, i. 98.
Voluntary, 98.
Practised to some extent by the Toltecs, 100, note.
At the kindling of the new fire, 141.
Of Maxtla, 183.
By Nezahualcoyotl, 206.
Nezahualcoyotl’s ideas respecting, 206, 214.
At the obsequies of Nezahualpilli, 218, note.
Among the Mongols, 244.
At the Isla de los Sacrificios, 294.
Not offered at Cozumel, 337.
Of Christians wrecked at Yucatan, 340.
At the coronation of Montezuma, ii. 5;
during his administration, 9.
Remains of, near Vera Cruz, 35.
Victims for, demanded of the Totonacs, 45.
Among Tlascalans, 109.
Of captives in the Aztec and Tlascalan wars, 110.
Cempoallan envoys seized for, 119.
Victims for, released, 173.
Fruits and flowers instead of, 182.
Number of, at Cholula, 186.
Of children, 193.
Condemned in Montezuma’s presence, 266.
Stench of, in the great temple, 327.
Promise from Montezuma respecting, 364.
Of Spaniards, iii. 133, 168, 250, 265, 344, iv. 52, 57, 78.
See Cannibalism and Prisoners.
Humboldt, on the extent of the Aztec empire, 5, note.
On the extent of Anahuac, 13, note.
On the Aztec cosmogony and that of Eastern Asia, 75, note.
On the Aztec annals, 113, note.
On the Dresden Codex, 119, note.
On the publication of Aztec remains, 142, note.
His obligations to Gama, 145.
On Indian corn, 148, note.
On the musa, 150, note.
On the American agave, 152, note.
On silk among the Aztecs, 160, note.
On the peopling of a continent, 231, note.
On scientific analogies, 247, note.
His definition of ocelotl, 247, note.
On Mexican languages, 249, note.
On Mexican beards and moustaches, 254, note.
On the color of the aborigines, 255, note.
On diseases in Mexico, 366, note.
On the volcano Orizaba, ii. 35, note.
On the Cofre de Perote, 91, note.
On the mound to Quetzalcoatl, 184, note.
On the word volcan, 224, note.
On MontaÑo’s ascent, 228, note.
Identifies localities, 263, note.
On the drain of Huehuetoca, 283, note.
On the comparative quantities of silver and gold, iii. 10, note.
On the pyramids of Teotihuacan, 191, note.
On the avenue to Iztapalapan, 348, note.
Humming-birds, i. 234, ii. 294, and note.
Husbands, on duties to, iv. 270.
Hymns. See Songs.
I
Iceland, early colonization of, i. 228.
Idols, treatment of, at Cozumel, i. 337;
at Cempoalla, ii. 55.
Of the war-god, thrown down, iii. 133.
Destroyed at Peten, iv. 192.
See Cathedrals.
Immortality. See Future Life.
Impressments for manning the fleet, iii. 365.
Incense, compliments of, ii. 44, 156.
In Montezuma’s palace, 265.
Incensing of Huitzilopochtli, iii. 86.
India, epic poets of, i. 67, note.
India House, i. 282, iii. 25.
Indian allies, ii. 118.
Value of the, 123.
On the march against Mexico, iii. 252, 258.
Reconciled by CortÉs, 293.
Join Spaniards at Mexico, iv. 30.
Desert, 56.
Return, 60.
In the expedition to Honduras, 177.
See Cempoallan, Chinantlan, Cholulan, Tepeacan, Tezcucans, Tlascalan, and Totonacs.
Indian corn, i. 148, 151, note.
See Maize.
Indians, Aztecs and, differ, in domestic manners, i. 172.
Repartimientos in regard to, 285, ii. 73.
Commission respecting, i. 286, iv. 206, note.
Held in slavery that they may be Christianized, i. 286.
Las Casas insists upon the entire freedom of the, 286.
Treatment of, at Cozumel, 333.
Fight the Spaniards, at Tabasco, 344;
at Ceutla, 351.
Interview with, at San Juan de Ulua, 360.
Aid the Spaniards, 365.
On the civilization of, ii. 74.
Taken by Spaniards, 128.
Find Spanish new-comers to be enemies of the old, iii. 34.
Protected by the Spanish government, iv. 208, note.
See Aborigines, Christianity, Indian allies, and Repartimientos.
Indians evade Census, iv. 230, note.
Indies. See Council of the Indies.
Indulgences, papal, for the troops, iii. 324, iv. 213, note.
Inquisition, Aztec sacrifices compared to the, i. 98.
Intemperance, i. 48, 171.
Intercalation, among the Aztecs, i. 127, note, 129, note.
Persian, 127, note, 248.
Interpreters. See Aguilar Marina, and Melchorejo.
Iron, not known to the Aztecs, i. 154, 260, 270.
Substitutes for, 155.
On the table-land in Mexico, 270, 271.
The early use of, 271, note.
Irrigation, i. 150.
See Canals.
Irving, Washington, i. 341, note, iv. 148, note.
Isabella, suppressed repartimientos, i. 285.
Isla de los Sacrificios, i. 294.
Israelites, i. 144, 242, ii. 267, note, 332.
Itzalana, i. 258.
Itzocan, conquered, iii. 231.
Itztli, tools made of, i. 155.
Weapons pointed with, ii. 131, 134.
Blades of, 134.
Ixtlilxochitl, cacique of Tezcuco, account of, iii. 270.
Instructed and watched, 282.
Procures allies, 323, iv. 19.
Efficiency of, iv. 19, 23.
Kills the Aztec leader, 23.
Does not desert, 56.
Ixtlilxochitl, son of Nezahualpilli, rival for the Tezcucan crown, ii. 8, 177, 367.
Embassy from, to CortÉs, 177.
Ixtlilxochitl, the historian, on the extent of Anahuac, i. 14, note.
His opinion of the Toltec records, 15, note.
On feudal chiefs, 39, note.
On halls of justice and judgments in Tezcuco, 7.
On the cycles, 75, note.
On sacrifices at the dedication of the temple of Huitzilopochtli, 93, note.
On measures for procuring victims, 96, note.
On Mexican hieroglyphical writers, 113, note.
On the divine book, 122, note.
Story by, 164, note.
Notices of, and of his writings, 220, note.
Source of the materials of his works, 187, note, 220, note.
Translation by, of a poem of Nezahualcoyotl, 188, iv. 272.
Cited, i. 190, note.
On the population of Tezcuco, 191, note
On Indian antiquities, 200, note.
On the Toltec migration, 268.
On Nezahualcoyotl’s advice to his son, 212.
His character of Nezahualcoyotl, 213.
On the Lady of Tula, 215, note.
On Nezahualpilli’s punishment of his wife, 216, note, iv. 281.
Account of, and of his writings, i. 220.
On Montezuma’s conversion, iii. 14, note.
On the massacre by Alvarado, 90, note.
On a statue of the Sun, 193, note.
Authority for Tecocol, 268, note, 269, note.
Etymology of the name of, 269, note.
On headquarters at Tezcuco, iii. 281, note.
On Tangapan’s sister and her vision, 296, note.
Termination of his works, iv. 13, note.
On the rescue of CortÉs by a Tlascalan chief, 43, note.
On Nezahualcoyotl’s residence, 279.
Iztaccihuatl, ii. 187, 223, 228, note, 229, iii. 259.
Iztacs, destruction of idols by, iv. 192, note.
Iztapalapan, ii. 242.
Gardens of, 243, iii. 284.
Sack of, 285.
Sandoval’s expedition against, 367, iv. 3.
See Cuitlahua.
Iztapalapan causeway, first crossed by Spaniards, ii. 247.
Described, 248, 284.
Advance on the, iii. 348.
At the junction of the Cojohuacan, iv. 6.
Cannon placed upon the, 7.
Fighting there, 16, 20.
Alderete on the, 39.
Iztapan, 180.
J
Jacapichtla, expedition against, iii. 319.
Jackets. See Cotton.
Jalap, ii. 88, note.
Jauhtepec, iii. 331.
Java, market-days and weeks in, i. 126, note.
Javelin, the Tlascalan, ii. 134.
Jesters, i. 317, ii. 304.
Jewels, i. 218, note, 293, iv. 137, 212.
Jews. See Israelites.
Jomard on the new fire, i. 140, note.
Judges, Aztec, i. 42.
In Tezcuco, 43.
Collusions of, punishable with death, 45.
Details respecting, 45.
Montezuma tries the
integrity of, ii. 6.
Twelve, at the Mexican market, 318.
Jugglers, i. 171, note, ii. 304, iv. 212.
Julian, fleet burned by, ii. 71, note.
Julian year, i. 129, note.
Juste, Juan, inscriptions by, iii. 211, note, 298.
K
Kings, Egyptian, i. 36, note.
Use of the word among the Aztecs, 37.
See Sovereigns.
Kingsborough, Lord, publishes Sahagun’s Universal History, i. 103.
Manuscripts in his work, 117, 118, note.
Identifies the Teoamoxtli and the Pentateuch, 122, note.
On the scientific instruments of the Mexicans, 137, note.
Account of his publication of the remains of the Aztec civilization, 143.
On the Aztec knowledge of the Scriptures, 236, note.
His Aztec and Israelitish parallelisms, 242, note.
On the words Mexico and Messiah, 242, note.
Knight-errantry of CortÉs, iv. 257.
Knighthood, i. 57, ii. 107, iii. 244, iv. 299.
Knotted strings, i. 114, note.
L
Lances, instructions by CortÉs respecting, i. 353, ii. 119, 130, iii. 196.
For the Spaniards, iii. 44, 51.
Lands, revenues from, i. 51.
Heldin common, 52, note.
For the maintenance of priests, 85.
Cholulan cultivation of, ii. 189.
See Agriculture.
Languages, in Anahuac, i. 123, 187.
Tlascalans, ii. 109.
On coincidences as to, in the Old and the New World, i. 248.
Remarks on the Indian, 249;
on the Othomi, 250;
on the Cora, 253, note.
Lares, Amador de, i. 311, 318.
Las Casas, BartolomÉ de, on human sacrifices in Anahuac, i. 94, note.
On ruins in Yucatan, 266.
Procures a commission to redress Indian grievances, 286, ii. 73.
Protects the natives of Cuba, i. 288.
On the censure of Grijalva, 295, note.
On the father of CortÉs, 298, note.
On CortÉs and Velasquez, 309, note, 320, 326.
On property acquired by CortÉs, 310.
On the etymology of adelantado, 316, note.
On forced conversions, 338, note, iv. 290.
On the proclamation at Tabasco, i. 344, note.
On Tabasco, 346.
On the loss at the battle of Ceutla, 355, note.
On Indian gestures, 361, note.
On traditions and Montezuma, ii. 10, note.
Account of, and of his writings, 72-80.
His connection with negro slavery, 73.
His charity and friendship for the Indians, 73.
Bishop of Chiapa, 77.
His death and character, 78.
Biographies of, 80.
On the population of Cholula, 180, note.
On the massacre at Cholula, 207, note.
Herrera borrows from, 273.
His portrait of Velasquez, iv. 149.
Extract from, 290.
Las Tres Cruzes, village of, iv. 180.
Latrobe, his descriptions, i. 7, note.
On the calendar-stone, 158, note.
Describes two baths, 198, note.
On Indian antiquities, 200, note.
On Tacuba, iii. 176, note.
On the interposition of the Virgin, 184, note.
Describes a cavity in a pyramid, 191, note.
Law of honor, the Aztec, i. 99, note.
Lawrence, on animals in the New World, i. 225, note.
Laws, Aztec, i. 47.
Military codes, 60, iii. 254, iv. 324.
Nezahualcoyotl’s code of, i. 184.
Lead, from Tasco, i. 153.
League. See Mexico.
Legerdemain, i. 171, note, ii. 304.
Legislative power, i. 41.
Le Noir, M., i. 119, note, 264, note.
Leon, Juan Velasquez de, joins CortÉs, i. 322.
At Tabasco, 349.
In irons, ii. 32.
At Tlascala, 172.
Aids in seizing Montezuma, 342, 344.
Guards him, 348.
Montezuma’s pleasure in his company, 363.
To plant a colony at Coatzacualco, 373.
Charged with purloining plate, iii. 12.
Narvaez’s letter to, 44.
Joins CortÉs at Cholula, 48.
Fidelity of, 59, 72, note, 77.
To secure Panuco, 77.
Joins CortÉs at Tlascala, 79.
Tries to calm his anger, 96.
Chivalrous, 119.
At the evacuation of Mexico, 162.
Killed, 181.
Fate of gold collected by, 210.
Leon, Luis Ponce de, juez de residencia, iv. 206.
Le Plongeon, Augustus, i. 258 note.
Lerma, defends CortÉs, iv. 43.
Lice as tribute, i. 52, note.
Lieber, Francis, on punishment, i. 184, note.
Lime, i. 52, note, 290, 334, ii. 39.
Litters, ii. 44, 238, 251, 346, iii. 46, 200.
Livy, cited, iv. 255, note.
Llorente’s Life of Las Casas, ii. 80.
Lopez, GerÓnimo, condemns the education given by the missionaries, iv. 165, note.
Lopez, Martin, ship-builder, ii. 359, iii. 175, 233, 245, 299.
Lord’s Supper, rite like the, i. 239, 241.
Lorenzana, on a tribute-roll, i. 53, note.
On the seizure of Montezuma, ii. 354, note.
Cited, iii. 132, note, iv. 37, note.
Louis XI., disclosure in his reign, iii. 300.
Lucian, on the Deluge, i. 233, note.
Lucretius, cited on iron, i. 271, note.
Luisa, DoÑa, given to Alvarado, ii. 174.
Lujo, Francisco de, i. 347, ii. 342.
Encourages CortÉs, iii. 59.
At the evacuation of Mexico, 162.
Lunar calendars, i. 132, 247, note.
Lyell, Charles, on the spread of mankind, i. 229, note.
M
Macaca, armada at, i. 320, 321.
Machiavelli, i. 26, note, 101, note, ii. 12, note.
Magarino, at a bridge, iii. 163, 166.
Magistrates, Aztec, i. 43.
Nezahualpilli the terror of unjust, 216, note.
Maguey. See Agave Americana.
Mahometan belief as to martyrs, i. 77, note.
Maize, the word, i. 151, note.
Yearly royal expenditure of, in Tezcuco, 191, note.
See Indian corn.
Majesty, the title, ii. 28, note.
Malinche, ii. 175.
See Marina.
Malinche, CortÉs called, ii. 175.
Malinche, the mountain, ii. 168.
Manifesto to the Indians, i. 344, note.
Mankind, origin of, in America, i. 225, 228.
Two great families of, in America, 230.
See Aborigines.
Mantas, use and description of, iii. 140.
Mantles of feather-work. See Feather-work.
Manuscripts, scarcity of, among the Toltecs, i. 14, note.
Materials of the Mexican, 114.
Their shape, 115.
Destruction of, 115, 116.
Collected at Mexico and perished, 115, 174.
Mendoza Codex, 117.
Dresden Codex, 118.
With interpretations, 119, note.
No clue to the, 120.
Report of a key to them, 121, note.
The Teoamoxtli, or divine book, 122, and note.
Notice of the Aztec, in Europe, 143.
Estrella’s, 331.
Collection of, by Vega, iv. 272.
See Hieroglyphics and Paintings.
Maps, for the revenue, i. 54.
Ebeling collection of, iv. 179, note.
In Delafield’s Antiquities, i. 252, note.
Marina, or Malinche, a female slave and interpreter, account of, i. 361, iv. 190.
CortÉs and, i. 362.
Don Martin CortÉs, son of, 362, iv. 192.
Moratin cited on, i. 363, note.
Interprets, ii. 40, 44, 54.
Cheers a Cempoallan chief, 123.
Value of her services, 144.
Discovers Tlascalan spies, 154.
CortÉs called Malinche from, 175.
Discovers a conspiracy at Cholula, 194.
Interpreter between CortÉs and Montezuma, 260, 266.
Urges Montezuma to go to the Spanish camp, 345.
Finds out Cuitlahua, iii. 121, note.
Interprets CortÉs’ address to the Aztecs, 134.
In the retreat from Mexico, 175.
At Chalco, 326.
At the interview between CortÉs and Guatemozin, iv. 102.
Meets her mother, 190.
Marriage of, 190.
Marineo, Lucio, on gaming, iii. 256, note.
Market, Mexican, ii. 312.
Closed, iii. 93.
Market-days. See Fairs.
Market-place, ii. 313.
See Tlatelolco.
Marquis of Oaxaca, iv. 220.
Marriage, among the Aztecs, i. 49, 167.
Among the Tezcucans, 200.
Of Nezahualcoyotl, 202.
Of Spaniards with Tlascalans, ii. 170, 174.
Martin, Benito, chaplain, iii. 24.
Martin of Valencia, iv. 164.
Martyr, Peter, on maps and manuscripts, i. 115, note, 143, 157, note.
On cacao as a circulating medium, 161.
On a huge beam, 198, note.
On Flemings in Spain, 280, note.
On Tabasco, 346, note.
On a fabric, ii. 17, note.
On the gold and silver wheels, 18, note.
Account of, 277.
On the dwellings in Mexico, 286, 287, note.
On the calendar-stone, 293, note.
On Mexican trinkets, 314, note, iii. 7, note.
On the pusillanimity of Montezuma, ii. 352, note.
On the insurrection against Alvarado, iii. 92, note.
On firing Mexico, 134, note.
On cannibalism, iv. 33, note.
On an emerald, 137, note.
Martyrs, Mexican idea respecting, i. 56.
Mahometan belief, 77, note.
Masks, in the Aztec plays, i. 124.
Massacre, at Cholula, ii. 201.
By Alvarado, iii. 87.
At Iztapalapan, 286.
Matadero, fortress in the, iv. 153.
Matanzas, i. 289, note.
Maundeville, Sir John, i. 155, note.
Maximilian, poverty of, iii. 11, note.
Maxixcatzin, cacique of Tlascala, ii. 141, iii. 80.
Welcomes CortÉs from Mexico, 207.
CortÉs quartered in his palace, 209.
Present to, 210.
Averse to an alliance with Aztecs, 220.
Dies of smallpox, 234.
Olmedo with, 235.
Spaniards in mourning for, 244.
Son of, confirmed in the succession, 244.
Son of, goes to Spain, iv. 212.
Maxtla, Tepanec empire bequeathed to, i. 178.
His treatment and jealousy of Nezahualcoyotl, 178.
Oppressions by, 182.
Conquered and sacrificed, 183.
McCulloh, i. 73, note, 114, note, 133, note.
Notice of his work, 245, note.
Meals, i. 168.
Montezuma’s, ii. 301.
Mechanical arts, Aztec, i. 155, 156-160.
Medellin, iv. 156, 201.
Medicinal plants in Mexico, ii. 297.
Melancholy night, iii. 169-182.
Melchorejo, interpreter, i. 333, 347.
Menagerie, at Mexico, ii. 295.
Mendicity, not tolerated, i. 206.
Mendoza Codex, i. 53, note.
History of the, 117.
With an interpretation, 119, note.
Examined by the Marquis Spineto, 143.
The arrangement of, 143.
Mendoza, Don Antonio, viceroy of New Spain, iv. 235.
Interferes with CortÉs, 237.
Merchandise, sale and transportation of, i. 162-164.
Merchants, Aztec, i. 162.
Merida, Cozumel Cross at, i. 239, note.
Mesa, commander of artillery, i. 349.
Messiah, the words Mexico and, i. 242.
Metals, in Ithaca and Mexico, i. 168, note.
Early exportations of, from the Spanish colonies, 285.
See Gold, Mines, and Silver.
Mexia charges Leon with purloining plate, iii. 12.
Mexican Gulf, i. 285.
Explored, ii. 372.
Mexicans. See Aztecs.
Mexico, interest and importance of, i. 3.
Ancient and modern extent of, 4.
Climate and products of, 5.
Primitive races of, 12-19, 253.
Legislative power in, 41.
Predictions and prodigies connected with the downfall of, 73, 217, ii. 10-12, 157, 159, 215, and note, iii. 3, 6, 269.
On the colonization of, by the Israelites, i. 144.
Apathy of, respecting antiquities, 199, note.
Languages of, 249.
Hostility to Montezuma in, ii. 7.
Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, league of, i. 23, 183.
Extend their territory, 24, 25.
Mexico, city, situation of, i. 11.
Called Tenochtitlan, 21.
Settlement of the Aztecs at, 21, note.
Derivation of the name, 21.
Map of, referred to, 25.
Images spread throughout, 156.
Terror there, at the landing of CortÉs, ii. 13.
The cacique of Cocotlan’s account of, 94.
Spanish route to, 228.
First view of, by the Spaniards, 230.
Seen from Iztapalapan, 245.
Entrance of the Spaniards into, 247.
Environs of, 248.
Streets in, 255.
Population of, 255, 288, note.
Comparison of ancient and modern, 281.
Description of, 284, 312.
View of, from the great temple, 324.
Alvarado takes command of, iii. 44.
Insurrection in, 78, 92, 98, 108.
CortÉs re-enters, 79.
Massacre there, by Alvarado, 87.
Assault on the Spanish quarters at, 92.
Sally of the Spaniards, 115.
Fired, 117, 134.
Storming of the great temple at, 127-133.
Evacuation of, by the Spaniards, 158.
Cuitlahua’s acts there after the evacuation, 218.
Guatemozin’s measures for defending, 249.
Second expedition to, 251.
Reconnoitred, 304, 352.
Siege of, 366, 376.
Assaults on the causeways of, iv. 10.
Famine in, 29, 35, 59, 66, 73, 74, 86.
General assault on, 38.
Measures for securing retreat there, 39, 63.
Destruction of buildings at, 63, 72.
Want of water in, 73.
Seven-eighths of, in ruins, 81.
Pestilence in, 87.
Murderous assault there, 93.
Last assault on, 97.
Tempest there, 106.
Evacuation of, permitted, 107.
Purification of, 107.
Loss during the siege of, 108.
Remarks on the conquest of, 112.
Rebuilding of, 135, 145, 151.
Population for, 154.
Disturbances in, 199.
CortÉs’ triumphal return to, 202.
CortÉs ordered to leave, 208;
to
keep ten leagues from, 229.
Deserted to visit CortÉs at Tezcuco, 229.
MichoacÁn, tradition there, connected with the Deluge, i. 233. iii. 296, note.
Embassy from, iv. 132.
Visited, 133.
Coliman in, founded, 155.
Midwives, baptism by, i. 240, note.
Mier, Dr., i . 73, note, ii. 83, note.
Military institutions, Aztec, i. 56.
Milk, on the use of, i. 270, 271.
Milman, on Budh, i. 71, note.
Mines, and minerals, i. 153.
Wrought, iv. 167, 232.
Minstrels entertained, i. 171, note.
Mirrors, Aztec, ii. 314.
Missionaries.
Charity for their religious analogies, i. 237.
To New Spain in the time of CortÉs, iv. 162.
Schools and colleges established by, 165.
Leave Mexico, 200.
Provision for, in CortÉs’ will, 243.
See Dominican, Las Casas, Olmedo, and Toribio.
Mitla, ruins of, i. 259, ii. 373.
Mixtecapan, iii. 232.
Monastic institutions among pagans, i. 244, note.
Money, substitutes for, i. 161, and note.
See Currency.
MontaÑo, Francisco, ascends Popocatepetl, ii. 227.
Montejo, Francisco de, i. 349.
Explores the coast, ii. 21, 23, 43.
Alcalde of Villa Rica, 30.
In the expedition to Honduras, iv. 177.
Montejo and Puertocarrero, mission of, to Spain, ii. 62.
Touch at Cuba, 64, iii. 24.
On the destruction of the fleet, ii. 71, note.
Prosecuted before the Royal India House, iii. 25.
Treatment of, by Charles V., 29.
Influence of Fonseca against, 27.
Monteleone, dukes of, descendants of CortÉs, ii. 263, iv. 152, 250.
Monterey, founds Vera Cruz, i. 365, note, iv. 156, note.
Montesinos, old ballad of, i. 359.
Montezuma I., i. 24.
Bas-relief of, destroyed, 157, ii. 298.
Montezuma II., i. 36.
Bas-relief of, destroyed, 157, ii. 298.
The orthography of, i. 364, note.
Message to, by CortÉs, 369.
Accounts of, ii. 4, 94, 176, iii. 151.
Meaning of the word, ii. 4, note.
His coronation, 4.
Benevolent and religious acts of, 5.
Hatred of, 7, 41, 221, 233, 309.
Principal cause of his calamities, 8.
Resurrection and warning of his sister, 11, note.
Dismayed at the landing of Spaniards, 13.
Sends presents and forbids CortÉs’ approach, 14, 19, 22, 58, note.
Exactions of the Totonacs by his tax-gatherers, 45.
Inventory of his gifts, 58, note.
His efforts to subdue the Tlascalans, 111.
New embassy from, 159.
Invites the Spaniards to Mexico, 175.
Treacherous embassy from, to the Spaniards at Cholula, 192-197.
Spaniards the historians of, 218.
Tries to bribe the Spaniards to return, 234.
Welcomes CortÉs, through Cacama, 239.
Respect for, near the capital, 242.
His visit to CortÉs, 250-254.
Aztec homage to, 251, 254, 265, iii. 123.
His personal appearance, ii. 252.
His reception of CortÉs at Axayacatl’s palace, 257.
Effect of his conduct on the Spaniards, 262, 270, 362, iii. 5.
Conversation of, with CortÉs, ii. 260.
Attempts to convert, 260, 266, 364, iii. 14, 147.
Visit to, by CortÉs, ii. 263.
His palace, 263, 298, iv. 151.
Submission of, to Charles V., ii. 269, 271.
His domestic establishment, 299-306, iv. 302.
His wives, ii. 299, iii. 155, iv. 302.
His meals, ii. 301, iv. 302.
His reception of CortÉs at the great temple, ii. 323.
Aids in preparing a chapel, 332.
His treasures discovered, 333.
History of his seizure, 338-346.
Accompanies CortÉs to head-quarters, 346.
Respect shown to, 347, 360.
His reception of Quauhpopoca, 349.
Fettered, 351.
Unfettered, 352.
Declines going to his palace, 353.
His life in the Spanish quarters, 360.
His munificence, 361.
His visit to the great temple, 363.
Sails in a brigantine, 365.
Plan for liberating, by Cacama, 368.
Intercedes for Cacama, 369.
Swears allegiance, iii. 4.
His gifts for the emperor, 7-10.
Parting of CortÉs and, 46.
Sends a messenger to CortÉs, 83.
Checks the Aztecs in an insurrection, 92.
Welcomes CortÉs, and is coldly received, 95.
Cuitlahua chosen successor of, 97, 195, 218.
Witnesses the Aztec fighting, 121.
Prevailed on to address the Aztecs, 122.
Insulted, 124.
Wounded, 124, and note.
Last days and death of, 125, 147.
Commends his children to CortÉs, 149.
His conversation with CortÉs, 149.
Fate of his children, 149, note, 155, note, 162, 249, iv. 104, and note, 186, note, 318.
Compassion for him, iii. 150, 154, 157.
His character, 151.
Descendant of, viceroy of Mexico, 156, note.
Respect to his memory, 157.
His successor, 195, 218.
Son of, goes to Spain, iv. 212.
See CortÉs and Tecuichpo.
Montezuma’s Hill. See Hill.
Months, Aztec division of, i. 126.
Monument at the limits of Tlascala, ii. 103, 111, 115, iii. 204.
Moon, worshipped, i. 208, note.
Monument to the, iii. 190.
Moran, a horseman, assaulted, ii. 122.
Moratin, cited on Marina, i. 363, note.
Morgan, Lewis H., cited, i. 14, note, 27, note, 31 note, ii. 288, note, 306, note.
Morla, condemned to be hung, ii. 51.
Morla, Francisco de, iii. 162, 170, 181.
Morpeth, Lord, cited, ii. 37, note.
Morton, S. G., on the burial of the dead, i. 245, note.
Facial angle of his skulls, 255, note.
Remarks on his Crania Americana, 256, note.
Mosaic, imitated, i. 160.
Mothers. See Daughters.
Motilla, Sandoval’s steed, iv. 49, note.
Motolinia, ii. 274.
Mound to Quetzalcoatl, ii. 183, 187, 204.
Mountain of Flints, iv. 193.
MuÑoz, zeal of, respecting the manuscript of Sahagun’s History, i. 103.
Manuscript of Hernandez discovered by, 193, note.
Transcribed an account of Grijalva’s expedition, 296, note.
Murray, C. A., i. 55, note.
Musa, the plant, i. 150.
Music, council of, i. 185.
Its influence, 186.
Instruments of, 208.
Musketry, i. 351.
See Fire-arms.
Mythology, i. 66.
Mexican, 68.
Effect of the Aztec, 219.
N
Naco, expeditions to, iv. 175, 195.
Najera, his Dissertatio de Lingua Othomitorum, i. 251, note.
Na

