Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology / to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1885-1886, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1891 :: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TO THE SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 1885

Principal tribes

Quoratean family

Geographic distribution

Tribes

Population

Salinan family

Population

Salishan family

Geographic distribution

Principal tribes

Population

Sastean family

Geographic distribution

106

Shahaptian family

106

Geographic distribution

Principal tribes and population

Shoshonean family

Geographic distribution

Principal tribes and population

Siouan family

111

Geographic distribution

Principal tribes

Population

Skittagetan family

Geographic distribution

Principal tribes

Population

Takilman family

Geographic distribution

121

TaÑoan family

121

Geographic distribution

122

Population

Timuquanan family

Geographic distribution

Principal tribes

Tonikan family

Geographic distribution

Tonkawan family

Geographic distribution

Uchean family

Geographic distribution

Population

Waiilatpuan family

Geographic distribution

Principal tribes

Population

Wakashan family

Geographic distribution

Principal Aht tribes

Population

Principal Haeltzuk tribes

Population

Washoan family

Weitspekan family

Geographic distribution

Tribes

Wishoskan family

Geographic distribution

Tribes

Yakonan family

Geographic distribution

Tribes

Population

Yanan family

Geographic distribution

Yukian family

Geographic distribution

136

Yuman family

136

Geographic distribution

Principal tribes

Population

ZuÑian family

Geographic distribution

Population

Concluding remarks

Text Chapter: Linguistic Map

ILLUSTRATION

Plate I. Map. Linguistic stocks of North America north of Mexico. In pocket at end of volume

small format: 615×732 pixel (about 9×11 in / 23×28 cm, 168K)
large format: 1521×1818 pixel (about 22×27 in / 56×70 cm, 1MB)

This map is also available in very high resolution, zoomable form at the Library of Congress (link valid at time of posting).

INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

By J. W. Powell.

NOMENCLATURE OF LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

The languages spoken by the pre-Columbian tribes of North America were many and diverse. Into the regions occupied by these tribes travelers, traders, and missionaries have penetrated in advance of civilization, and civilization itself has marched across the continent at a rapid rate. Under these conditions the languages of the various tribes have received much study. Many extensive works have been published, embracing grammars and dictionaries; but a far greater number of minor vocabularies have been collected and very many have been published. In addition to these, the Bible, in whole or in part, and various religious books and school books, have been translated into Indian tongues to be used for purposes of instruction; and newspapers have been published in the Indian languages. Altogether the literature of these languages and that relating to them are of vast extent.

While the materials seem thus to be abundant, the student of Indian languages finds the subject to be one requiring most thoughtful consideration, difficulties arising from the following conditions:

(1) A great number of linguistic stocks or families are discovered.

(2) The boundaries between the different stocks of languages are not immediately apparent, from the fact that many tribes of diverse stocks have had more or less association, and to some extent linguistic materials have been borrowed, and thus have passed out of the exclusive possession of cognate peoples.

(3) Where many peoples, each few in number, are thrown together, an intertribal language is developed. To a large extent this is gesture speech; but to a limited extent useful and important words are adopted by various tribes, and out of this material an intertribal “jargon” is established. Travelers and all others who do not thoroughly study a language are far more likely to acquire this jargon speech than the real speech of the people; and the tendency to base relationship upon such jargons has led to confusion.

(4)This tendency to the establishment of intertribal jargons was greatly accelerated on the advent of the white man, for thereby many tribes were pushed from their ancestral homes and tribes were mixed with tribes. As a result, new relations and new industries, especially of trade, were established, and the new associations of tribe with tribe and of the Indians with Europeans led very often to the development of quite elaborate jargon languages. All of these have a tendency to complicate the study of the Indian tongues by comparative methods.

The difficulties inherent in the study of languages, together with the imperfect material and the complicating conditions that have arisen by the spread of civilization over the country, combine to make the problem one not readily solved.

In view of the amount of material on hand, the comparative study of the languages of North America has been strangely neglected, though perhaps this is explained by reason of the difficulties which have been pointed out. And the attempts which have been made to classify them has given rise to much confusion, for the following reasons: First, later authors have not properly recognized the work of earlier laborers in the field. Second, the attempt has more frequently been made to establish an ethnic classification than a linguistic classification, and linguistic characteristics have been confused with biotic peculiarities, arts, habits, customs, and other human activities, so that radical differences of language have often been ignored and slight differences have been held to be of primary value.

The attempts at a classification of these languages and a corresponding classification of races have led to the development of a complex, mixed, and inconsistent synonymy, which must first be unraveled and a selection of standard names made therefrom according to fixed principles.

It is manifest that until proper rules are recognized by scholars the establishment of a determinate nomenclature is impossible. It will therefore be well to set forth the rules that have here been adopted, together with brief reasons for the same, with the hope that they will commend themselves to the judgment of other persons engaged in researches relating to the languages of North America.

A fixed nomenclature