Marquis of the Valley of, 220.
Ober. Cited, i. 152, note, 266, note.
Observatory, Nezahualpilli’s, i. 216.
Obsidian, Mexican tools made of, i. 155.
Ocelotl, Humboldt on the, i. 247, note.
Ohcacautin, i. 33, note.
Ojeda, at the evacuation of Mexico, iii. 180, note.
Olea, CristÓval de, saves CortÉs, iv. 43.
Oleron, on the laws of, ii. 209, note.
Olid, CristÓval de, sent in search of Grijalva, i. 295.
Joins CortÉs, 322.
Noticed, 349, iii. 19, 60, 96, 119, 122, 162, 170, 175, 200.
Detached to Quauhquechollan, 227, 230, note.
His countermarch on Cholula, 228.
Sandoval and, iii. 296.
Reconnoitres Mexico, 304.
At Cuernavaca, 335.
Conspiracy against, 357.
Takes post at Cojohuacan, 367, 376.
Demolishes the aqueduct, 374.
Enmity between Alvarado and, 373.
His expedition to Honduras, iv. 171.
Defection of, 175.
Beheaded, 176.
Olmedo, BartolomÉ de, Father, notice of, i. 337.
His efforts to convert the natives, 337, 356, ii. 22, 90.
Interposition of, ii. 97, 170, 172, 325.
Character of, 97, 172.
Performs mass, 334, iii. 17.
Attempts to convert Montezuma, 364, iii. 14, 147.
Mission of, to Narvaez, iii. 41.
Meets CortÉs, 49.
Goes against Narvaez, 63.
Before CortÉs, in behalf of the soldiers, 76.
Urges Montezuma to address the Aztecs, 122.
Visits the expiring Maxixca, 235.
Sermon by, after the surrender of Mexico, iv. 111.
Last years of, 153.
Oral tradition, connection of, with Aztec picture-writing, i. 113, 123.
Embodied in songs and hymns, 123.
Ordaz, Diego de, i. 322.
A spy on CortÉs, 322.
To ransom Christian captives, 333.
Commander of infantry in the battle of Ceutla, 349.
Charges the enemy, 354.
In irons, ii. 32.
Attempts the ascent of Popocatepetl, 225.
Escutcheon of, 227.
Visits Montezuma with CortÉs, 263.
To settle Coatzacualco, iii. 77.
Joins CortÉs at Tlascala, 79.
Chivalrous, 119.
Storms the great temple, 129.
At the evacuation of Mexico, 162, 167, 175.
Ordinances for the government of New Spain during CortÉs viceroyalty, iv. 157, note.
Orizaba, the volcano, ii. 34, 89, 187.
Orozco y Berra, on the various races in Mexico, i. 12, note.
On ancient remains in Central America, 17, note.
Cited, 18, note, 20, note, 120, note.
Orteguilla, page of Montezuma, ii. 363, iii. 19.
Otaheitans and New Zealanders, i. 229, note.
Otomies, their language, i. 250, ii. 111.
Aid the Tlascalans, ii. 111.
A migratory race, iv. 19, note.
Claim protection, 19, 61, note.
Notice of, 19.
Otompan, or Otumba, iii. 188, 194, 289.
Ovando, Don Juan de, orders manuscripts to be restored to Sahagun, i. 102.
Ovando, Don Nicolas de, Governor of Hispaniola, i. 300, 302, iii. 33, note.
Oviedo de Valdez, Gonzalo Fernandez, i. 150, note, ii. 73.
On the peso de oro, ii. 17, note.
On the gold and silver wheels, 17, note.
On the device of Tlascala, 132, note.
On the skill of Aztec goldsmiths, 258, note.
On Montezuma, 300, note, 345, note, iii. 5, note, iv. 302.
On Montezuma and Narvaez, iii. 42, note.
On the ascendency of CortÉs, 72, note.
Narvaez’s gossip with, 73, note.
On the massacre by Alvarado, 89, note.
Account of, and of his writings, 98-102.
Compares CortÉs to Horatius Cocles, 144, note.
On a leap by CortÉs, 145, note.
On horse-flesh, 186, note.
Panegyrizes CortÉs, 295, note, 364, note.
Owl, Mexican devil and, i. 70, note.
P
Pacific Ocean, described by NuÑez de Balboa, i. 284.
Discovered and taken possession of, iv. 133.
Spanish ideas of the, 171.
Padilla, i. 197, note, 198, note.
Paintings, hieroglyphical, made in court, i. 46.
Chair for the study and interpretation of, 46, 121.
Aztec laws registered in, 47, 112.
Cycles of the Vatican, 76, note.
Of Sahagun, 102, 104.
Features of Mexican, 108.
Coloring in, 109.
Aztec and Egyptian, compared, 109.
Chiefly representative, in Anahuac, 111.
The records made in, 112.
Connection of oral tradition with, 113.
Humboldt on, 113, note.
Education respecting, 113.
Destruction of, 115, iii. 267.
Of Narvaez and his fleet, iii. 38.
Of the storming of the great temple, 133, note.
See Hieroglyphics.
Palace of Nezahualcayotl, i. 191, 194, iv. 279.
Of Axayacatl, ii. 257, 258, 333.
Of Montezuma, 263, 293, iv. 151.
Of Maxixca, iii. 209.
Of Guatemozin, fired, iv. 72.
Of CortÉs, at Mexico, 152;
at Cuernavaca, 230.
Palenque, cross at, i. 238.
Architecture of, 261.
Sculpture there, 262.
Ancient, 356, iv. 180.
Palfrey, John G., Lectures by, i. 233, note.
Palos, CortÉs at, iv. 213.
Panuchese, defeated, iv. 141.
Panuco, ii. 23, iii. 77, 237.
Papantzin, resurrection of, ii. 11, note.
Paper, i. 52, and note, 114.
Papyrus, account of, i. 114, note.
Pearls, worn by Montezuma, ii. 252.
Penance among Tartars, i. 244, note.
Pentateuch and Teoamoxtli, i. 122, note.
Perrine, Dr., on the maguey, i. 153, note.
Persia, i. 56, note, 127, note.
Peru, records in, i. 114, note.
Peso de oro, ii. 17, note, iii. 10, note.
Pesquisa Secreta, or Secret Inquiry, iv. 226.
Pestilence, at Mexico, iv. 87.
Peten, lake and isles of, iv. 189, 192.
Phonetic writing and signs, i. 106, note, 107, 110, 111, 120, note.
Picture-writing, i. 106, 370, ii. 13.
See Hieroglyphics.
Pikes. See Lances.
Pilgrims to Cholula, ii. 152.
Pins, from the agave, i. 185.
Pisa, tower of, i. 268.
Pizarro, Francisco, iv. 213.
Pizarro y Orellana, i. 297, note, 301, note, 352, note.
Plants, medicinal, among the Aztecs, ii. 297.
Plato’s Atlantis, i. 226.
Plaza Mayor, in Mexico, i. 156, and note, iv. 152.
Pliny, on the papyrus, i. 114, note.
Poetry, connection of mythology and, i. 67, 68.
Tezcucan, 218.
See Nezahualcoytl.
Polo, Marco, i. 161, note.
On cannibalism, 244, note.
Polygamy, among the Mexicans, i. 166, 195, note.
Popes, power of, ii. 209, 210.
Popocatepetl, ii. 187, iii. 245.
Sulphur from, ii. 227, iii. 245.
The Hill that smokes, ii. 223.
Account of, 224.
Attempt to ascend, 225.
Ascended by MontaÑo, 227.
Popotla, CortÉs rests at, iii. 174.
Porters, or tamanes, ii. 43.
Drag cannon to Tlascala, 85, 161.
Carry Narvaez’s envoys to Mexico, iii. 37.
Carry wounded Spaniards, 184;
rigging from Vera Cruz, 245;
the brigantines from Tlascala, 301.
Portraits of CortÉs, Aztec, i. 262, 263, note.
Potonchan, i. 342.
Pottery, i. 159, note, ii. 167, 181.
Poyauhtlan, battle of, ii. 105, 110.
Prayers, Mexican, like Christian, i. 78, 79, note, 80, note.
Of Aztec priests, 82.
By Aztec confessors, 83, note.
Sahagun collected forms of, 103.
Predictions or forebodings respecting the fate of the Aztec empire, i. 73, 217, ii. 8-10, 157, 159, 215, note, iii. 3, 6, 269.
Priestesses, i. 83.
Priests, connection of, with Aztec royalty, i. 36, note.
Aztec, 80.
Their influence, 81, 96.
Services by, 81.
Duties of, in regard to education, 83, 113.
Maintenance of, 85.
Aztec and Egyptian, 86, note.
Extorting victims for sacrifices, 96.
On secret symbolic characters by the, 110.
Their lunar reckoning, 132, note, 134.
Their celebration of the kindling of the new fire, 141.
Among Tartars, 244, note.
Mexican word for, 250, note.
Defend their gods, ii. 54.
Consulted by Tlascalans, 142.
Disclose the conspiracy at Cholula, 195.
In the great temple, 325, 330.
Influence Aztec warriors, iii. 130.
Captured, 132.
Released, 143.
Hurled from the great teocalli, iv. 15.
Sacrifice Spaniards, 52.
Cheer Guatemozin, 55.
The eight days’ prediction by, 55-60.
Dissuade Guatemozin from surrendering, 68.
Immoralities in, punished, 163.
See High-priests.
Prisoners, usually sacrificed, i. 49.
Zeal to make, 60, 95, ii. 125, iii. 344.
Treatment of, at Cozumel, i. 333.
Tabascan, taken by CortÉs and sent to their countrymen, 355.
Aztec plan in regard to Spanish, ii. 194.
At the Cholulan massacre, 205.
Released by Tlascalans, 206.
Spaniards made, and sacrificed, iii. 344, 349, iv. 45, 49, 52, 57.
See Human sacrifices.
Prizes, distribution of, i. 186.
Proclamation at Tabasco, i. 344.
Prodigies. See Predictions.
Property of infidels and pirates, ii. 209, note.
Protestants, Catholics and, i. 358, ii. 56.
Their rights to discoveries, ii. 210, note.
Provisions, in the Mexican market, ii. 315.
Distress for, on the retreat, iii. 186.
Camp supplied with, iv. 32.
See Famine.
Puebla de los Angeles, ii. 188, note.
Puertocarrero, Alonzo Hernandez de, i. 322, 349, 359.
Deposition of, ii. 28, iv. 291.
Alcalde of, Villa Rica, ii. 30.
See Montejo and Puertocarrero.
Pulque, i. 48, 152, 171.
Punishments, i. 47.
Absolution substituted for, 83.
Object of 184.
For falsehood, 184.
Pyramids, at Cholula, ii. 183, 187, 204.
At Teotihuacan, iii. 189.
Q
Qua, changed into Gua, iii. 249, note.
Quails, sacrificed, i. 88, note.
Quauhnahuac. See Cuernavaca.
Quauhpopoca, an Aztec chief, deceives Escalante, ii. 339.
Sent for by Montezuma, 343, 349.
Burnt, 350.
Quauhquechollan, or Huacachula, iii. 227-229.
Quauhtitlan, iii. 185, 307, note.
Quetzalcoatl, the god of the air, account of, i. 71, 358, ii. 182.
Temple to, at Cholula, i. 73, ii. 183.
Fate of, i. 73.
Tradition respecting, favorable to the future success of the Spaniards, 73, ii. 8, iii. 3, 6.
Meaning of the word, i. 73, note.
Identified with the apostle Thomas, 73, note, 237, ii. 183, note, with Noah, i. 73, note.
Mythological character, 73, note.
Analogies with Scripture suggested by, 236.
Helmet worn by, 368.
Mound to, ii. 183.
Does not aid the Cholulans at the massacre, 203.
Firing of the temple of, 203;
cross put upon its ruins, 217.
Temple of, at Mexico, 329.
QuiÑones, Antonio de, captain of CortÉs’ body-guard, iii. 362.
Aids in saving CortÉs’ life, iv. 44.
Killed at the Azores, 138.
Quintana’s Life of Las Casas, ii. 80.
Quintero, Alonso, i. 300.
Quippus, recording events by the, i. 114, note.
R
Racine, cited, i. 190, note, iii. 250, note.
Raffles, Sir Stamford, i. 126, note.
Ramirez, JosÉ F., his views of human sacrifices and cannibalism, i. 97, note;
of the destruction of the fleet by CortÉs, ii. 72, note.
Cited, i. 100, note, 154, note, 221, note, 371, note, ii. 257, note, 263, note, 318, note, 349, note, iii. 88, note, 166, note.
Rangre, Rodrigo, commander at Villa Rica, iii. 79.
Mission to, 211.
Takes troops sent by Velasquez, 237.
Purchases a ship with military stores, 238.
Ranking’s Historical Researches, i. 208, note, 244, note.
Raynal, AbbÉ, i. 154, note.
Razors, Mexican, ii. 314.
Rebels, proceedings against Tepeacans as, iii. 224;
against Aztecs, 251.
Receiver-general, i. 54.
Refinement, in domestic manners, among the Aztecs, i. 165, 218.
Shown in the council of music, 186.
At Cempoalla, ii. 37.
See Civilization.
Religion, similar ideas as to, in remote regions, i. 69, note.
On outraging, iii. 18.
See Christianity and Mythology.
Religious services always public, i. 87.
Repartimientos, the system of, i. 285, ii. 72.
To CortÉs, in Hispaniola, 302;
in Cuba, 309.
In New Spain, iii. 226, iv. 159, 258.
Disapproved by the crown, iv. 160.
Regulations respecting, 161.
Consultations and opinions respecting, iv. 207, note.
Representative writing, i. 107, 111.
Resurrection of Tangapan’s sister, iii. 296, note.
Reubios, Palacios, proclamation by, i. 345, note.
Revenues, sources of, i. 51.
Houses for collecting, ii. 286.
See Tribute.
Ribera, on Indian maps, i. 115, note.
Rigging saved and used, ii. 68, 359, iii. 77, 234, 302.
Rio Gila, remains there, i. 253.
Rio de Tabasco, i. 292, 342, iv. 179.
Ritter, i. 69, note.
River of Banners, i. 293, 359.
River of Canoes, iii. 57, 61.
Robertson, William, i. 50, note, ii. 17, note.
Inconsistency of, respecting a colony, ii. 29, note.
Cites a harangue from SolÍs, 31, note.
Spelling of proper names by, 43, note.
On the First Letter of CortÉs, 60, note.
Error of, as to Montezuma’s gift, iii. 10, note.
On CortÉs’ expedition to Honduras, iv. 203, note.
Rock of the Marquis, iv. 4.
Roman Catholic communion, i. 357, ii. 56.
Romans, on their successes, i. 26, note.
Royal Audience of New Spain, iv. 209.
Their investigation of CortÉs’ conduct, and treatment of him, 225.
Superseded, 228.
Disagreement of CortÉs and the, 229.
Superseded by a viceroy, 234.
Royal Audience of St. Domingo, iii. 31, 35, 243, 355.
Royal Council of Spain, i. 344.
Ruins, antiquity of American, i. 264.
S
Saavedra, ii. 249, note, 253, note, iv. 44, note.
Sacrifices. See Human sacrifices.
Sacrificial stone, i. 87, 91, iii. 130, iv. 52.
Sahagun, Bernardino de, i. 78, note, 81, note.
Account of, and of his Universal History, 101-104.
Noticed, 137, note, 161, note, 163, note, 164, note.
On Aztec counsels to a daughter, 165, note, iv. 267;
to a son, i. 167, note.
Cited, ii. 21, note, 185, note, 215, note, iii. 84, note, 85, note, 109, note.
Says Montezuma and others were strangled, 126.
Noticed, 131, note, 174, note, 198, note, 208, note, 235, note, 265, note.
On a sacrifice of Spanish captives, iv. 53, note.
On the devastation at Mexico, 65, note.
Cited, 73, note, 79, note, 82, note, 86, note, 88, note.
Notice of, 125.
On the demolition of the temples, 166, note.
St. Antonio, Cape, i. 323, 327.
St. Augustine, i. 227, 228, note.
St. Domingo. See Hispaniola.
St. Francis, convent of, ii. 89, note, iv. 202.
St. Hypolito, iv. 96.
St. Jago de Cuba, i. 289, 291, 309, 313.
St. James, appearance of, in battle, i. 353, note, iii. 145, 203, note.
St. Lucar, ii. 65, iii. 24.
St. Peter, patron saint of CortÉs, i. 330, 352, note.
St. Thomas, identification of Quetzalcoatl and, i. 73, note, 237, ii. 183, note.
Salamanca, i. 298, ii. 72.
Salamanca, Juan de, iii. 201.
Salazar, Juan de, killed, iii. 169.
Sales of merchandise, i. 162.
Salt, i. 52, note, 191, note, ii. 248.
Tlascalans without, 112.
Spaniards without, 139.
Manufacture of, 248.
Salvatierra, iii. 41, 67, 69.
San ChristÓbal, iii. 305.
Sandoval, Gonzalo de, i. 281, note, 322, ii. 83, 263, iii. 26, 29, note.
Aids in seizing Montezuma, i. 342.
Commands at Villa Rica, ii. 359.
Noticed, iii. 34, 42, 51, 60, 66, 119.
Storms the great temple, 129.
At the evacuation of Mexico, 162, 165, 167, 169, 175.
In battles, 198, 201, 232.
Commander at Tezcuco, 285, 304, 326.
Expedition of, to Chalco, 290, 317.
Transports brigantines, 297.
Notice of, 297.
At Zoltepec, 298.
Wounded, 321.
Misunderstanding of CortÉs and, 322.
Conspiracy against, 357.
Expedition of, against Iztapalapan, 367, iv. 3.
At the Tepejacac causeway, 9.
In the assault, 18, 31, 46, 48.
His visit to CortÉs, 48.
His steed, 48.
Returns, 50.
To aid in the murderous assault, 89.
To secure Guatemozin, 96, 99.
To escort prisoners to Cojohuacan, 105.
Detachment of, to reduce colonies, iv. 134, 141.
Hangs four hundred chiefs, 142.
In the expedition to Honduras, 181.
Domestic of, punished, 208.
Accompanies CortÉs to Spain, 212.
Death of, 214.
San Estevan, iv. 141, 155.
San Gil de Buena Vista, iv. 195.
San Juan de Ulna, i. 294, 360.
Narvaez’s fleet at, iii. 33.
Vera Cruz built there, 33.
Santa Cruz, iv. 233.
Santa MarÍa de la Victoria, i. 354.
Saucedo, a cavalier, ii. 57.
Saussure, M. de, ii. 224, note.
Scalping, i. 60, note.
Science, instruments of, i. 137, note.
Tribunal for works on, 185.
Coincidences as to, in the Old and New World, i. 246.
Sculpture, i. 157, 262.
Secret Inquiry, The, iv. 226.
SedeÑo, joins the armada, i. 322.
Segura de la Frontera, iii. 239.
Sequoias, i. 198, note.
Serpents, wall of, ii. 320, iii. 87, iv. 14.
Serradifalco, Duke di, i. 262, note.
Sheep, importation of, iv. 231.
Shields, ii. 59, note, 133.
Ships, Aztec painting of, i. 370.
See Armada and Vessels.
Sidonia, Medina, iv. 216, 245.
Sierra, Madre, ii. 89.
Del Agua, 92.
De Malinche, 187, iii. 134, note, 245.
De los Pedernales, iv. 193.
Siesta, i. 169, note, ii. 260, 304.
Siguenza, Dr., on Quetzalcoatl and the apostle Thomas, i. 73, note.
Silk, i. 160, note.
Silver, i. 153.
Vases of, 155.
From Montezuma, ii. 16, iii. 10.
Comparative gold and, iii. 10, note.
Carried to Spain by CortÉz, iv. 213.
From Zacatecas, 232.
Sin, Aztec origin of, i. 236.
Sismondi, on blasphemy, iii. 255, note.
Skins, use of human, iii. 265, note.
Skulls, i. 95, ii. 93, 329.
Coincidences with Mexican, i. 255.
Morton’s work on, 256, note.
Scarceness of Aztec, 256, note.
Slavery, Aztec, i. 48, 54, iv. 244.
Slaves, sacrificed, i. 78, 83, note.
Traffic in, 162, 163.
Eaten, 170.
Expedition to the Bahama Islands for, 289, 291, note.
Female, given to CortÉs, 356, 361, ii. 52.
Bring gifts to Montezuma, ii. 16.
Sent to Spain, 63.
Owned by Las Casas, 73.
Wait on Spaniards at Mexico, 260.
For sale in the Mexican market, 315.
Branded, iii. 225.
Given to Spaniards by the Mexicans, 226, note.
Hung, 257.
Scruples of CortÉs as to, iv. 159, 244.
Exemption of, 181.
See Negro slaves and Repartimientos.
Smallpox, iii. 77, note, 234.
Smoking, i. 168, 169, note.
Snuff, taken, i. 169.
Soldiers, i. 56.
Nezahualcoyotl’s kindness to disabled, 206.
SolÍs, Don Antonio de, i. 320, note, ii. 30, note.
On CortÉs, ii. 33, note, 46, note.
On Montezuma’s oath of allegiance, iii. 5, note.
On Cuitlahua, iii. 246.
Account of, and his writings, iv. 119-125.
Songs and hymns, i. 123.
Sons, counsels to, i. 167, note, 168, note.
Sotelo, catapult by, iv. 82.
Sothic period, i. 133, note.
Southey, i. 58, note, 141, note, ii. 131, note, 245, note, iv. 6, note.
Sovereigns, Aztec, i. 33, 57.
Influence of priests on, 97.
Presents to, by merchants, 163.
Reproved, 195.
Power of, for ameliorating the condition of man, 219.
The title, ii. 28, note.
Spain, at the close of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, i. 278.
Subsequently, 279.
Gold despatched to, by Velasquez, 296.
Titles applied to the royal family of, ii. 28, note.
Despatches to, by CortÉs, 57, 63, iii. 239.
Chivalry in, iii. 340.
Faction in, against CortÉs, 354, iv. 139, 142, 204, 209.
See Charles V.
Spaniards, traditions and prodigies connected with the, i. 73, 217, ii. 10-13, 57, 59, 215, and note, iii. 3, 6, 270.
Cause of their not being slain in battle, i. 96, ii. 125, iii. 340.
Their desire of gold, i. 346, 356, 364, 369, iii. 276.
Aided and befriended by Indians, i. 365, ii. 15.
Effects of Montezuma’s gifts on the, ii. 18.
Proposition
to return to Cuba, 20, 26, 28.
Sickly, and distressed for supplies, 21.
Troubles in the camp, 24.
Reinforced, 57.
Send gold to Spain, 57.
Effect on, of the destruction of the ships, 68.
Fight Tlascalans, 116-125.
Loss of, 125, 139.
The killed are buried, 139.
Declared to be children of the Sun, 142.
Enter Tlascala, 164.
March to Cholula, 190.
On judging of their actions, 213.
Called “The white gods,” 215.
Their route to Mexico, 229.
Effect of Montezuma’s conduct on them, 262, 270, 362, iii. 5.
Assaulted in Mexico, iii. 78, 93.
Besieged, 83, 93.
Assault on their quarters, 108.
Storm the temple, 128.
Mutiny among, 137.
At the hill of Otoncalpolco, 176.
All wounded at the battle of Otumba, 199.
Cut off, 210, 298.
Discontents of the, 212.
Remonstrance, 212, 216, 236.
Jealousy between the allies and, 216.
Reinforced, 237.
Great purpose of the, 254.
Murdered, 265.
Quartered in Nezahualpilli’s palace, 267.
Guatemozin’s description of, to Tangapan, 296, note.
Capture Cuernavaca, 355.
Captured and sacrificed, 344, 349, iv. 52, 76.
(See Human Sacrifices.)
At Cojohuacan, iii. 347.
Reinforced, 353.
At the temple of the war-god, iv. 17.
Second assault by the, 20.
Their distresses, 26, 35.
Joined by allies, 30.
Their places of settlement, 167.
General illusion of the, 171.
Their dreadful march to Honduras, 177.
Deserted by guides, 181.
See CortÉs.
Spaniards under Narvaez, iii. 33.
Indians find them enemies of CortÉs, 34.
Join CortÉs, 81.
Overladen with gold, 161, 170.
See Narvaez.
Spanish nobles and Charles V., i. 281, note.
Spies, i. 163, i i. 154.
Spineto, Marquis, i. 143.
Standard, Aztec national, i. 59, iii. 114.
Of Tlascala, ii. 132, iii. 366.
See Banner.
Stars, worshipped, i. 208, note.
Statues of the Montezumas, destroyed, i. 157, ii. 298.
Stephens, John L., i. 120, note, ii. 224, note, i. 223, 224, 239, note.
Stone houses, i. 290, 334, ii. 39, 229, 237, 243.
Stone, sacrificial, i. 87, 91, iii. 130, iv. 52.
Stones, hurling of, iii. 116, 144, 327;
from the great temple, 129;
at Jacapichtla, 319.
Strait, efforts for discovering the, iv. 171.
Streets. See Canals.
Sugar-cane, i. 285, 289, iv. 168, 231.
Sully, Duke of, iii. 11, note.
Sulphur, ii. 228, iii. 245.
Sun, temples to the, i. 208, note.
Plate representing the, ii. 17.
Spaniards, children of the, 142.
Alvarado called child of the, iii. 172.
Monument to the, 190.
Statue of the, 192.
Superstition, Aztec, during the siege, iv. 88.
Sword-blades, iii. 218.
Swords, substitutes for, ii. 134.
Symbolical writing, i. 107.
T
Tabascans, i. 343-348.
Conversion of, 357.
Tabasco, Rio de, i. 293, 342, iv. 179.
Tabasco, town of, i. 344, 348.
Table, ceremonies at, i. 168.
Table-land, i. 8, ii. 88.
Tables, hieroglyphical, i. 131, note.
Tactics, Aztec military, i. 59.
Tacuba. See Tlacopan.
Tamanes. See Porters.
Tamerlane’s skulls, ii. 330, note.
Tangapan, lord of MichoacÁn, iii. 296, note.
Tapia, AndrÉs de, i. 353, note, ii. 205, note, 306, note, 329, note, 347, note, iii. 17, note, 335, iv. 38, 46, 48, 62.
Tapia, ChristÓval de, commissioner to Vera Cruz, iii. 355, iv. 140.
Bought off, iv. 141.
In Castile, 143.
Brings charges against CortÉs, 143.
Tarentum, vessels at, iii. 24, note.
Tasco, mines of, i. 153, iv. 153.
Tatius, Achilles, i. 248, note.
Taxes. See Revenues and Tribute.
Tax-gatherers, i. 54, ii. 44.
Collect tribute for the Spanish sovereign, iii. 6.
Tecocol, cacique of Tezcuco, iii. 268, 269, note.
Tecpan, ii. 191, note.
Tectetan, meaning of, i. 290.
Tecuhtli, i. 33, note.
Tecuichpo, daughter of Montezuma and wife of Guatemozin, iii. 155, note, 249, iv. 104, 186, note.
Her several husbands, iii. 155, note, iv. 186, note.
CortÉs’ reception of, iv. 104.
Grant to, 318.
Teeth, Aztec custom as to, i. 168, note.
Tehuantepec, iv. 231, 232.
Telleriano-Remensis, Codex, i. 95, note, 120, note.
Tellier, Archbishop, i. 120, note.
Temixtitan, a corruption of Tenochtitlan, i. 21.
Tempest after the surrender, iv. 106.
Temples, or teocallis, to Huitzilopochtli, the Mexican Mars, i. 70.
Account of, 84-87, note.
On the teachings of Egyptian, 106, note.
Built by Nezahualcoyotl, to the Unknown God, 208.
Toltec, dedicated to the Sun, 208.
Various, at Cholula, 234, ii. 183-185.
All destroyed, i. 257, iii. 165, and note.
Resemblances to, in the East, i. 257, 261.
At Xochicalco, 257, 261, note.
At Cozumel, 332, 337.
Rifled by Alvarado, 332.
Turret of one in Mexico burned, ii. 10, 11.
At Tlatlanquitepec, 93.
On the hill of Tzompach, 125, 162.
To Quetzalcoatl, 183, 203, 329.
Modern, on the site of Quetzalcoatl’s, 217.
In Mexico, 319-322, 328.
Occupied at Cempoalla, iii. 62.
At Popotla, 174.
On the hill of Otoncalpolco, 176.
On a pyramid of Teotihuacan, 192.
At Xochimilco, 342.
At Tacuba, 350.
Burnt by Alvarado, iv. 76.
See Huitzilopochtli, Idols, and Quetzalcoatl.
Tenajoccan, town of, iii. 307, note.
Tenochtitlan, i. 21.
Called Mexico, 21.
The word, 21, note, ii. 257, note.
Prosperity and enlargement of, i. 25.
See Mexico.
Teoamoxtli, or divine book, i. 122, note.
Teotihuacan, pyramids of, iii. 189.
Tepanecs, i. 19, 23, 177, 182.
Tepeaca, colony at, iii. 239.
Tepeacan allies, iv. 56.
Tepeacans, iii. 223.
Tepechpan, lord of, exposed to death, i. 201.
Tepejacac causeway, ii. 284, iv. 9.
Tetzmellocan, village of, iii. 259.
Teuhtlile, a provincial governor, under Montezuma, i. 364.
Orders supplies and favors, 370, ii. 16.
Teules, iii. 185.
Tezcatlipoca, the god, sacrifices to, i. 89, ii. 327.
Tezcotzinco, palaces and ruins there, i. 196, 199, 217, 257.
Tezcucans, or Acolhuans, arrival of the, in Anahuac i. 17, 177.
Their character, 18, 100.
Assaulted and beaten, 19, 23, 177.
Their institutions, 32-37.
In advance of the Mexicans, 100, 219.
The divine book of the, 122, note.
Their dialect, 123, 187.
Their fidelity to Young Nezahualcoyotl, 182.
Transfer of their power to the Aztecs, 218.
Their civilization, 219, 220.
Cause of their superiority, 219.
Oppose CortÉs, iii. 195.
In CortÉs’ second reconnoitring
expedition, 326.
Efficiency of, at the siege of Mexico, iv. 19.
Desertion of, 56.
See Nezahualcoyotl and Nezahualpilli.
Tezcuco, its situation, i. 10, 11, 17, 177, iii. 281.
Meaning of the word, i. 18, note, iii. 266, note.
Requirements of the chiefs of, i. 40.
Halls of justice, and pronouncing of sentences in, 46.
Golden age of, 176.
Historians, orators, and poets of, 188.
Contents of its archives, 187.
Pile of royal buildings at, 191.
Royal harem in, 192.
Architecture of, 199.
Territory of, clipped by Montezuma, 217, 366.
Description of, at the time of the Conquest, 367, note.
Reception of CortÉs at, on his return to Mexico, iii. 83.
State of affairs there, 266, 269.
Brigantines brought to, 301.
Mustering of forces at, 366.
Respect to CortÉs there, on his
return from Spain, iv. 229.
See Cacama, Nezahualcoyotl, and Nezahualpilli.
Tezcuco lake, its height, ii. 230, note, 282.
Conjectural limits of, 242, note.
Dike across, 247.
Towns on the, 248, and note.
Canoes there, 249, 257, iii. 305.
Ancient state of, ii. 282, iv. 155.
Tides in, ii. 282, note.
Two brigantines built there, 359.
Opened upon the Sp


Tlaxcallan, i. 111.
See Tlascala.
Tobacco, i. 168, 169, note, ii. 304.
Tobillos, lances and, iii. 51.
Toledo in Spain, CortÉs at, iv. 218.
Tollan, or Tula, supposed original seat of the Toltecs, i. 12, note.
Etymology of the name, 13, note.
Toltecs, account of the, i. 12, 100.
Doubtful accounts of their migrations, 20, 253, 267.
Tonatiuh, iii. 172.
See Alvarado.
Tools, i. 155, 260.
Toribio de Benavente, i. 132, note, ii. 248, note, 251, note, 265, note.
Account of, and of his writings and labors, 274-276.
Cited, 297, note, 321, note, 322, note, 367, note, iii. 234.
Torquemada, i. 11, note, 15, note.
Notice of, and of his writings, 64, note.
Cited, 76, note, 81, note, 82, note, 84, note, 86, note, 91, note, 93, note, 94, note, 95, note.
Avails himself of a manuscript copy of Sahagun’s Universal History, 103.
On Mexican intercalation, 129, note.
On women, 149, note.
Cited, 156, 172, 191, note, 194, note.
On the Mexican Eve, 236, note.
His Aztec and Israelitish analogies, 242, note.
On pilgrims to Cholula, ii. 185, note.
On the baptism of Montezuma, iii. 148, note.
Torres, Juan de, teacher of Totonac converts, ii. 56.
Tortillas, iv. 32, and note.
Tortures, i. 91, iii. 345, note.
See Guatemozin.
Totonacs, ii. 25.
Their fondness for flowers, 37.
Their feelings towards Montezuma, 42.
Exactions of, by Aztec tax-gatherers, 44.
Cortes’ policy as to, 45.
Join CortÉs, 46.
Effect on, of CortÉs’ interview with Montezuma’s embassy, 51.
Defend their idols, 54.
Their conversion, 55.
Join CortÉs’ expedition, 85, 86, note.
Trade, i. 164, ii. 312.
See Traffic.
Trades, Aztec, i. 161.
Traditions, instances of similar, in the two continents, i. 233.
Argument from, for the Asiatic origin of Aztec civilization, 251.
As authorities, 268.
See Oral traditions and Predictions.
Traffic, i. 161, ii. 108.
See Barter.
Transportation of vessels, iii. 302, note.
See Brigantines.
Transubstantiation, ii. 267, note.
Travelling, i. 110.
See Couriers.
Treasure, Axayacatl’s, discovered,
ii. 333;
disposition of it, iii. 7, 11, 160.
Found after the siege, iv. 109.
See Gold.
Trees, size and duration of, in Mexico and Central America, i. 265.
See Forests.
Trials, among the Aztecs, i. 45.
Tribes, i. 52, note.
Tribute, kinds of, i. 52, 149.
Items of, furnished by different cities, 52, note.
Roll respecting, 53, note.
Maps for the, 54.
Burdensome exactions of, prepare the way for the Spaniards, 54.
Montezuma’s exaction of, ii. 7, 44.
Tlascalans, refuse, 110.
Collected for the Castilian sovereign, iii. 6.
Trinidad de Cuba, i. 321.
Truth, punishment for violating, i. 186.
Truxillo, CortÉs at, iv. 196.
Tudor, William, ii. 89, note, 90, note, iii. 190, note, 259, note.
Tula, capital of the Toltecs, i. 15.
Arrival of the Aztecs at, 20.
See Tollan.
Tula, the Lady of, i. 215.
Turkeys, i. 169, 191, note, ii. 35.
Tylor, Edward B., his account of Mexican remains, ii. 290, note.
Cited, i. 14, note, 16, note, 70, note, 77, note, ii. 228, note.
Tzin, the termination, iii. 249, note.
Tzompach, Hill of, ii. 125, 162.
Tzompanco, or Zumpango, iii. 185.
U
Ulloa, discoveries by, iv. 235.
Uxmal, i. 258-266.
V
Valley of Mexico, i. 11, ii. 187, 229, iii. 347.
Vanilla, cultivated, i. 150.
Vater, i. 234, note, 249, note, 254, note, 256, note.
Vega, Manuel de la, collection of manuscripts by, iv. 272.
Velasquez, Don Diego, i. 288.
Conqueror and governor of Cuba, 288.
Sends Cordova on an expedition, 289.
Despatches Juan de Grijalva to Yucatan, 291.
Censures Grijalva, 294.
Despatches Olid in search of Grijalva, 295.
Armament of, under CortÉs, 296, 311, 313.
Difficulties of, with CortÉs, 304-308.
His instructions to CortÉs, 315, iv. 284.
Jealous and dissatisfied, i. 317.
Orders the seizure of CortÉs, 323, 326.
Partisans of, oppose CortÉs, ii. 27, 32, 150.
Tries to intercept despatches, 64.
Gets no redress, 64.
Fits out a fleet against CortÉs, 65, iii. 29.
Chaplain of, in Spain, complains against Cortes’ envoys, iii. 25.
Sends to Spain an account of CortÉs’ doings, 28, note.
His vexation with CortÉs, 29.
Made adelantado, 29.
Intrusts his fleet to Narvaez, 30.
Interference with, of the Royal Audience of St. Domingo, 31.
Sustained by Duero, in Spain, 236.
Capture of forces sent to Vera Cruz by, 237.
Ignorant of the fate of his armament, 242.
State of things in Spain, in relation to him and CortÉs, iii. 355, iv. 139, 144, 149.
Fate of, 149.
His character, 149.
See Narvaez.
Venezuela, ii. 241, note.
Venice, Mexico and, ii. 287.
Vera Cruz, New, i. 365, ii. 48, note.
Natives flock to, i. 365.
Built at San Juan de Ulua, iii. 33.
Narvaez at, 33.
Narvaez’s plans for a colony there, 34, 40.
The removal to, iv. 156.
Vera Cruz Vieja, or Antigua, ii. 48, note, iv. 156.
See Villa Rica.
Verdugo, i. 323, iii. 357.
Vessels, Aztecs aid in building, iii. 21.
See Armada.
Vestal fires. See Fires.
Veytia, i. 14, note, 26, note, 130, note, 186, note, ii. 180, note, 189, note.
VillafaÑa, conspiracy of, iii. 356.
Villa Rica de Vera Cruz, colonization of, ii. 30, 48, iv. 296.
Remarks on, ii. 48, note.
Arrival of a Spanish vessel at, 56.
Despatches to Spain from, 57, 62.
Garrisoned, 86.
Grado succeeds Escalante at, 358.
Sandoval commander at, 359.
Rangre commander at, iii. 79.
Reinforcements from, cut off, 210.
Messenger to, 211.
Troops ordered from, 212.
Desire to return to, 213.
Departure from, for Cuba, 236.
Capture of troops sent to, by Velasquez, 237.
Ships at, 237, 238, 323, iv. 62.
Harbor of, iv. 156.
See Sandoval and Vera Cruz.
Virgin Mary, i. 71, note.
Appears in battle, ii. 340, iii. 145, 203, note.
Image of, iii. 16, 132, note, 184.
Interposition of, in 1833, 184, note.
Volante, escape of, iii. 311.
Volcanoes, remains of, i. 7.
The Orizaba, ii. 34, 89, 187.
The Cofre de Perote, ii. 91.
Popocatepetl, 187, 223, 224.
Use of the word, 224, note.
Region of, iii. 332.
Voltaire, i. 99, note, iii. 147, note.
Anecdote by, of Charles V. and CortÉs, iv. 240, note.
VÓmito, or bilious fever, i. 7, 366, note, ii. 48, note, 88.
W
Waldeck, i. 258, 259, note, 265, note, 290, note, iii. 224.
Wall of serpents, ii. 320, iii. 87, iv. 14.
War, Aztec ideas respecting, i. 56.
Mode of declaring and conducting, 56, 57.
Great object of, 95.
Tlascalan love of, ii. 107.
Cholulans disqualified for, 182.
Warburton, William, i. 106, note, 110, note.
War-god. See Huitzilopochtli.
Warren, John C., i. 255, note.
Water, ablution with, at table, i. 168, ii. 303.
Basins of, at Tezcotzinco, i. 197, 198.
Use of, for religious purification, 241, note.
Want of, iii. 336.
See Aqueducts and Tezcuco lake.
Water-fowl, ii. 297.
Weeks, division by, i. 126.
Weights, no Mexican, ii. 318, iii. 9.
Wheat, yield of, ii. 188, note.
Wheels, chronological, i. 132, note.
Gold and silver, ii. 17, 59, note.
White, Blanco, ii. 267, note.
Wild turkeys, i. 169, 191, note, ii. 35.
Wilkinson, J. G., i. 86, 271, note.
Wives of Montezuma, ii. 299, iii. 155, iv. 302.
Women, employment and treatment of, in Mexico, i. 149, 167, 172, ii. 311.
Torquemada on, i. 149, note.
Sophocles on Egyptian men and, 149, note.
Their appearance, 167.
Asiatic, 172.
Sacrificed, 218, note.
Totonac, ii. 37.
Protected at the Cholulan massacre, 205, 212.
Dress of, 311.
Accompany the Christian camp, iii. 168.
Heroism of, iv. 58.
Heroism of the Mexican, iv. 75, 93.
Efforts to spare, 94, 99;
to bring into New Spain, 156.
See Daughters.
Wooden ware, Mexican, i. 159.
World, tradition of the destruction of the, i. 75, 140.
Wounds, want of medicaments for, iv. 32, note.
X
Xalacingo, ii. 100, note.
Xalapa, Spaniards at, ii. 88.
Xaltocan, assault on, iii. 305.
Xaramillo, Don Juan, iv. 191.
Xicotencatl, the elder, ii. 114, 165, iii. 220.
Converted, iii. 244.
Ominous words of, cited, iv. 55.
Xicotencatl, the younger, a Tlascalan commander, ii. 114, 121, 124, 128.
His standard, 132.
Facts respecting, 138, 141, 145, 146, 154, 156, 157.
Countenances jealousies, iii. 216.
Favors an embassy from Mexico, 221.
Leads against Tepeacans, 224.
Imitates Spaniards, 253.
Joins CortÉs, iii. 366.
Leaves the army, 369.
Hung, 371.
Remarks on, 372.
Ximenes, Cardinal, destruction of manuscripts by, i. 116.
His administration, 279, iii. 355.
Commission by, to redress Indian grievances, i. 286, ii. 73.
Xochicalco, lake, ii. 240.
Xochicalco, ruins of the temple or fortress of, i. 257, 261, note, 263.
Xochimilco, iii. 338, 346, iv. 19.
Xoloc, Fort, ii. 249.
Stormed, iii. 348.
Fleet at, iv. 6.
Headquarters at, 7.
Barracks built there, 31.
Xuarez, Catalina, intimacy and marriage of CortÉs with, i. 304, 308.
Joins her husband, iv. 158.
Fate of, 159, note, 226, and note.
Y
Years, Aztec, i. 126.
On divisions of time into, 128.
Hieroglyphics for, 129-131, note.
On the names of, 247, note.
Yucatan, mentioned, i. 258, iv. 178.
Resemblances to the architecture of, i. 261.
Expedition to, 290.
The word, 290, and note.
Called New Spain, 292.
Ordaz despatched to, to liberate Christians, 333, 339.
Canoe from, with Aguilar, 339.
See Tabasco.
YxtacamaxtitlÁn, ii. 100, and note.
Z
Zacatecas, silver from, iv. 232.
Zacatula, fleet at, iv. 155, 169.
Zacotollan, copper from, i. 154.
Zahuatl, the river, ii. 167.
Zodiacal signs, coincidences as to, i. 246.
Zoltepec, massacre at, iii. 210, 298.
Zuazo, i. 87, note, 151, note.
On mantles of feathers, ii. 311, note.
On the Aztec cuisine, 316, note.
Urges CortÉs to return to Mexico, iv. 200.
ZumÁrraga, Don Juan de, i. 94.
First archbishop of Mexico, destroys manuscripts, 115.
Image destroyed by, 197, note.
Demolishes the Statue of the Sun, iii. 193.
Zumpango, or Tzompanco, iii. 185.
ZuÑiga, DoÑa Juana de, second wife of CortÉs, iv. 223, 235.
Zurita, i. 39, note, 43, note, 62, note, 185 note.

THE END

FOOTNOTES:

[1] “It was a beautiful victory,” exclaims the Conqueror. “É entrÁmoslos de tal manera, que ninguno de ellos se escapÓ, excepto las Mugeres, y NiÑos; y en este combate me hiriÉron veinte y cinco EspaÑoles, pero fuÉ muy hermosa Victoria.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 241.

[2] About five hundred boats, according to the general’s own estimate (Ibid., loc. cit.); but more than four thousand, according to Bernal Diaz (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 150); who, however, was not present.

[3] “Y como yo deseaba mucho, que el primer reencuentro, que con ellos obiessemos, fuesse de mucha victoria; y se hiciesse de manera, que ellos cobrassen mucho temor de los bergantines, porque la llave de toda la Guerra estaba en ellos.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, pp. 241, 242.

[4] “Plugo Á nuestro SeÑor, que estÁndonos mirando los unos Á los otros, vino un viento de la Tierra muy favorable para embestir con ellos.” Ibid., p. 242.

[5] Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, loc. cit.—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 48.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib 12, cap. 32.—I may be excused for again quoting a few verses from a beautiful description in “Madoc,” and one as pertinent as beautiful:

“Their thousand boats, and the ten thousand oars,
From whose broad bowls the waters fall and flash,
And twice ten thousand feathered helms, and shields,
Glittering with gold and scarlet plumery.
Onward they come with song and swelling horn;
... On the other side
Advance the British barks; the freshening breeze
Fills the broad sail; around the rushing keel
The waters sing, while proudly they sail on,
Lords of the water.”
Madoc, Part 2, canto 25.

[6] “Y era tanta la multitud,” says CortÉs, “que por el Agua, y por la Tierra no viamos sino Gente, y daban tantas gritas, y alaridos, que parecia que se hundia el Mundo.” Rel. Terc., p. 245.—Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 23.—Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 95.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 32.

[7] Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 246, 247.—Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 150.—Herrera, Hist, de las Ind., dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 17.—Defensa, MS., cap. 28.

[8] AsÍ como fuÉ de dia se dixo vna misa de EspÍritu Santo, que todos los Christianos oyÉron con mucha devocion; É aun los Indios, como simples, É no entendientes de tan alto misterio, con admiracion estaban atentos notando el silencio de los cathÓlicos y el acatamiento que al altar, y al sacerdote los Christianos toviÉron hasta recevir la benedicion.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 24.

[9] [This street, which is now called the Calle del Rastro, and traverses the whole city from north to south, leading from the Calle del Relox to the causeway of Guadalupe or Tepeyacac, was known at the period immediately following the Conquest as the Calle de Iztapalapa, which name was given to it through its whole extent. In the time of the ancient Mexicans its course was intercepted by the great temple, the principal door of which fronted upon it. After this edifice had been demolished, the street was opened from one end to the other. Conquista de MÉjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 157.]

[10] Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 32.—Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 95.—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 23.—Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 247, 248.

[11] Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ubi supra.—Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 95.—Here terminates the work last cited of the Tezcucan chronicler; who has accompanied us from the earliest period of our narrative down to this point in the final siege of the capital. Whether the concluding pages of the manuscript have been lost, or whether he was interrupted by death, it is impossible to say. But the deficiency is supplied by a brief sketch of the principal events of the siege, which he has left in another of his writings. He had, undoubtedly, uncommon sources of information in his knowledge of the Indian languages and picture-writing, and in the oral testimony which he was at pains to collect from the actors in the scenes he describes. All these advantages are too often counterbalanced by a singular incapacity for discriminating—I will not say, between historic truth and falsehood (for what is truth?)—but between the probable, or rather the possible, and the impossible. One of the generation of primitive converts to the Romish faith, he lived in a state of twilight civilization, when, if miracles were not easily wrought, it was at least easy to believe them.

[12] [In the street of Santa Teresa. Conquista de MÉjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 158.]

[13] [Which forms what is called “El Empedradillo.” Ibid.]

[14] [This wall, adorned with serpents, and crowned with the heads, strung together on stakes, of the human victims sacrificed in the temple, formed the front of the Plaza on the south side, extending from the corner of the Calle de Plateros east, towards the chains that enclose the cemetery of the cathedral. Ibid.]

[15] “I con todo eso no se determinaban los Christianos de entrar en la PlaÇa; por lo qual diciendo Hernando CortÉs, que no era tiempo de mostrar cansancio, ni cobardÍa, con vna Rodela en la mano, appellidando Santiago, arremetiÓ el primero.” Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 18.

[16] Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 32.

[17] Ixtlilxochitl, in his Thirteenth Relacion, embracing among other things a brief notice of the capture of Mexico, of which an edition has been given to the world by the industrious Bustamante, bestows the credit of this exploit on CortÉs himself. “En la capilla mayor donde estaba Huitzilopoxctli, que llegÁron CortÉs É Ixtlilxuchitl Á un tiempo, y ambos embistiÉron con el Ídolo. CortÉs cogiÓ la mÁscara de oro que tenia puesta este Ídolo con ciertas piedras preciosas que estaban engastadas en ella.” Venida de los EspaÑoles, p. 29.

[18] “Los de Caballo revolvian sobre ellos, que siempre alanceaban, Ó mataban algunos; É como la Calle era muy larga, hubo lugar de hacerse esto quatro, Ó cinco veces. É aunque los Enemigos vian que recibian daÑo, venian los Perros tan rabiosos, que en ninguna manera los podiamos detener, ni que nos dejassen de seguir.” Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 250.—Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 18.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 32.—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 23.

[19] The great mass of the Otomies were an untamed race, who roamed over the broad tracts of the plateau, far away to the north. But many of them, who found their way into the Valley, became blended with the Tezcucan, and even with the Tlascalan nation, making some of the best soldiers in their armies.

[20] [The Otomies inhabited all the country of Tula on the west, where their language is well preserved. Conquista de MÉjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 161.]

[21] “Istrisuchil [Ixtlilxochitl], que es de edad de veinte y tres, Ó veinte y quatro aÑos, muy esforzado, amado, y temido de todos.” (Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 251.) The greatest obscurity prevails among historians in respect to this prince, whom they seem to have confounded very often with his brother and predecessor on the throne of Tezcuco. It is rare that either of them is mentioned by any other than his baptismal name of Hernando; and, if Herrera is correct in the assertion that this name was assumed by both, it may explain in some degree the confusion. (Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 18.) I have conformed in the main to the old Tezcucan chronicler, who gathered his account of his kinsman, as he tells us, from the records of his nation, and from the oral testimony of the contemporaries of the prince himself. Venida de los EspaÑoles, pp. 30, 31.

[22] “Daban ocasion, y nos forzaban Á que totalmente les destruyessemos. É de esta postrera tenia mas sentimiento, y me pesaba en el alma, y pensaba que forma ternia para los atemorizar, de manera, que viniessen en conocimiento de su yerro, y de el daÑo, que podian recibir de nosotros, y no hacia sino quemalles, y derrocalles las Torres de sus Ídolos, y sus Casas.” Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 254.

[23] [The ruins of this building were brought to light in the process of laying the foundations of the houses recently constructed on the southern side of the street of Santa Teresa, adjoining the convent of the Conception. Conquista de MÉjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 162.].

[24] “Y desde las azoteas deshonrarle llamÁndole de traidor contra su patria y deudos, y otras razones pesadas, que Á la verdad Á ellos les sobraba la razon; mas Ixtlilxuchitl callaba y peleaba, que mas estimaba la amistad y salud de los Cristianos que todo esto.” Venida de los EspaÑoles, p. 32.

[25] Ibid., p. 29.

[26] For the preceding pages relating to this second assault, see Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 254-256,—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 33,—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 24,—Defensa, MS., cap. 28.

[27] Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 259.

[28] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 151.—According to Herrera, Alvarado and Sandoval did not conceal their disapprobation of the course pursued by their commander in respect to the breaches: “I Alvarado, i Sandoval, por su parte, tambien lo hiciÉron mui bien, culpando Á Hernando CortÉs por estas retiradas, queriendo muchos que se quedara en lo ganado, por no bolver tantas veces Á ello.” Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 19.

[29] “Porque como era de noche, no aguardauan mucho, y desta manera que he dicho velauamos, que ni porque llouiesse, ni vientos, ni frios, y aunque estauamos metidos en medio de grandes lodos, y heridos, allÍ auiamos de estar.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 151.

[30] [That is to say, the more violent part of the rainy season, which lasts, in fact, from May or June to October. Conquista de MÉjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 165.]

[31] “Porque nouenta y tres dias estuuÍmos sobre esta tan fuerte ciudad, cada dia É de noche teniamos guerras, y combates; É no lo pongo aquÍ por capÍtulos lo que cada dia haziamos, porque me parece que seria gran proligidad, É seria cosa para nunca acabar, y pareceria Á los libros de Amadis, É de otros corros de caualleros.” Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.

[32] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 33.

[33] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 151.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 34.

[34] I recollect meeting with no estimate of their numbers; nor, in the loose arithmetic of the Conquerors, would it be worth much. They must, however, have been very great, to enable them to meet the assailants so promptly and efficiently on every point.

[35] Defensa, MS., cap. 28.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 34.—The principal cities were Mexicaltzinco, Cuitlahuac, Iztapalapan, Mizquiz, Huitzilopochco, Colhuacan.

[36] “Y como aquel dia llevabamos mas de ciento y cincuenta mil Hombres de Guerra.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 280.

[37] “Y vea Vuestra Magestad,” says CortÉs to the emperor, “que tan ancha puede ser la Calzada, que va por lo mas hondo de la Laguna, que de la una parte, y de la otra iban estas Casas, y quedaba en medio hecha Calle, que muy Á placer Á pie, y Á caballo ibamos, y veniamos por ella.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 260.

[38] The greatest difficulty under which the troops labored, according to Diaz, was that of obtaining the requisite medicaments for their wounds. But this was in a great degree obviated by a Catalan soldier, who by virtue of his prayers and incantations wrought wonderful cures both on the Spaniards and their allies. The latter, as the more ignorant, flocked in crowds to the tent of this military Æsculapius, whose success was doubtless in a direct ratio to the faith of his patients. Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.

[39] Diaz mourns over this unsavory diet. (Hist. de la Conquista, loc. cit.) Yet the Indian fig is an agreeable, nutritious fruit; and the tortilla, made of maize flour, with a slight infusion of lime, though not precisely a morceau friand, might pass for very tolerable camp fare. According to the lively Author of “Life in Mexico,” it is made now precisely as it was in the days of the Aztecs. If so, a cooking receipt is almost the only thing that has not changed in this country of revolutions.{*}

{*} [Corn is placed in water, to which a little lime is added, and soaked over night. Or it is allowed to simmer over a slow fire. The husk is then easily separated and the grain is mashed or ground. The paste is then formed with the hands into a very thin cake which is cooked on an earthen pan placed over the fire. It is eaten with boiled beans and a mixture of Chile and lard.

Another common article of diet is the tamale. This is a mixture of chopped meat, Chile, and onions, covered with corn paste, then wrapped in corn or plantain leaves and boiled or baked.—M.]

[40] “Quo strages,” says Martyr, “erat crudelior, eo magis copiose ac opipare coenabant Guazuzingui & Tascaltecani, cÆterique prouinciales auxiliarii, qui soliti sunt hostes in proelio cadentes intra suos ventres sepelire; nec vetare ausus fuisset Cortesius.” (De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 8.) “Y los otros les mostraban los de su Ciudad hechos pedazos, diciÉndoles, que los habian de cenar aquella noche, y almorzar otro dia, como de hecho lo hacian.” (Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 256.) Yet one may well be startled by the assertion of Oviedo, that the carnivorous monsters fished up the bloated bodies of those drowned in the lake to swell their repast! “Ni podian ver los ojos de los Christianos, É CathÓlicos, mas espantable É aborrecida cosa, que ver en el Real de los Amigos confederados el continuo exercicio de comer carne asada, Ó cocida de los Indios enemigos, É aun de los que mataban en las canoas, Ó se ahogaban, É despuÉs el agua los echaba en la superficie de la laguna, Ó en la costa, no los dexaban de pescar, É aposentar en sus vientres.” Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 24.

[41] “I confidently expected both on that and the preceding day that they would come with proposals of peace, as I had myself, whether victorious or otherwise, constantly made overtures to that end. But on their part we never perceived a sign of such intention.” Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 261.

[42] Such is the account explicitly given by CortÉs to the emperor. (Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 264.) Bernal Diaz, on the contrary, speaks of the assault as first conceived by the general himself. (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 151.) Yet Diaz had not the best means of knowing; and CortÉs would hardly have sent home a palpable misstatement that could have been so easily exposed.

[43] This punctual performance of mass by the army, in storm and in sunshine, by day and by night, among friends and enemies, draws forth a warm eulogium from the archiepiscopal editor of CortÉs: “En el Campo, en una Calzada, entre Enemigos, trabajando dia, y noche, nunca se omitia la Missa, pÁraque toda la obra se atribuyesse Á Dios, y mas en unos Meses, en que incomodan las Aguas de el Cielo; y encima del Agua las Habitaciones, Ó malas Tiendas.” Lorenzana, p. 266, nota.

[44] In the treasurer’s division, according to the general’s Letter, there were 70 Spanish foot, 7 or 8 horse, and 15,000 or 20,000 Indians; in TÁpia’s, 80 foot, and 10,000 allies; and in his own, 8 horse, 100 infantry, and “an infinite number of allies.” (Ibid., ubi supra.) The looseness of the language shows that a few thousands more or less were of no great moment in the estimate of the Indian forces.

[45] “Otro dia de maÑana acordÉ de ir Á su Real para le reprehender lo pasado.... Y visto, no les imputÉ tanta culpa, como antes parecia tener, y platicado cerca de lo que habia de hacer, yo me bolvÍ Á nuestro Real aquel dia.” Rel. Terc, de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 263, 264.

[46] “Y hallÉ, que habian pasado una quebrada de la Calle, que era de diez, Ó doce pasos de ancho; y el Agua, que por ella pasaba, era de hondura de mas de dos estados, y al tiempo que la pasÁron habian echado en ella madera, y caÑas de carrizo, y como pasaban pocos Á pocos, y con tiento, no se habia hundido la madera y caÑas.” Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 268.—See also Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 48.

[47] Gomara, CrÓnica, cap. 138.—Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los EspaÑoles, p. 37.—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 26.—Guatemozin’s horn rang in the ears of Bernal Diaz for many a day after the battle. “Quatemuz, y manda tocar su corneta, q~ era vna seÑal q quando aquella se tocasse, era q auian de pelear sus Capitanes de manera, q hiziessen presa, Ó morir sobre ello; y retumbaua el sonido, q se metia en los oidos, y de q lo oyÉro aquellos sus esquadrones, y Capitanes: saber yo aquÍ dezir aora, con q rabia, y esfuerÇo se metian entre nosotros Á nos echar mano, es cosa de espanto.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 152.

[48] “É como el negocio fuÉ tan de sÚpito, y vÍ que mataban la Gente determinÉ de me quedar allÍ, y morir peleando.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 268.

[49] Ixtlilxochitl, who would fain make his royal kinsman a sort of residuary legatee for all unappropriated, or even doubtful, acts of heroism, puts in a sturdy claim for him on this occasion. A painting, he says, on one of the gates of a monastery of Tlatelolco, long recorded the fact that it was the Tezcucan chief who saved the life of CortÉs. (Venida de los ÉspaÑoles, p. 38.) But Camargo gives the full credit of it to Olea, on the testimony of “a famous Tlascalan warrior,” present in the action, who reported it to him. (Hist. de Tlascala, MS.) The same is stoutly maintained by Bernal Diaz, townsman of Olea, to whose memory he pays a hearty tribute, as one of the best men and bravest soldiers in the army. (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 152, 204.) Saavedra, the poetic chronicler,—something more of a chronicler than poet,—who came on the stage before all that had borne arms in the Conquest had left it, gives the laurel also to Olea, whose fate he commemorates in verses that at least aspire to historic fidelity:

“TÚvole con las manos abraÇado,
Y Francisco de Olea el valeroso,
Vn valiente EspaÑol, y su criado
Le tirÓ vn tajo brauo y riguroso:
Las dos manos Á cercen le ha cortado,
Y Él le librÓ del trance trabajoso
Huuo muy gran rumor, porque dezian,
Que ya en prision amarga le tenian.
“LlegÁron otros Indios arriscados,
Y Á Olea matÁron en vn punto,
CercÁron Á CortÉs por todos lados,
Y al miserable cuerpo ya difunto;
Y viendo sus sentidos recobrados,
Puso mano Á la espada y daga junto.
Antonio de QuiÑones llegÓ luego,
Capitan de la guarda ardiendo en fuego.”
El Peregrino Indiano, Canto 20.

[50] “É aquel Capitan que estaba con el General, que se decia Antonio de QuiÑones, dÍxole: Vamos, SeÑor, de aquÍ, y salvemos vuestra Persona, pues que ya esto estÁ de manera, que es morir desesperado atender; É sin vos, ninguno de nosotros puede escapar, que no es esfuerzo, sino poquedad, porfiar aquÍ otra cosa.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 26.

[51] It may have been the same banner which is noticed by Mr. Bullock as treasured up in the Hospital of Jesus, “where,” says he, “we beheld the identical embroidered standard under which the great captain wrested this immense empire from the unfortunate Montezuma.” Six Months in Mexico, vol. i. chap. 10.

[52] For this disastrous affair, besides the Letter of CortÉs, and the Chronicle of Diaz, so often quoted, see Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 33,—Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.,—Gomara, CrÓnica, cap. 138,—Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 94,—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 26, 48.

[53] “El resonido de la corneta de Guatemuz.”—Astolfo’s magic horn was not more terrible:

“Dico che ’l corno È di sÌ orribil suono,
Ch’ ovunque s’ oda, fa fuggir la gente.
Non puÒ trovarsi al mondo un cor sÌ buono,
Che possa non fuggir come lo sente.
Rumor di vento e di tremuoto, e ’l tuono,
A par del suon di questo, era niente.”
Orlando Furioso, Canto 15, st. 15.

[54] “Por q~ yo no lo sÉ aquÍ escriuir q~ aora q~ me pongo Á pensar en ello, es como si visiblemente lo viesse, mas bueluo Á dezir, y ansÍ es verdad, q~ si Dios no nos diera esfuerÇo, segun estauamos todos heridos: Él nos saluo, q~ de otra manera no nos podiamos llegar Á nuestros ranchos.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 152.

[55] This renowned steed, who might rival the Babieca of the Cid, was named Motilla, and, when one would pass unqualified praise on a horse, he would say, “He is as good as Motilla.” So says that prince of chroniclers, Diaz, who takes care that neither beast nor man shall be defrauded of his fair guerdon in these campaigns against the infidel. He was of a chestnut color, it seems, with a star in his forehead, and, luckily for his credit, with only one foot white. See Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 152, 205.

[56] The cavaliers might be excused for not wantonly venturing their horses, if, as Diaz asserts, they could only be replaced at an expense of eight hundred or a thousand dollars apiece: “Porque costaua en aquella sazon vn cauallo ochocientos pesos, y aun algunos costauan Á mas de mil.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 151. See, also, ante, Book II. chap. 3, note 14.

[57] “Mira pues veis que yo no puedo ir Á todas partes, Á vos os encomiendo estos trabajos, pues veis q~ estoy herido y coxo; ruego os pongais cobro en estos tres reales; bien sÉ q~ Pedro de Alvarado, y sus Capitanes, y soldados aurÁn batallado, y hecho como caualleros, mas temo el gran poder destos perros no les ayan desbaratado.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 152.

[58] “Vn atambor de muy triste sonido, enfin como instrumento de demonios, y retumbaua tanto, que se oia dos, Ó tres leguas.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, loc. cit.

[59] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 48.—“SacÁndoles los corazones, sobre una piedra que era como un pilar cortado, tan grueso como un hombre y algo mas, y tan alto como medio estadio; allÍ Á cada uno echado de espaldas sobre aquella piedra, que se llama Techcatl, uno le tiraba por un brazo, y otro por el otro, y tambien por las piernas otros dos, y venia uno de aquellos SÁtrapas, con un pedernal, como un hierro de lanza enhastado, en un palo de dos palmos de largo, le daba un golpe con ambas manos en el pecho; y sacando aquel pedernal, por la misma llaga metia la mano, y arrancÁbale el corazÓn, y luego fregaba con Él la boca del Ídolo; y echaba Á rodar el cuerpo por las gradas abajo, que serian como cinquenta Ó sesenta gradas, por allÍ abajo iba quebrando las piernas y los brazos, y dando cabezasos con la cabeza, hasta que llegaba abajo aun vivo.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 35.

[60] At least, such is the honest confession of Captain Diaz, as stouthearted a soldier as any in the army. He consoles himself, however, with the reflection that the tremor of his limbs intimated rather an excess of courage than a want of it, since it arose from a lively sense of the great dangers into which his daring spirit was about to hurry him! The passage in the original affords a good specimen of the inimitable naÏvetÉ of the old chronicler: “Digan agora todos aquellos caualleros, que desto del militar entienden, y se han hallado en trances peligrosos de muerte, Á que fin echarÁn mi temor, si es Á mucha flaqueza de animo, Ó Á mucho esfuerÇo, porque como he dicho, sentia yo en mi pensamiento, que auia de poner por mi persona, batallando en parte que por fuerÇa auia de temer la muerte mas que otras vezes, y por esto me temblaua el coraÇon, y temia la muerte.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.

[61] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 20.—Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los EspaÑoles, pp. 41, 42.—“Y nos dezian, que de aÍ Á ocho dias no auia de quedar ninguno de nosotros Á vida, porque assÍ se lo auian prometido la noche antes sus Dioses.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 153.

[62] Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 36.—Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los EspaÑoles, pp. 41, 42.—The Castilian scholar will see that I have not drawn on my imagination for the picture of these horrors: “Digamos aora lo que los Mexicanos hazian de noche en sus grandes, y altos Cues; y es, q~ taÑian su maldito atambor, que dixe otra vez que era el de mas maldito sonido, y mas triste q~ se podia inuetar, y sonaua muy lexos; y taÑian otros peores instrumentos. En fin, cosas diabÓlicas, y tenia grandes lumbres, y daua gradÍssimos gritos, y siluos, y en aquel instate estauan sacrificando de nuestros copaÑeros, de los q~ tomÁro Á CortÉs, que supÍmos q~ sacrificÁron diez dias arreo, hasta que los acabÁron, y el postrero dexÁro Á Christoual de Guzman, q~ viuo lo tuuiÉron diez y ocho dias, segun dixÉro tres Capitanes Mexicanos q~ predÍmos.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 153.

[63] “Que no era bien, que Mugeres Castellanas dexasen Á sus Maridos, iendo Á la Guerra, i que adonde ellos muriesen, moririan ellas.” (Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 22.) The historian has embalmed the names of several of these heroines in his pages, who are, doubtless, well entitled to share the honors of the Conquest: Beatriz de Palacios, MarÍa de Estrada, Juana Martin, Isabel Rodriguez, and Beatriz Bermudez.

[64] Ibid., ubi supra.

[65] And yet the priests were not so much to blame, if, as SolÍs assures us, “the Devil went about very industriously in those days, insinuating into the ears of his flock what he could not into their hearts.” Conquista, lib. 5, cap. 22.

[66] “Y teniamos necesidad antes de ser socorridos, que de dar socorro.” Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 272.

[67] “God knows,” says the general, “the peril in which we all stood; pero como nos convenia mostrar mas esfuerzo y Ánimo, que nunca, y morir peleando, disimulabamos nuestra flaqueza assÍ con los Amigos como con los Enemigos.” Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 275.

[68] TÁpia’s force consisted of 10 horse and 80 foot; the chief alguacil, as Sandoval was styled, had 18 horse and 100 infantry. Ibid., loc. cit.—Also Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 26.

[69] “PÓlvora y Ballestas, de que teniamos muy estrema necesidad.” (Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 278.) It was probably the expedition in which Ponce de Leon lost his life; an expedition to the very land which the chivalrous cavalier had himself first visited in quest of the Fountain of Health. The story is pleasantly told by Irving, as the reader may remember, in his “Companions of Columbus.”

[70] The calm and simple manner in which the Conquistador, as usual, states this in his Commentaries, has something appalling in it from its very simplicity: “AcordÉ de tomar un medio para nuestra seguridad, y para poder mas estrechar Á los Enemigos; y fuÉ, que como fuessemos ganando por las Calles de la Ciudad, que fuessen derrocando todas las Casas de ellas, del un lado, y del otro; por manera, que no fuessemos un paso adelante, sin lo dejar todo asolado, y lo que era Agua, hacerlo Tierra-firme, aunque hobiesse toda la dilacion, que se pudiesse seguir.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 279.

[71] “Porque era la mas hermosa cosa del Mundo.” Ibid., p. 278.

[72] “Mas antes en el pelear, y en todos sus ardides, los hallabamos con mas Ánimo, que nunca.” Ibid., p. 279.

[73] Yet we shall hardly credit the Tezcucan historian’s assertion that a hundred thousand Indians flocked to the camp for this purpose: “Viniesen todos los labradores con sus coas para este efecto con toda brevedad: ... llegÁron mas de cien mil de ellos.” Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los EspaÑoles, p. 42.

[74] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 153.

[75] Sahagun, who gathered the story from the actors, and from the aspect of the scene before the devastation had been wholly repaired, writes with the animation of an eye-witness: “La guerra por agua y por tierra fuÉ tan porfiada y tan sangrienta, que era espanto de verla, y no hay posibilidad, para decir las particularidades que pasaban; eran tan espesas las saetas, y dardos, y piedras, y palos, que se arrojavan los unos Á los otros, que quitavan la claridad del sol; era tan grande la vocerÍa, y grita, de hombres y mugeres, y niÑos que voceaban y lloraban, que era cosa de grima; era tan grande la polvareda, y ruido, en derrocar y quemar casas, y robar lo que en ellas habia, y cautivar niÑos y mugeres, que parecia un juicio.” Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 38.

[76] The flesh of the Christians failed to afford them even the customary nourishment, since the Mexicans said it was intolerably bitter; a miracle considered by Captain Diaz as expressly wrought for this occasion. Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 153.

[77] Ibid., ubi supra.—When dried in the sun, this slimy deposit had a flavor not unlike that of cheese, and formed part of the food of the poorer classes at all times, according to Clavigero. Stor. del Messico, tom. ii. p. 222.{*}

{*} [This was the ahuahutle before described. See ante, vol. ii. p. 290, note.—M.]

[78] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 154.

[79] “Mas como el Guatemuz era mancebo, y muy gentil-hombre y de buena disposicion.” Ibid., ubi supra.

[80] “Mira primero lo que nuestros Dioses te han prometido, toma buen consejo sobre ello y no te fies de Malinche, ni de sus palabras, que mas vale que todos muramos en esta ciudad peleando, que no vernos en poder de quie nos harÁn esclauos, y nos atormentarÁn.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 154.

[81] “Y entonces el Guatemuz medio enojado les dixo: Pues assi quereis que sea, guardad mucho el maiz, y bastimentos que tenemos, y muramos todos peleando: y desde aquÍ adelante ninguno sea osado Á me demandar pazes, si no yo le matarÉ: y allÍ todos prometiÉron de pelear noches, y dias, y morir en la defensa de su ciudad.” Ibid., ubi supra.

[82] “Los de la Ciudad como veian tanto estrago, por esforzarse, decian Á nuestros Amigos, que no ficiessen sino quemar, y destruir, que ellos se las harian tornar Á hacer de nuevo, porque si ellos eran vencedores, ya ellos sabian, que habia de ser assÍ, y si no, que las habian de hacer para nosotros.” Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 286.

[83] Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 282-284.—Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 22; lib. 2, cap. 2.—Gomara, CrÓnica, cap. 140.—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 28.—Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los EspaÑoles, p. 43.

[84] “No se entendiÓ sino en quemar, y hallanar Casas, que era lÁstima cierto de lo ver; pero como no nos convenia hacer otra cosa, eramos forzado seguir aquella Órden.” Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, p. 286.

[85] “No tenian agua dulce para beber, ni para de ninguna manera de comer; bebian del agua salada y hedionda, comian ratones y lagartijas, y cortezas de Árboles, y otras cosas no comestibles; y de esta causa enfermÁron muchos, y muriÉron muchos.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 39.—Also Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 289.

[86] “Y es verdad y juro amen, que toda la laguna, y casas, y barbacoas estauan llenas de cuerpos, y cabeÇas de hombres muertos, que yo no sÉ de que manera lo escriua.” (Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.) Clavigero considers that it was a scheme of the Mexicans to leave the dead unburied, in order that the stench might annoy and drive off the Spaniards. (Stor. del Messico, tom. iii. p. 231, nota.) But this policy would have operated much more to the detriment of the besieged than of the besiegers, whose presence in the capital was but transitory. It is much more natural to refer it to the same cause which has led to a similar conduct under similar circumstances elsewhere, whether occasioned by pestilence or famine.

[87] Gonzalo de las Casas, Defensa, MS., cap. 28.—Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 8.—Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los EspaÑoles, p. 45.—Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 289.—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 29.

[88] “Muchas cosas acaeciÉron en este cerco, que entre otras generaciones estobieran discantadas É tenidas en mucho, en especial de las Mugeres de Temixtitan, de quien ninguna mencion se ha fecho. Y soy certificado, que fuÉ cosa maravillosa y para espantar, ver la prontitud y constancia que tobiÉron en servir Á sus maridos, y en curar los heridos, É en el labrar de las piedras para los que tiraban con hondas, É en otros oficios para mas que mugeres.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 48.

[89] Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 29.—Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 155.—Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 287-289.

[90] Ante, vol ii. p. 312.—The tianguez still continued of great dimensions, though with faded magnificence, after the Conquest, when it is thus noticed by Father Sahagun: “EntrÁron en la plaza Ó Tianguez de esta Tlaltilulco (lugar muy espacioso mucho mas de lo que ahora es), el cual se podia llamar emporio de toda esta nueva EspaÑa: al cual venian Á tratar gentes de toda esta nueva EspaÑa, y aun de los Reinos Á ella contiguos, y donde se vendian y compraban todas cuantas cosas hay en toda esta tierra, y en los Reinos de Quahtimalla y Xalisco (cosa cierto mucho de ver), yo lo vÍ por muchos aÑos morando en esta Casa del SeÑor Santiago aunque ya no era tanto como antes de la Conquista.” Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 37.

[91] “É yo mirÉ dende aquella Torre, lo que teniamos ganado de la Ciudad, que sin duda de ocho partes teniamos ganado las siete.” Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 289.

[92] Toribio, Hist. de los Ind., MS., Parte 3, cap. 7.—The remains of the ancient foundations may still be discerned in this quarter, while in every other etiam periÊre ruinÆ!

[93] Bustamante, the Mexican editor of Sahagun, mentions that he has now in his possession several of these military spoils. “Toda la llanura del Santuario de nuestra SeÑora de los Ángeles y de Santiago Tlaltilolco se ve sembrada de fragmentos de lanzas cortantes, de macanas, y flechas de piedra obsidiana, de que usaban los Mexicanos Ó sea Chinapos, y yo he recogido no pocos que conservo en mi poder.” Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, lib. 12, nota 21.

[94] “Y como comenzÓ Á arder, levantÓse una llama tan alta que parecia llegar al cielo, al espectÁculo de esta quema, todos los hombres y mugeres que se habian acogido Á las tiendas que cercaban todo el Tianguez comenzÁron Á llorar Á voz en grito, que fuÉ cosa de espanto oirlos; porque quemado aquel delubro satÁnico luego entendiÉron que habian de ser del todo destruidos y robados.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 37.

[95] Vestiges of the work are still visible, according to M. de Humboldt, within the limits of the porch of the chapel of St. Jago. Essai politique, tom. ii. p. 44.

[96] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 155.—Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 290.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 37.

[97] “Estaban los tristes, Mejicanos, hombres y mugeres, niÑos y niÑas, viejos y viejas, heridos y enfermos, en un lugar bien estrecho, y bien apretados los unos con los otros, y con grandÍsima falta de bastimentos, y al calor del Sol, y al frio de la noche, y cada hora esperando la muerte.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 39.

[98] Torquemada had the anecdote from a nephew of one of the Indian matrons, then a very old man himself. Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 102.

[99] Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., ubi supra.—Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.

[100] “De los niÑos, no quedÓ nadie, que las mismas madres y padres los comian (que era gran lÁstima de ver, y mayormente de sufrir).” (Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 39.) The historian derived his accounts from the Mexicans themselves, soon after the event.—One is reminded of the terrible denunciations of Moses: “The tender and delicate woman among you, which would not adventure to set the sole of her foot upon the ground for delicateness and tenderness, her eye shall be evil toward ... her children which she shall bear; for she shall eat them, for want of all things, secretly, in the siege and straitness wherewith thine enemy shall distress thee in thy gates.” Deuteronomy, chap. 28, vs. 56, 57.

[101] “No podiamos andar sino entre cuerpos, y cabeÇas de Indios muertos.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.

[102] “No tenian donde estar sino sobre los cuerpos muertos de los suyos.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 291.

[103] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.—Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 8.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 41.—Gonzalo de las Casas, Defensa, MS., cap. 28.

[104] “Un torbellino de fuego como sangre embuelto en brasas y en centellas, que partia de hacia Tepeacac (que es donde estÁ ahora Santa MarÍa de Guadalupe) y fuÉ haciendo gran ruido, hacia donde estaban acorralados los Mejicanos y Tlaltilulcanos; y diÓ una vuelta para enrededor de ellos, y no dicen si los empeciÓ algo, sino que habiendo dado aquella vuelta, se entrÓ por la laguna adelante; y allÍ desapareciÓ.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 40.

[105] “Inclinatis ad credendum animis,” says the philosophic Roman historian, “loco ominum etiam fortuita.” Tacitus, Hist., lib. 2, sec. 1.

[106] “Y como lo llevÁron delante de Guatimucin su SeÑor, y Él le comenzÓ Á hablar sobre la Paz, dizque luego lo mandÓ matar y sacrificar.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 293.

[107] “Que pues ellos me tenian por Hijo del Sol, y el Sol en tanta brevedad como era en un dia y una noche daba vuelta Á todo el Mundo, que porque yo assÍ brevemente no los acababa de matar, y los quitaba de penar tanto, porque ya ellos tenian deseos de morir, y irse al Cielo para su Ochilobus [Huitzilopochtli], que los estaba esperando para descansar.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 292.

[108] “Y yo les tornÉ Á repetir, que no sabia la causa, porque Él se recelaba venir ante mÍ, pues veia que Á ellos, que yo sabia q~ habian sido los causadores principales de la Guerra, y que la habian sustentado, les hacia buen tratamiento, que los dejaba ir, y venir seguramente, sin recibir enojo alguno; que les rogaba, que le tornassen Á hablar, y mirassen mucho en esto de su venida, pues Á Él le convenia, y yo lo hacia por su provecho.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, pp. 294, 295.

[109] The testimony is most emphatic and unequivocal to these repeated efforts on the part of CortÉs to bring the Aztecs peaceably to terms. Besides his own Letter to the emperor, see Bernal Diaz, cap. 155,—Herrera, Hist. general, lib. 2, cap. 6, 7,—Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 100,—Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los EspaÑoles, pp. 44-48,—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 29, 30.

[110] “Corrian Arroios de Sangre por las Calles, como pueden correr de Agua, quando llueve, y con Ímpetu, y fuerÇa.” Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 103.

[111] “Era tanta la grita, y lloro de los NiÑos, y Mugeres, que no habia Persona, Á quien no quebrantasse el corazon.” (Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 296.) They were a rash and stiff-necked race, exclaims his reverend editor, the archbishop, with a charitable commentary! “Gens durÆ cervicis gens absque consilio.” Nota.

[112] “Como la gente de la Cibdad se salia Á los nuestros, habia el general proveido, que por todas las calles estubiesen EspaÑoles para estorvar Á los amigos, que no matasen aquellos tristes, que eran sin nÚmero. É tambien dixo Á todos los amigos capitanes, que no consintiesen Á su gente que matasen Á ninguno de los que salian.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 30.

[113] “La qual crueldad nunca en Generacion tan recia se viÓ, ni tan fuera de toda Órden de naturaleza, como en los Naturales de estas partes.” Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 296.

[114] Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, ubi supra.—Ixtlilxochitl says, 50,000 were slain and taken in this dreadful onslaught. Venida de los EspaÑoles, p. 48.

[115] “Adonde estauan retraidos el Guatemuz con toda la flor de sus Capitanes, y personas mas nobles que en MÉxico auia, y le mandÓ que no matasse ni hiriesse Á ningunos Indios, saluo si no le diessen guerra, É que aunque se la diessen, que solamente se defendiesse.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.

[116] “Y al fin me dijo, que en ninguna manera el SeÑor vernia ante mÍ; y antes queria por allÁ morir, y que Á Él pesaba mucho de esto, que hiciesse yo lo que quisiesse; y como vÍ en esto su determinacion, yo le dije; que se bolviesse Á los suyos, y que Él, y ellos se aparejassen, porque los queria combatir, y acabar de matar, y assÍ se fuÉ.” Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 298.

[117] Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 30.—Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los EspaÑoles, p. 48.—Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 7.—Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 297, 298.—Gomara, CrÓnica, cap. 142.

[118] Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los EspaÑoles, p. 49.—“No me tiren, que yo soy el Rey de MÉxico, y desta tierra, y lo que te ruego es, que no me llegues Á mi muger, ni Á mis hijos; ni Á ninguna muger, ni Á ninguna cosa de lo que aquÍ traygo, sino que me tomes Á mi, y me lleues Á Malinche.” (Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.) M. de Humboldt has taken much pains to identify the place of Guatemozin’s capture,—now become dry land,—which he considers to have been somewhere between the Garita de Peralvillo, the square of Santiago, Tlatelolco, and the bridge of Amaxac. Essai politique, tom. ii. p. 76.{*}

{*} [According to an old tradition, it was on the Puente del Cabildo, which is within the limits designated by Humboldt. Alaman, Conquista de MÉjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 209, note.—K.]

[119] For the preceding account of the capture of Guatemozin, told with little discrepancy, though with more or less minuteness, by the different writers, see Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra,—Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, p. 299,—Gonzalo de las Casas, Defensa, MS.,—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 30,—Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 101.

[120] The general, according to Diaz, rebuked his officers for their ill-timed contention, reminding them of the direful effects of a similar quarrel between Marius and Sylla respecting Jugurtha. (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.) This piece of pedantry savors much more of the old chronicler than his commander. The result of the whole—not an uncommon one in such cases—was that the emperor granted to neither of the parties, but to CortÉs, the exclusive right of commemorating the capture of Guatemozin on his escutcheon. He was permitted to bear three crowns of gold on a sable field, one above the other two, in token of his victory over the three lords of Mexico, Montezuma, his brother Cuitlahua, and Guatemozin. A copy of the instrument containing the grant of the arms of Cortes may be found in the “Disertaciones histÓricas” of Alaman, tom. ii. apÉnd. 2.

[121] Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, lib. 12, cap. 40, MS.

[122] For the portrait of Guatemozin I again borrow the faithful pencil of Diaz, who knew him—at least his person—well: “Guatemuz era de muy gentil disposicion, assÍ de cuerpo, como de fayciones, y la cata algo larga, y alegre, y los ojos mas parecian que quando miraua, que eran con grauedad, y halagÜeÑos, y no auia falta en ellos, y era de edad de veinte y tres, Ó veinte y quatro aÑos, y el color tiraua mas Á blanco, que al color, y matiz de essotros Indios morenos.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.

[123] “LlegÓse Á mi, y dÍjome en su lengua: que ya Él habia hecho todo, lo que de su parte era obligado para defenderse Á sÍ, y Á los suyos, hasta venir en aquel estado; que ahora ficiesse de Él lo que yo quisiesse; y puso la mano en un puÑal, que yo tenia, diciÉndome, que le diesse de puÑaladas, y le matasse.” (Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 300.) This remarkable account by the Conqueror himself is confirmed by Diaz, who does not appear to have seen this letter of his commander. Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.

[124] Ibid., cap. 156.—Also Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 48,—and Martyr (De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 8), who, by the epithet of magnanimo regi, testifies the admiration which Guatemozin’s lofty spirit excited in the court of Castile.

[125] The ceremony of marriage, which distinguished the “lawful wife” from the concubine, is described by Don Thoan Cano, in his conversation with Oviedo. According to this, it appears that the only legitimate offspring which Montezuma left at his death was a son and a daughter, this same princess.—See Appendix, No. 11.

[126] For a further account of Montezuma’s daughter, see Book VII., chapter iii. of this History.

[127] The event is annually commemorated—or rather was, under the colonial government—by a solemn procession round the walls of the city. It took place on the 13th of August, the anniversary of the surrender, and consisted of the principal cavaliers and citizens on horseback, headed by the viceroy, and displaying the venerable standard of the Conqueror.{*}

{*} [It was the royal standard, not that of CortÉs, which was carried on this occasion. The celebration was suppressed by a decree of the cortes of Cadiz in 1812. Alaman, Conquista de MÉjico, trad. de Vega, tom. ii. p. 212, note.—K.]

[128] Toribio, Hist. de los Ind., MS., Parte 3, cap. 7.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 42.—Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.—“The lord of Mexico having surrendered,” says CortÉs, in his letter to the emperor, “the war, by the blessing of Heaven, was brought to an end, on Wednesday, the 13th day of August, 1521. So that from the day when we first sat down before the city, which was the 30th of May, until its final occupation, seventy-five days elapsed.” (Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 300.) It is not easy to tell what event occurred on May 30th to designate the beginning of the siege. Clavigero considers it the occupation of Cojohuacan by Olid. (Stor. del Messico, tom. iii. p. 196.) But I know not on what authority. Neither Bernal Diaz, nor Herrera, nor CortÉs, so fixes the date. Indeed, Clavigero says that Alvarado and Olid left Tezcuco May 20th, while CortÉs says May 10th. Perhaps CortÉs dates from the time when Sandoval established himself on the northern causeway, and when the complete investment of the capital began. Bernal Diaz, more than once, speaks of the siege as lasting three months, computing, probably, from the time when his own division, under Alvarado, took up its position at Tacuba.

[129] It did not, apparently, disturb the slumbers of the troops, who had been so much deafened by the incessant noises of the siege that, now these had ceased, “we felt,” says Diaz, in his homely way, “like men suddenly escaped from a belfry, where we had been shut up for months with a chime of bells ringing in our ears!” Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.

[130] Herrera (Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 7) and Torquemada (Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 101) estimate them at 30,000. Ixtlilxochitl says that 60,000 fighting-men laid down their arms (Venida de los EspaÑoles, p. 49); and Oviedo swells the amount still higher, to 70,000. (Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 48.)—After the losses of the siege, these numbers are startling.{*}

{*} [And entirely untrustworthy, as are almost all of the estimates, made by the Conqueror, of the native inhabitants or warriors.—M.]

[131] “Digo que en tres dias con sus noches iban todas tres calÇadas llenas de Indios, É Indias, y muchachos, llenas de bote en bote, que nunca dexauan de salir, y tan flacos, y suzios, É amarillos, É hediondos, que era lÁstima de los ver.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 150.

[132] CortÉs estimates the losses of the enemy in the three several assaults at 67,000, which with 50,000 whom he reckons to have perished from famine and disease would give 117,000. (Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 298, et alibi.) But this is exclusive of those who fell previously to the commencement of the vigorous plan of operations for demolishing the city. Ixtlilxochitl, who seldom allows any one to beat him in figures, puts the dead, in round numbers, at 240,000, comprehending the flower of the Aztec nobility. (Venida de los EspaÑoles, p. 51.) Bernal Diaz observes, more generally, “I have read the story of the destruction of Jerusalem, but I doubt if there was as great mortality there as in this siege; for there was assembled in the city an immense number of Indian warriors from all the provinces and towns subject to Mexico, the most of whom perished.” (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.) “I have conversed,” says Oviedo, “with many hidalgos and other persons, and have heard them say that the number of the dead was incalculable,—greater than that at Jerusalem, as described by Josephus.” (Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 30, cap. 30.) As the estimate of the Jewish historian amounts to 1,100,000 (Antiquities of the Jews, Eng. trans., book vii. chap. xvii.), the comparison may stagger the most accommodating faith. It will be safer to dispense with arithmetic where the data are too loose and slippery to afford a foothold for getting at truth.

[133] Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los EspaÑoles, p. 51.

[134] Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 301.—Oviedo goes into some further particulars respecting the amount of the treasure, and especially of the imperial fifth, to which I shall have occasion to advert hereafter. Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 31.

[135] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 8.—Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS., lib. 12, cap. 42.—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 30.—Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los EspaÑoles, pp. 51, 52.

[136] By none has this obloquy been poured with such unsparing hand on the heads of the old Conquerors as by their own descendants, the modern Mexicans. Ixtlilxochitl’s editor, Bustamante, concludes an animated invective against the invaders with recommending that a monument should be raised on the spot—now dry land—where Guatemozin was taken, which, as the proposed inscription itself intimates, should “devote to eternal execration the detested memory of these banditti!” (Venida de los EspaÑoles, p. 52, nota.) One would suppose that the pure Aztec blood, uncontaminated by a drop of Castilian, flowed in the veins of the indignant editor and his compatriots, or at least that their sympathies for the conquered race would make them anxious to reinstate them in their ancient rights. Notwithstanding these bursts of generous indignation, however, which plentifully season the writings of the Mexicans of our day, we do not find that the Revolution, or any of its numerous brood of pronunciamientos, has resulted in restoring to them an acre of their ancient territory.

[137] “¿Estoi yo en algun deleite, Ó baÑo?” (Gomara, CrÓnica, cap. 145.) The literal version is not so poetical as “the bed of flowers,” into which this exclamation of Guatemozin is usually rendered.

[138] The most particular account of this disgraceful transaction is given by Bernal Diaz, one of those selected to accompany the lord of Tacuba to his villa. (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 157.) He notices the affair with becoming indignation, but excuses CortÉs from a voluntary part in it.

[139] Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 308.—The simple statement of the Conqueror contrasts strongly with the pompous narrative of Herrera (Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 3, cap. 3), and with that of Father Cavo, who may have drawn a little on his own imagination. “CortÉs en una canoa ricamente entapizada, llevÓ Á el Rey Vehichilze, y Á los nobles de Michoacan Á MÉxico. Este es uno de los palacios de Moctheuzoma (les decia); allÍ estÁ el gran templo de Huitzilopuctli; estas ruinas son del grande edificio de Quauhtemoc, aquellos de la gran plaza del mercado. Conmovido Vehichilze de este espectÁculo, se le saltÁron las lÁgrimas.” Los tres Siglos de MÉxico (MÉxico, 1836), tom. i. p. 13.

[140] “Que todos los que tienen alguna ciencia, y experiencia en la Navegacion de las Indias, han tenido por muy cierto, que descubriendo por estas Partes la Mar del Sur, se habian de hallar muchas Islas ricas de Oro, y Perlas, y Piedras preciosas, y EspecerÍa, y se habian de descubrir y hallar otros muchos secretos y cosas admirables.” Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 302, 303.

[141] “Y crea Vuestra Magestad, que cada dia se irÁ ennobleciendo en tal manera, que como antes fuÉ Principal, y SeÑora de todas estas Provincias, que lo serÁ tambien de aquÍ adelante.” Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 307.

[142] Ante, vol. iv., p. 70.

[143] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 4, cap. 8.—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 32.—Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.—Gomara, CrÓnica, cap. 162.—“En la cual (la edificacion de la ciudad) los primeros aÑos andaba mas gente que en la edificacion del templo de Jerusalem, porque era tanta la gente que andaba en las obras, que apÉnas podia hombre romper por algunas calles y calzadas, aunque son muy anchas.” (Toribio, Hist. de los Indios, MS., Parte 1, cap. 1.) Ixtlilxochitl supplies any blank which the imagination might leave, by filling it up with 400,000, as the number of natives employed in this work by CortÉs! Venida de los EspaÑoles, p. 60.

[144] “SirviÉron al Emperador con muchas piedras, i entre ellas con una esmeralda fina, como la palma, pero quadrada, i que se remataba en punta como pirÁmide.” (Gomara, CrÓnica, cap. 146.) Martyr confirms the account of this wonderful emerald, which, he says, “was reported to the king and council to be nearly as broad as the palm of the hand, and which those who had seen it thought could not be procured for any sum.” De Orbe Novo, dec. 8, cap. 4.{*}

{*} [Alaman, however, denies that this stone was an emerald, or that any true emeralds were found by the Conquerors in Mexico, notwithstanding the frequent mention of them in contemporary relations. “There are no emeralds,” he says, “in our republic; and the stones mistaken for them at the time of the Conquest were jade or serpentine.” As an evidence of the ignorance on this subject common in Europe at a former period, he cites the famous instance of the Sacro Catino at Genoa, regarded for ages as an emerald of priceless value, but now proved to be an imitation. (Disertaciones histÓricas, tom. i. p. 161.) It is certain that no emeralds are now found in any part of North America. Yet the Conquerors would seem to have been more discriminating than SeÑor Alaman represents them. They distinguished the chalchivitl, supposed to have been jade, from the emerald, and rejected as valueless other green stones prized by the natives. The case of the Sacro Catino does not apply, since it is not pretended that the Mexicans possessed the art of imitating precious stones by means of paste. The fact, therefore, that the emeralds sent and taken to Europe by CortÉs were there recognized as genuine affords a presumptive proof in their favor, which has been generally accepted as sufficient by modern writers on the subject.—K.]

[145] [CortÉs availed himself of the same opportunity by which the royal fifth was despatched, to send costly or curious presents to numerous individuals and churches in Spain. For this fact I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. George Sumner, who, when in Spain, made a visit to the archives of Simancas, from which he has furnished me with some interesting particulars for the period on which I am engaged. In a file endorsed Papeles de CortÉs he met with a list, without date, but evidently belonging to the year 1522, of the gold, plumage, and ornaments sent by CortÉs to the different persons and institutions in Spain. “The policy of CortÉs and his clear-sightedness,” Mr. Sumner justly remarks, “are well shown by this. Not a church, not a shrine of any fame, throughout Spain, has been forgotten. To Santa MariÁ del Antigua in Sevilla, a rich offering of gold and of plumage; to Santa MarÍa del Pilar in Zaragoza, the same; another again to San Jago de Compostella; and one to the Cartuja of Seville, in which the bones of Columbus were then lying. There are plumages and gold for every place of importance. Then the bishops and men of power are not forgotten; for to them also are rich presents sent. In a time when there were no gazettes to trumpet one’s fame, what surer way to notoriety than this? What surer way, in Spain, for gaining that security which CortÉs so much needed?”]

[146] Peter Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. 8, cap. 4.—Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 169.

[147] The instrument also conferred similar powers in respect to an inquiry into Narvaez’s treatment of the licentiate Ayllon. The whole document is cited in a deposition drawn up by the notary, Alonso de Vergara, setting forth the proceedings of TÁpia and the municipality of Villa Rica, dated at Cempoalla, December 24, 1521. The MS. forms part of the collection of Don Vargas PonÇe, in the archives of the Academy of History at Madrid.

[148] RelaciÓn de Vergara, MS.—Rel. Terc. de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 309-314.—Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 158.—The regidores of Mexico and other places remonstrated against CortÉs’ leaving the Valley to meet TÁpia, on the ground that his presence was necessary to overawe the natives. (MS., Coyoacan, Dec. 12, 1521.) The general acquiesced in the force of a remonstrance which it is not improbable was made at his own suggestion.

[149] “Como ya (loado nuestro SeÑor) estaba toda la Provincia muy pacÍfica, y segura.” Rel. Quarta de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 367.

[150] The MuÑoz collection of MSS. contains a power of attorney given by CortÉs to his father, authorizing him to manage all negotiations with the emperor and with private persons, to conduct all lawsuits on his behalf, to pay over and receive money, etc.

[151] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 158.

[152] Sayas, Annales de AragÓn (Zaragoza, 1666), cap. 63, 78.—It is a sufficient voucher for the respectability of this court that we find in it the name of Dr. Galindez de Carbajal, an eminent Castilian jurist, grown gray in the service of Ferdinand and Isabella, whose confidence he enjoyed to the highest degree.

[153] Sayas, Annales de Aragon, cap. 78.—Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 4, cap. 3.—Probanza en la Villa Segura, MS.—Declaraciones de Puertocarrero y de Montejo, MS.

[154] [“É porque soy certificado de lo mucho que vos en ese descubrimiento É conquista y en tornar Á ganar la dicha ciudad É provincias habeis fecho É trabajado, de que me he tenido É tengo por muy servido, É tengo la voluntad que es razon para vos favorecer y hacer la merced que vuestros servicios y trabajos merecen.”—The whole letter is inserted by Alaman in his Disertaciones histÓricas, tom. i. apÉnd. 2, p. 144, et seq.]

[155] Nombramiento de Governador y Capitan General y Justicia Mayor de Nueva-EspaÑa, MS.—Also Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 168.

[156] The character of Fonseca has been traced by the same hand which has traced that of Columbus. (Irving’s Life and Voyages of Columbus, Appendix, No. 32.) Side by side they will go down to posterity in the beautiful page of the historian, though the characters of the two individuals have been inscribed with pens as different from each other as the golden and iron pen which Paolo Giovio tells us he employed in his compositions.

[157] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 158.

[158] [According to SeÑor Alaman, the cathedral, instead of being dedicated to Saint Francis, was consecrated to the Assumption of the Virgin. Conquista de MÉjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 254.]

[159] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 4, cap. 8.

[160] Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, tom. i. p. 271.—Humboldt, Essai politique, tom. ii. p. 58.

[161] Herrera, Hist. general, ubi supra.

[162] Humboldt, Essai politique, tom. ii. p. 72.

[163] Rel. d’un gentil’ huomo, ap. Ramusio, tom. iii. fol. 309.

[164] [Alaman asserts that there was no cathedral in Tlatelolco, but a Franciscan convent, dedicated to St. James, which still exists. Conquista de MÉjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 255.]

[165] Rel. d’un gentil’ huomo, ap. Ramusio, ubi supra.

[166] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 177.

[167] Rel. Quarta de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 376, nota.

[168] For an account of this singular enterprise, see ante, vol. ii. p. 227.

[169] “Cortes, reckoning only the Indian population, says treinta mil vecinos. (Rel. Quarta, ap. Lorenzana, p. 375.) Gomara, speaking of Mexico some years later, estimates the number of Spanish householders as in the text. CrÓnica, cap. 162.

[170] “Toribio, Hist. de los Indios, MS., Parte 3, cap. 7.—Yet this is scarcely stronger language than that of the Anonymous Conqueror: “CosÌ ben ordinato et di si belle piazze et strade, quanto d’ altre cittÀ che siano al mondo.” Rel. d’un gentil’ huomo, ap. Ramusio, tom. iii. fol. 309.

[171] “Y tengo por cierto, que aquel Pueblo ha de ser, despues de esta Ciudad, el mejor que obiere en esta Nueva EspaÑa.” (Rel. Quarta, ap. Lorenzana, p. 382.) The archbishop confounds this town with the modern Vera Cruz. But the general’s description of the port refutes this supposition, and confirms our confidence in Clavigero’s statement that the present city was founded by the Conde de Monterey, at the time mentioned in the text. See ante, vol. ii. p. 47, note.

[172] Ordenanzas municipales, Tenochtitlan, Marzo, 1524, MS.{*}—The Ordinances made by CortÉs for the government of the country during his viceroyalty are still preserved in Mexico; and the copy in my possession was transmitted to me from that capital. They give ample evidence of the wise and penetrating spirit which embraced every object worthy of the attention of an enlightened ruler; and I will quote, in the original, the singular provisions mentioned in the text:

“Item. Por que mas se manifieste la voluntad que los pobladores de estas partes tienen de residir y permanecer en ellas, mando que todas las personas que tuvieren Indios, que fueren casados en Castilla Ó en otras partes, que traigan sus mugeres dentro de un aÑo y medio primero siguientes de como estas ordenanzas fueren pregonadas, so pena de perder los Indios, y todo lo con ellos adquirido É grangeado; y por que muchas personas podrian poner por achaque aunque tuviesen aparejo de decir que no tienen dineros para enviar por ellas, por hende las tales personas que tuvieran esta necesidad parescan ante el R?. P?. Fray Juan de Tecto y ante Alonso de Estrada, tesorero de su Magestad, Á les informar de su necesidad, para que ellos la comuniquen Á mÍ, y su necesidad se remedie; y si algunas personas hay que casados y no tienen sus mugeres en esta tierra, y quisieran traerlas, sepan que trayÉndolas serÁn ayudadas asÍ mismo para las traer, dando fianzas.

“Item. Por quanto en esta tierra hay muchas personas que tienen Indios de encomienda y no son casados, por hende por que conviene asÍ para la salud de sus conciencias de los tales por estar en buen estado, como por la poblacion É noblecimiento de sus tierras, mando que las tales personas se casen, traigan y tengan sus mugeres en esta tierra dentro de un aÑo y medio, despues que fueren pregonadas estas dichas Ordenanzas, É que no haciendo lo por el mismo caso sean privados y pierdan los tales Indios que asÍ tienen.”

{*} [The exact date is given at the close of the document—“fecha en esta dicha ciudad [de Temixtitan] Á veinte dias del mes de marzo de mil y quinientos É veinte y cuatro aÑos.” Sir Arthur Helps says a copy sent by CortÉs to the emperor in October of the same year “has been lost, but the orders manifestly related to this subject of encomiendas.” The original seems also to have disappeared. But an ancient copy of these, as well as of subsequent ordinances and instructions of a similar nature, is preserved in the archives of the duke of Terranova y Monteleone in the Hospital of Jesus at Mexico, and the whole series was published, so far back as 1844, by SeÑor Alaman, in his Disertaciones histÓricas, tom. i. pp. 105-143. The contents, therefore, are not a matter of inference. They do not relate chiefly or directly to the encomiendas, that system having been already established and become, in the language of Alaman, “the basis of the whole organization of the country.” The “Ordenanzas,” while they incidentally modify the system, consist for the most part of regulations suggested by the general condition and circumstances of a new colony. They make provision for the military equipment and inspection of the settlers, with a view to their readiness for service; for their permanent residence in the country, which is made a condition of their holding repartimientos; for the conversion of the natives, their protection against robbery and oppression, and the education of the children of their chiefs; for the cultivation of imported plants and grain, and the raising of cattle, sheep, and swine; for facilitating traffic by the establishment of markets, adjustment of prices, etc.; and for the organization of the municipalities, prescribing their powers and forms of administration. Some of these provisions are still in force, while others, though obsolete, indicate the origin of certain existing customs. Taken together, they contain, in the opinion of Alaman, the foundation of all the later institutions of the country,—“el fundamento de todas nuestras instituciones.”—K.]

[173] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 160.

[174] Ante, vol. i. p. 310.

[175] Of asthma, according to Bernal Diaz (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 160); but her death seems to have been too sudden to be attributed to that disease. I shall return to the subject hereafter.

[176] Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, pp. 319, 320.

[177] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 5, cap. 1.

[178] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 4, lib. 6, cap. 5.—Ordenanzas, MS.—The ordinances prescribe the service of the Indians, the hours they may be employed, their food, compensation, and the like. They require the encomendero to provide them with suitable means of religious instruction and places of worship. But what avail good laws, which in their very nature imply the toleration of a great abuse?

[179] The whole population of New Spain in 1810 is estimated by Don Fernando Navarro y Noriega at about 6,000,000; of whom more than half were pure Indians. The author had the best means for arriving at a correct result. See Humboldt, Essai politique, tom. i. pp. 318, 319, note.

[180] Rel. Quarta, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 391-394.—The petition of the Conquerors was acceded to by the government, which further prohibited “attorneys and men learned in the law from setting foot in the country, on the ground that experience had shown they would be sure by their evil practices to disturb the peace of the community.” (Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 5, cap. 2.) These enactments are but an indifferent tribute to the character of the two professions in Castile.

[181] Toribio, Hist. de los Indios, MS., Parte 1, cap. 1.—Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS. [My views of the character of the Spanish missionaries find favor with SeÑor Alaman, who warmly eulogizes the spirit of self-sacrifice and the untiring zeal which they showed in propagating the gospel among the natives: “El Sr. Prescott hace de los misioneros el justo aprecio que sus virtudes merecieron, y sus elogios son tanto mas recomendables, cuanto que sus opiniones religiosas parece deberian hacerle contrario Á ellos. En efecto, solo la iglesia catÓlica ha producido misioneros inflamados de un verdadero celo religioso, que los ha hecho sacrificar su vida por la propagacion de la religion y en beneficio de la humanidad.” Conquista de MÉjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 255. Mr. Gallatin, also, in his “Notes on the Semi-civilized Nations of America,” pays a hearty tribute to the labors of the Roman Catholic missionaries in the New World: “The Dominican monks, though inquisitors and relentless persecutors in Spain, became in America the protectors of the Indians.... The praise must be extended to all the Catholic priests, whether Franciscans or Jesuits, monks or curates. All, from the beginning, were, have ever been, and continue to be, the protectors and the friends of the Indian race.” Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, i. 213.]

[182] “Cuyo hecho del rotÍsimo y humilde recebimiento fuÉ uno de los heroicos hechos que este Capitan hizo, porque fuÉ documento para que con mayor fervor los naturales desta tierra viniesen Á la conversion de nuestra fee.” (Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.—See also Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 171.) Archbishop Lorenzana falls nothing short of the Tlascalan historian in his admiration of the religious zeal of the great Conquistador, which, he assures us, “entirely overwhelms him, as savoring so much more of the apostolic missionary than of the soldier!” Lorenzana, p. 393, nota.

[183] Toribio, Hist. de los Indios, MS., Parte 3, cap. 1.—Father Sahagun, who has done better service in this way than any other of his order, describes with simple brevity the rapid process of demolition. “We took the children of the caciques,” he says, “into our schools, where we taught them to read and write, and to chant. The children of the poorer natives were brought together in the court-yard, and instructed there in the Christian faith. After our teaching, one or two brethren took the pupils to some neighboring teocalli, and, by working at it for a few days, they levelled it to the ground. In this way they demolished, in a short time, all the Aztec temples, great and small, so that not a vestige of them remained.” (Hist. de Nueva-EspaÑa, tom. iii. p. 77.) This passage helps to explain why so few architectural relics of the Indian era still survive in Mexico.

[184] “De manera que Á mi juicio y verdaderamente serÁn bautizados en este tiempo que digo, que serÁn quince aÑos, mas de nueve millones de Ánimas de Indios.” Toribio, Hist. de los Indios, MS., Parte 2, cap. 3.

[185] Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, tom. i. p. 43.—Humboldt, Essai politique, tom. iii. pp. 115, 145.—Esposicion de Don LucÁs Alaman (MÉxico, 1828), p. 59.

[186] “PÁraque cada NavÍo traiga cierta cantidad de Plantas, y que no pueda salir sin ellas, porque serÁ mucha causa para la Poblacion, y perpetuacion de ella.” Rel. Quarta de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 397.{*}

{*} [The first wheat came from three grains which were found in a sack of rice. Other wheat had been received, but it was all more or less damaged by the voyage. See Tapia, Relacion.—M.]

[187] “Item, que cualquier vecino que tubiere Indios de repartimiento sea obligado Á poner en ellos en cada un aÑo con cada cien Indios de los que tuvieren de repartimiento mil sarmientos aunque sean de la planta de su tierra, escogiendo la mejor que pudiesse hallar.” Ordenanzas municipales, aÑo de 1524, MS.

[188] Ordenanzas municipales, aÑo de 1524, MS.

[189] [“No general interest would attach to the private undertakings of CortÉs, if the sole object of them had been the aggrandizement of his own fortune. But they were in fact the germs of what are now the most important branches of the national wealth; and they prove the grandeur of those views which in the times of the Conquest gave an impulse to whatever promised to contribute to the prosperity of the country.” Alaman, Disertaciones histÓricas, tom. ii. p. 63.]

[190] “Tengo de ser causa, que Vuestra Cesarea Magestad sea en estas partes SeÑor de mas Reynos, y SeÑorÍos que los que hasta hoy en nuestra Nacion se tiene noticia.” Rel. Quarta de CortÉs, ap. Lorenzana, p. 374.

[191] “Much as I esteem Hernando CortÉs,” exclaims Oviedo, “for the greatest captain and most practised in military matters of any we have known, I think such an opinion shows he was no great cosmographer.” (Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 41.) Oviedo had lived to see its fallacy.

[192] Martyr, Opus Epist., ep. 811.

[193] Rel. Quarto, ap. Lorenzana, p. 385.

[194] The illusion at home was kept up, in some measure, by the dazzling display of gold and jewels remitted from time to time, wrought into fanciful and often fantastic forms. One of the articles sent home by CortÉs was a piece of ordnance, made of gold and silver, of very fine workmanship, the metal of which alone cost 25,000 pesos de oro. Oviedo, who saw it in the palace, speaks with admiration of this magnificent toy. Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 41.

[195] Among these may be particularly mentioned the Letters of Alvarado and Diego de Godoy, transcribed by Oviedo in his Hist. de las Ind., MS. (lib. 33, cap. 42-44), and translated by Ramusio for his rich collection, Viaggi, tom. iii.

[196] See, among others, his orders to his kinsman, Francisco CortÉs,—“Instruccion civil y militar por la Expedicion de la Costa de Colima.” The paper is dated in 1524, and forms part of the MuÑoz collection of MSS.

[197] Rel. Quarta, ap. Lorenzana, p. 371.—“Well may we wonder,” exclaims his archiepiscopal editor, “that CortÉs and his soldiers could have overrun and subdued, in so short a time, countries, many of them so rough and difficult of access that even at the present day we can hardly penetrate them!” Ibid., nota.

[198] Carta Quinta de CortÉs, MS.

[199] Carta de Albornos, MS., Mexico, Dec. 15, 1525.—Carta Quinta de CortÉs, MS.—The authorities do not precisely agree as to the numbers, which were changing, probably, with every step of their march across the table-land.

[200] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 175.

[201] Among these was Captain Diaz, who, however, left the pleasant farm, which he occupied in the province of Coatzacualco, with a very ill grace, to accompany the expedition. “But CortÉs commanded it, and we dared not say no,” says the veteran. Ibid., cap. 174.

[202] This celebrated Letter, which has never been published, is usually designated as the Carta Quinta, or “Fifth Letter,” of CortÉs. It is nearly as long as the longest of the printed letters of the Conqueror, is written in the same clear, simple, business-like manner, and is as full of interest as any of the preceding. It gives a minute account of the expedition to Honduras, together with events that occurred in the year following. It bears no date, but was probably written in that year from Mexico. The original manuscript is in the Imperial Library at Vienna, which, as the German sceptre was swayed at that time by the same hand which held the Castilian, contains many documents of value for the illustration of Spanish history.{*}

{*} [It is scarcely credible that a long and important document in an official form should have borne no date, and we may therefore suspect that the manuscript at Vienna, if unmutilated, is not the original. A copy in the Royal Library at Madrid, purporting to have been made “from the original” by Alonso Diaz, terminates as follows: “De la cibdad de Temixtitan, desta Nueva EspaÑa Á tres del mes de setiembre del nascimiento de nuestro SeÑor É Salvador Jesu-Cristo de 1526.” This date is confirmed by a passage in a letter which will be found cited in the notes in the next chapter with the date of Sept. 11, but of which there are in fact two originals, the duplicate being dated Sept. 3. It gives a summary, for the emperor’s own perusal, of the matters narrated at length in the Carta Quinta, which it thus describes: “AsÍ mesmo envio agora Á V. M. con lo presente una relacion bien larga y particular de todo lo que me subcediÓ en el camino que hice Á las Hibueras, y al cabo della hago saber Á V. M. muy por extenso lo que ha pasado y se ha hecho en esta Nueva EspaÑa despues que yo partÉ de la isla de Cuba para ella.” See Col. de Doc. inÉd. para la Historia de EspaÑa, tom. i.—K.]

[203] “Es tierra mui baja y de muchas sienegas, tanto que en tiempo de invierno no se puede andar, ni se sirve sino en canoas, y con pasarla yo en tiempo de seca, desde la entrada hasta la salida de ella, que puede aver veinti leguas, se hiziÉron mas de cinquenta puentes, que sin se hazer fuera imposible pasar.” Carta Quinta de CortÉs, MS.

[204] I have examined some of the most ancient maps of the country, by Spanish, French, and Dutch cosmographers, in order to determine the route of CortÉs. An inestimable collection of these maps, made by the learned German Ebeling, is to be found in the library of Harvard University. I can detect on them only four or five of the places indicated by the general. They are the places mentioned in the text, and, though few, may serve to show the general direction of the march of the army.

[205] “Donde se ponian los pies en el suelo aÇia arriba la claridad del cielo no se veia, tanta era la espesura y alteza de los Árboles, que aunque se subian en algunos, no podian descubrir un tiro de piedra.” Carta Quinta de CortÉs, MS.

[206] “Porque lleva mas que mil bigas, que la menor es casi tan gorda como un cuerpo de un hombre, y de nueve y diez brazas en largo.” Carta Quinta de CortÉs, MS.

[207] “Pasada toda la gente y cavallos de la otra parte del alcon dÍmos luego en una gran Çienega, que durava bien tres tiros de ballesta, la cosa mas espantosa que jamas las gentes viÉron, donde todos los cavallos desenÇillados se sumiÉron hasta las orejas sin parecerse otra cosa, y querer forÇeiar Á salir, sumianse mas, de manera que allÍ perdÍmos toda la esperanza de poder escapar cavallos ningunos, pero todavÍa comenzÁmos Á trabajar y componerles haÇes de yerba y ramas grandes de bajo, sobre que se sostuviesen y no se sumiesen, remediÁvanse algo, y andando trabajando y yendo y viniendo de la una parte Á la otra, abriÓse por medio de un calejon de agua y Çieno, que los cavallos comenzÁron algo Á nadar, y con esto plugo Á nuestro SeÑor que saliÉron todos sin peligro ninguno.” Carta Quinta de CortÉs, MS.

[208] Carta Quinta de CortÉs, MS.

[209] Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 177.

[210] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.

[211] According to Diaz, both Guatemozin and the prince of Tacuba had embraced the religion of their conquerors, and were confessed by a Franciscan friar before their execution. We are further assured by the same authority that “they were, for Indians, very good Christians, and believed well and truly.” (Ibid., loc. cit.) One is reminded of the last hours of Caupolican, converted to Christianity by the same men who tied him to the stake. See the scene, painted in the frightful coloring of a master-hand, in the Araucana, Canto 34.

[212] Guatemozin’s beautiful wife, the princess Tecuichpo, the daughter of Montezuma, lived long enough after his death to give her hand to four Castilians, all of noble descent. (See ante, vol. iii. p. 155, note 36.) She is described as having been as well instructed in the Catholic faith as any woman in Castile, as most gracious and winning in her deportment, and as having contributed greatly, by her example, and the deference with which she inspired the Aztecs, to the tranquillity of the conquered country. This pleasing portrait, it may be well enough to mention, is by the hand of her husband, Don Thoan Cano. See Appendix, No. 11.

[213] The Indian chroniclers regard the pretended conspiracy of Guatemozin as an invention of CortÉs. The informer himself, when afterwards put to the torture by the cacique of Tezcuco, declared that he had made no revelation of this nature to the Spanish commander. Ixtlilxochitl vouches for the truth of this story. (Venida de los EspaÑoles, pp. 83-93.) But who will vouch for Ixtlilxochitl?

[214] “Y fuÉ esta muerte que les diÉron muy injustamente dada, y pareciÓ mal Á todos los que ibamos aquella jornada.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 177.

[215] “Guatemozin, SeÑor que fuÉ de esta Ciudad de Temixtitan, Á quien yo despues que la ganÉ he tenido siempre preso, teniÉndole por hombre bullicioso, y le llevÉ conmigo.” Carta Quinta, MS.

[216] “Y le hacian aquella mesma reverencia, i ceremonias, que Á MoteÇuma, i creo que por eso le llevaba siempre consigo por la Ciudad Á Caballo si cavalgaba, i sino Á pie como Él iba.” CrÓnica, cap. 170.

[217] “I CortÉs debiera guardarlo vivo, como Oro en paÑo, que era el triumpho, i gloria de sus Victorias.” CrÓnica, cap. 170.

[218] Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.

[219] Ibid., cap. 178.

[220] Diaz, who was present, attests the truth of this account by the most solemn adjuration: “Y todo esto que digo, se lo oÍ muy certificadamente y se lo juro, amen.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 37.

[221] [Alaman, from an examination of the municipal archives of Mexico, finds that Juan de Jaramillo was commander of one of the brigantines in the siege of Mexico. He subsequently filled the office of royal standard-bearer of the city, and was several times chosen to represent it in the assemblies of the cities of New Spain. Conquista de MÉjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 269.]

[222] [The Spanish government showed its sense of the services of Marina by the grant of several estates both in the town and country. The house in which she usually resided in Mexico was in the street of Medinas, as it is now called, which then bore the name of her husband, Jaramillo. She had a pleasure-house at Chapoltepec, and in Cuyoacan a garden that had belonged to Montezuma. She lived in the enjoyment of wealth and much consideration from her countrymen; and, as we see mention made of her grandchild during her lifetime, we may presume she reached a good old age. Conquista de MÉjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 269.—Alaman, Disertaciones histÓricas, tom. ii. p. 293.]

[223] Life in Mexico, let. 8.—The fair author does not pretend to have been favored with a sight of the apparition.

[224] Villagutierre says that the Iztacs, by which name the inhabitants of these islands were called, did not destroy their idols while the Spaniards remained there. (Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza (Madrid, 1701), pp. 49, 50.) The historian is wrong, since CortÉs expressly asserts that the images were broken and burnt in his presence. Carta Quinta, MS.

[225] The fact is recorded by Villagutierre, Conquista de el Itza, pp. 100-102, and Cojullado, Hist. de Yucathan, lib. 1, cap. 16.

[226] “Y querer dezir la aspereza y fragosidad de este Puerto y sierras, ni quien lo dixese lo sabria significar, ni quien lo oyese podria entender, sino que sepa V. M. que en ocho leguas que durÓ hasta este puerto estuvÍmos en las andar doze dias, digo los postreros en llegar al cabo de Él, en que muriÉron sesenta y ocho cavallos despeÑados y desxaretados, y todos los demas viniÉron heridos y tan lastimados que no pensÁmos aprovecharnos de ninguno.” Carta Quinta de CortÉs, MS.

[227] “If any unhappy wretch had become giddy in this transit,” says CortÉs, “he must inevitably have been precipitated into the gulf and perished. There were upwards of twenty of these frightful passes.” Carta Quinta, MS.

[228] “EspantÁronse en gran manera, y como supiÉron que era CortÉs q~ tan nombrado era en todas estas partes de las Indias, y en Castilla, no sabia que se hazer de placer.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 179.

[229] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 179, et seq.—Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 8, cap. 3, 4.—Carta Quinta de CortÉs, MS.

[230] Carta Quinta de CortÉs, MS.—Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 185.—Relacion del Tesorero Strada, MS., MÉxico, 1526.

[231] Carta Quinta de CortÉs, MS.

[232] Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 184, et seq.—Carta Quinta de CortÉs, MS.

[233] Carta Quinta de CortÉs, MS.—Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 189, 190.—Carta de CortÉs al Emperador, MS., MÉxico, Sept. 11, 1526.

[234] Carta de OcaÑa, MS., Agosto 31, 1526.—Carta Quinta de CortÉs, MS.

[235] “What CortÉs suffered,” says Dr. Robertson, “on this march,—a distance, according to Gomara, of 3000 miles” (the distance must be greatly exaggerated),—“from famine, from the hostility of the natives, from the climate, and from hardships of every species, has nothing in history parallel to it, but what occurs in the adventures of the other discoverers and conquerors of the New World. CortÉs was employed in this dreadful service above two years; and, though it was not distinguished by any splendid event, he exhibited, during the course of it, greater personal courage, more fortitude of mind, more perseverance and patience, than in any other period or scene in his life.” (Hist. of America, note 96.) The historian’s remarks are just; as the passage which I have borrowed from the extraordinary record of the Conqueror may show. Those who are desirous of seeing something of the narrative told in his own way will find a few pages of it translated in the Appendix, No. 14.

[236] “Y esto yo lo oÍ dezir Á los del Real Consejo de Indias, estando presente el seÑor Obispo Fray BartolomÉ de las Casas, que se descuidÓ mucho CortÉs en ello, y se lo tuviÉron Á floxedad.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 190.

[237] Memorial de Luis Cardenas, MS.—Carta de Diego de OcaÑa, MS.—Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 8, cap. 14, 15.

[238] Carta del Emperador, MS., Toledo, Nov. 4, 1525.

[239] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 192.—Carta de CortÉs al Emperador, MS., MÉxico, Set. 11, 1526.

[240] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 194.—Carta de CortÉs al Emperador, MS., Set. 11, 1526.

[241] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 4, lib. 2, cap. 1; and lib. 3, cap. 8.

[242] “Todas estas entradas estÁn ahora para partir casi Á una, plega Á Dios de los guiar como Él se sirva, que yo aunque V. M. mas me mande desfavoreÇer no tengo de dejar de servir, que no es posible que por tiempo V. M. no conosca mis servicios, y ya que esto no sea, yo me satisfago con hazer lo que debo, y con saber que Á todo el mundo tengo satisfecho, y les son notorios mis servicios, y lealdad, con que los hago, y no quiero otro mayorazgo sino este.” Carta Quinta, MS.

[243] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 194.—Carta de OcaÑa, MS., Agosto 31, 1526.

[244] The Pope, who was of the joyous Medici family, Clement VII., and the cardinals, were greatly delighted with the feats of the Indian jugglers, according to Diaz; and his Holiness, who, it may be added, received at the same time from CortÉs a substantial donative of gold and jewels, publicly testified, by prayers and solemn processions, his great sense of the services rendered to Christianity by the Conquerors of Mexico, and generously requited them by bulls granting plenary absolution from their sins. Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 195.

[245] “Y en fin venia como gran SeÑor.” Hist. gen., dec. 4, lib. 3, cap. 8.

[246] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 4, lib. 4, cap. 1.—Cavo, Los tres Siglos de MÉxico, tom. i. p. 78.

[247] Pizarro y Orellana, Varones ilustres, p. 121.

[248] See the conclusion of Rogers’s Voyage of Columbus.

[249] Bernal Diaz says that Sandoval was twenty-two years old when he first came to New Spain, in 1519.—Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 205.

[250] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 195.

[251] “Vino de las Indias despues de la conquista de Mexico, con tanto acompaÑamiento y magestad, que mas parecia de PrÍncipe, Ó seÑor poderosÍssimo, que de Capitan y vasallo de algun Rey Ó Emperador.” Lanuza, Historias ecclesiÁsticas y seculares de Aragon (Zaragoza, 1622), lib. 3, cap. 14.

[252] Gomara, CrÓnica, cap. 183.—Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 4, lib. 4, cap. 1.—Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 195.

[253] TÍtulo de Marques, MS., Barcelona, 6 de Julio, 1529.

[254] Humboldt, Essai politique, tom. ii. p. 30, note.—According to Lanuza, he was offered by the emperor the Order of St. Jago, but declined it, because no encomienda was attached to it. (Hist. de Aragon, tom. i. lib. 3, cap. 14.) But Caro de Torres, in his History of the Military Orders of Castile, enumerates CortÉs among the members of the Compostellan fraternity. Hist. de las Órdenes militares (Madrid, 1629), fol. 103, et seq.

[255] Merced de Tierras inmediatas Á Mexico, MS., Barcelona, 23 de Julio, 1529.—Merced de los Vasallos, MS., Barcelona, 6 de Julio, 1529

[256] “É nos habemos recibido y tenemos de vos por bien servido en ello, y acatando los grandes provechos que de vuestros servicios han redundado, ansÍ para el servicio de Nuestro SeÑor y aumento de su santa fÉ catÓlica, y en las dichas tierras que estaban sin conocimiento ni fÉ se han plantado, como el acrecentamiento que dello ha redundado Á nuestra corona real destos reynos, y los trabajos que en ello habeis pasado, y la fidelidad y obediencia con que siempre nos habeis servido como bueno É fiel servidor y vasallo nuestro, de que somos ciertos y confiados.” Merced de los Vasallos, MS.

[257] “The benignant reception which I experienced, on my return, from your Majesty,” says CortÉs, “your kind expressions and generous treatment, make me not only forget all my toils and sufferings, but even cause me regret that I have not been called to endure more in your service.” (Carta de CortÉs al Lic. NuÑez, MS., 1535.) This memorial, addressed to his agent in Castile, was designed for the emperor.

[258] TÍtulo de Capitan General de la Nueva-EspaÑa y Costa del Sur, MS., Barcelona, 6 de Julio, 1529.

[259] Asiento y Capitulacion que hÍzo con el Emperador Don H. CortÉs, MS., Madrid, 27 de Oct., 1529.

[260] “Que, segun se dezia, excedia en las hazaÑas Á Alexandro Magno, y en las riquezas Á Crasso.” (Lanuza, Hist. de Aragon, lib. 3, cap. 14.) The rents of the marquis of the Valley, according to L. Marineo Siculo, who lived at the court at this time, were about 60,000 ducats a year. Cosas memorables de EspaÑa (AlcalÁ de Henares, 1539), fol. 24.

[261] DoÑa Juana was of the house of Arellano, and of the royal lineage of Navarre. Her father was not a very wealthy noble. L. Marineo Siculo, Cosas memorables, fol. 24, 25.

[262] One of these precious stones was as valuable as Shylock’s turquoise. Some Genoese merchants in Seville offered CortÉs, according to Gomara, 40,000 ducats for it. The same author gives a more particular account of the jewels, which may interest some readers. It shows the ingenuity of the artist, who, without steel, could so nicely cut so hard a material. One emerald was in the form of a rose; the second, in that of a horn; a third, like a fish, with eyes of gold; the fourth was like a little bell, with a fine pearl for the tongue, and on the rim was this inscription, in Spanish: Blessed is he who created thee. The fifth, which was the most valuable, was a small cup with a foot of gold, and with four little chains, of the same metal, attached to a large pearl as a button. The edge of the cup was of gold, on which was engraven this Latin sentence: Inter natos mulierum non surrexit major. Gomara, CrÓnica, cap. 184.

[263] Carta de CortÉs al Emperador, MS., Tezcuco, 10 de Oct., 1530.

[264] DoÑa Catalina’s death happened so opportunely for the rising fortunes of CortÉs, that this charge of murder by her husband has found more credit with the vulgar than the other accusations brought against him. CortÉs, from whatever reason, perhaps from the conviction that the charge was too monstrous to obtain credit, never condescended to vindicate his innocence. But, in addition to the arguments mentioned in the text for discrediting the accusations generally, we should consider that this particular charge attracted so little attention in Castile, where he had abundance of enemies, that he found no difficulty, on his return there seven years afterwards, in forming an alliance with one of the noblest houses in the kingdom; that no writer of that day (except Bernal Diaz, who treats it as a base calumny), not even Las Casas, the stern accuser of the Conquerors, intimates a suspicion of his guilt; and that, lastly, no allusion whatever is made to it in the suit instituted, some years after her death, by the relatives of DoÑa Catalina, for the recovery of property from CortÉs pretended to have been derived through her marriage with him,—a suit conducted with acrimony and protracted for several years. I have not seen the documents connected with this suit, which are still preserved in the archives of the house of CortÉs, but the fact has been communicated to me by a distinguished Mexican who has carefully examined them, and I cannot but regard it as of itself conclusive that the family at least of DoÑa Catalina did not attach credit to the accusation. Yet so much credit has been given to this in Mexico, where the memory of the old Spaniards is not held in especial favor at the present day, that it has formed the subject of an elaborate discussion in the public periodicals of that city.

[265] This remarkable paper, forming part of the valuable collection of Don Vargas PonÇe, is without date. It was doubtless prepared in 1529, during the visit of CortÉs to Castile. The following Title is prefixed to it:

“Pesquisa secreta.

“Relacion de los cargos que resultan de la pesquisa secreta contra Don Hernando CortÉs, de los quales no se le diÓ copia ni traslado Á la parte del dicho Don Hernando, asÍ por ser los dichos cargos de la calidad que son, como por estar la persona del dicho Don Hernando ausente como estÁ. Los quales yo Gregorio de SaldaÑa, escribano de S. M. y escribano de la dicha Residencia, saquÉ de la dicha pesquisa secreta por mandado de los SeÑores, Presidente y Oidores de la Audiencia y ChancillerÍa Real que por mandado de S. M. en esta Nueva EspaÑa reside. Los quales dichos SeÑores, Presidente y Oidores, envian Á S. M. para que los mande ver, y vistos mande proveer lo que Á su servicio convenga.” MS.

[266] MS., Tordelaguna, 22 de Marzo, 1530.

[267] The principal grievance alleged was that slaves, many of them held temporarily by their masters, according to the old Aztec usage, were comprehended in the census. The complaint forms part of a catalogue of grievances embodied by CortÉs in a memorial to the emperor. It is a clear and business-like paper. Carta de CortÉs Á NuÑez, MS.

[268] Ibid., MS.

[269] [“Dominando una vista muy extensa sobre el valle hÁcia el Sur, lo que al Norte y Oriente se termina con la magestuosa cordillera que separa el valle de Cuernavaca del de MÉjico.” Alaman, Disertaciones histÓricas, tom. ii. p. 35.]

[270] The palace has crumbled into ruins, and the spot is now only remarkable for its natural beauty and its historic associations. “It was the capital,” says Madame de Calderon, “of the Tlahuica nation, and, after the Conquest, CortÉs built here a splendid palace, a church, and a convent for Franciscans, believing that he had laid the foundation of a great city.... It is, however, a place of little importance, though so favored by nature; and the Conqueror’s palace is a half-ruined barrack, though a most picturesque object, standing on a hill, behind which starts up the great white volcano.” Life in Mexico, vol. ii. let. 31. [The beautiful church of San Francisco, now the parish church, was constructed by CortÉs, and enriched with jewels and sacred vessels by his wife, manifesting, says Alaman, the good taste and the piety of the marquis and the marchioness,—as, in consequence of their being the first and at that time the only persons who bore the title in Mexico, they were styled and always subscribed themselves. Disertaciones histÓricas, tom. ii. p. 35.]

[271] These particulars respecting the agricultural economy of CortÉs I have derived in part from a very able argument, prepared, in January, 1828, for the Mexican Chamber of Deputies, by Don LÚcas Alaman, in defence of the territorial rights possessed at this day by the Conqueror’s descendant, the duke of Monteleone.

[272] Navarrete, Coleccion de los Viages y Descubrimientos (Madrid, 1837), tom. v., Viages al Maluco.

[273] Instruccion que diÓ el Marques del Valle Á Juan de Avellaneda, etc., MS.

[274] Provision sobre los Descubrimientos del Sur, MS., Setiembre, 1534.

[275] The river Huasacualco furnished great facilities for transporting across the isthmus, from Vera Cruz, materials to build vessels on the Pacific. Humboldt, Essai politique, tom. iv. p. 50.

[276] Instruccion del Marques del Valle, MS.—The most particular and authentic account of Ulloa’s cruise will be found in Ramusio. (Tom. iii. pp. 340-354.) It is by one of the officers of the squadron. My limits will not allow me to give the details of the voyages made by CortÉs, which, although not without interest, were attended with no permanent consequences.{*} A good summary of his expeditions in the Gulf has been given by Navarrete in the Introduction to his Relacion del Viage hecho por las Goletas Sutil y Mexicana (Madrid, 1802), pp. vi.-xxvi.; and the English reader will find a brief account of them in Greenhow’s valuable Memoir on the Northwest Coast of North America (Washington, 1840), pp. 22-27.

{*} [The restless and determined spirit with which CortÉs pursued his mainly ineffectual projects of discovery is exemplified by a letter to the Council of the Indies, September 20, 1538, begging that body to assist his agents in procuring pilots for him. He has at present, he says, nine vessels, very good and well equipped, and is only waiting for pilots, having tried in vain to obtain some from PanamÁ and Leon. Though he has not yet secured the fruits he had expected from his expeditions, he trusts in God that they will be henceforth attended with better fortune. Col. de Doc. inÉd. relativos al Descubrimiento, Conquista y Colonizacion de las Posesiones espaÑolas en AmÉrica y OceanÍa, tom. iii.—K.]

[277] Memorial al Rey del Marques del Valle, MS., 25 de Junio, 1540.

[278] Provision sobre los Descubrimientos del Sur, MS.

[279] See the map prepared by the pilot Domingo del Castillo, in 1541, ap. Lorenzana, p. 328.

[280] In the collection of Vargas PonÇe is a petition of CortÉs, setting forth his grievances, and demanding an investigation of the viceroy’s conduct. It is without date. Peticion contra Don Antonio de Mendoza Virrey, pediendo residencia contra Él, MS.

[281] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 200.

[282] Gomara, CrÓnica, cap. 237.

[283] Sandoval, Hist. de CÁrlos V., lib. 12, cap. 25.—Ferreras (trad. d’Hermilly), Hist. d’Espagne, tom. ix. p. 231.

[284] Voltaire tells us that, one day, CortÉs, unable to obtain an audience of the emperor, pushed through the press surrounding the royal carriage, and mounted the steps; and, when Charles inquired “who that man was,” he replied, “One who has given you more kingdoms than you had towns before.” (Essai sur les Moeurs, chap. 147.) For this most improbable anecdote I have found no authority whatever. It served, however, very well to point a moral,—the main thing with the philosopher of Ferney.

[285] The Letter, dated February 3, 1544, Valladolid, may be found entire, in the original, in Appendix, No. 15.

[286] “Item. Porque acerca de los esclavos naturales de la dicha Nueva EspaÑa, asÍ de guerra como de rescate, ha habido y hay muchas dudas y opiniones sobre si se han podido tener con buena conciencia Ó no, y hasta ahora no estÁ determinado: Mando que todo aquello que generalmente se averiguare, que en este caso se debe hacer para descargo de las conciencias en lo que toca Á estos esclavos de la dicha Nueva EspaÑa, que se haya y cumpla en todos los que yo tengo, É encargo y mando Á D. Martin mi hijo subcesor, y Á los que despues dÉl subcedieren en mi Estado, que para averiguar esto hagan todas las diligencias que combengan al descargo de mi conciencia y suyas.” Testamento de HernÁn CortÉs, MS.

[287] This is the argument controverted by Las Casas in his elaborate Memorial addressed to the government, in 1542, on the best method of arresting the destruction of the aborigines.

[288] This interesting document is in the Royal Archives of Seville; and a copy of it forms part of the valuable collection of Don Vargas PonÇe.

[289] [My friend Mr. Picard has furnished me with the copy of an inscription which may be seen, or could a few years since, on the house in which CortÉs expired. “Here died, on the second of September, 1544, victim of sorrow and misfortune, the renowned Hernan CortÉs, the glory of our country and the conqueror of the Mexican empire.” It is strange that the author of the inscription should have made a blunder of more than three years in the date of the hero’s death.]

[290] ZuÑiga, Annales de Sevilla, p. 504.—Gomara, CrÓnica, cap. 237.—In his last letter to the emperor, dated in February, 1544, he speaks of himself as being “sixty years of age.” But he probably did not mean to be exact to a year. Gomara’s statement, that he was born in the year 1485 (CrÓnica, cap. 1), is confirmed by Diaz, who tells us that CortÉs used to say that when he first came over to Mexico, in 1519, he was thirty-four years old. (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 205.) This would coincide with the age mentioned in the text.

[291] Noticia del Archivero de la Santa Eclesia de Sevilla, MS.

[292] The full particulars of the ceremony described in the text may be found in Appendix, No. 16, translated into English from a copy of the original document, existing in the Archives of the Hospital of Jesus, in Mexico.

[293] [The bust of CortÉs and the arms of gilt bronze were secretly removed from his monument, and sent to his descendant, the duke of Monteleone, at Palermo. The remains of the Conqueror were soon after sent in the same direction, according to Doctor Mora, cited by Alaman, who does not contradict it: “Aun se habrian profanado las cenizas del hÉroe, sin la precaucion de personas despreocupadas, que deseando evitar el deshonor de su patria por tan reprensible É irreflexivo procedimiento, lograron ocultarlas de pronto y despues las remitieron Á Italia Á su familia.” Disertaciones histÓricas, tom. ii. p. 61.]

[294] Essai politique, tom. ii. p. 60.

[295] [They entertained, says Alaman, the rather extravagant idea that, as descendants of the conquering nation, they were the heirs of the rights of the conquered, and bound to avenge their wrongs. Conquista de MÉjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 309.]

[296] Don Martin CortÉs, second marquis of the Valley, was accused, like his father, of an attempt to establish an independent sovereignty in New Spain. His natural brothers, Don Martin and Don Luis, were involved in the same accusation with himself, and the former—as I have elsewhere remarked—was in consequence subjected to the torture. Several others of his friends, on charge of abetting his treasonable designs, suffered death. The marquis was obliged to remove with his family to Spain, where the investigation was conducted; and his large estates in Mexico were sequestered until the termination of the process, a period of seven years, from 1567 to 1574, when he was declared innocent. But his property suffered irreparable injury, under the wretched administration of the royal officers, during the term of sequestration.

[297] [The illegitimate children were Don Martin CortÉs, Don Luis CortÉs, DoÑa Catalina Pizarro (daughter of DoÑa Leonor Pizarro), also two other daughters, Leonor and Maria, born of two Indian women of noble birth. Alaman, Disertaciones histÓricas, tom. ii. p. 48.]

[298] [SeÑor Alaman, in reference to this passage, says, “It is a mistake to suppose that the heirs of CortÉs and Gonsalvo de Cordova were ever united by marriage. The fact appears to be that the title of duke of Terranova was held by the descendants of both; but the Terranova assigned to the Great Captain was in Calabria, while the place from which the descendants of CortÉs took the title was in Sicily. Conquista de MÉjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 308.]

[299] “Yo me ofresco Á descubrir por aquÍ toda la espeÇerÍa, y otras Islas si huviere cerca de Moluco, Ó Melaca, y la China, y aun de dar tal Órden que V. M. no aiga la espeÇerÍa por via de rescate, como la ha el Rey de Portugal, sino que la tenga por cosa propria, y los naturales de aquellas Islas le reconoscan y sirvan como Á su Rey y seÑor natural, porque yo me ofresco con el dicho additamento de embiar Á ellas tal armada, Ó ir yo con mi persona por manera que la sojusge y pueble.” Carta Quinta de CortÉs, MS.

[300] The comparison to Hannibal is better founded than the old soldier probably imagined. Livy’s description of the Carthaginian warrior has a marvellous application to CortÉs,—better, perhaps, than that of the imaginary personage quoted a few lines below in the text. “Plurimum audaciÆ ad pericula capessenda, plurimum consilii inter ipsa pericula erat: nullo labore aut corpus fatigari, aut animus vinci poterat. Caloris ac frigoris patientia par: cibi potionisque desiderio naturali, non voluptate, modus finitus: vigiliarum somnique nec die, nec nocte discriminata tempora. Id, quod gerendis rebus superesset, quieti datum; ea neque molli strato, neque silentio arcessita. Multi sÆpe militari sagulo opertum, humi jacentem, inter custodias stationesque militum, conspexerunt. Vestitus nihil inter Æquales excellens; arma atque equi conspiciebantur. Equitum peditumque idem longe primus erat; princeps in proelium ibat; ultimus conserto proelio excedebat.” (Hist., lib. xxi. sec. 5.) The reader who reflects on the fate of Guatemozin may possibly think that the extract should have embraced the “perfidia plus quÁm Punica,” in the succeeding sentence.

[301] Testamento de Hernan CortÉs, MS.

[302] Humboldt, Essai politique, tom. ii. p. 267.

[303] An extraordinary anecdote is related by Cavo of this bigotry (shall we call it policy?) of CortÉs. “In Mexico,” says the historian, “it is commonly reported that after the Conquest he commanded that on Sundays and holidays all should attend, under pain of a certain number of stripes, to the expounding of the Scriptures. The general was himself guilty of an omission on one occasion, and, after having listened to the admonition of the priest, submitted, with edifying humility, to be chastised by him, to the unspeakable amazement of the Indians.” Hist. de los tres Siglos, tom. i. p. 151.

[304]

“Al Rey infinitas tierras,
Y Á Dios infinitas almas,”

says Lope de Vega, commemorating in this couplet the double glory of CortÉs. It is the light in which the Conquest was viewed by every devout Spaniard of the sixteenth century.

[305] Ante, vol. i. p. 325.

[306] So Gomara: “He dressed neatly rather than richly, and was always scrupulously clean.” CrÓnica, cap. 238.

[307] “FuÉ mui gran comedor, i templado en el beber, teniendo abundancia. Sufria mucho la hambre con necesidad.” Ibid, ubi supra.

[308] He dispensed a thousand ducats every year in his ordinary charities, according to Gomara. “GrandÍsimo limosnero; daba cada un aÑo mil ducados de limosna ordinaria.” CrÓnica, cap. 238.

[309] Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 203.

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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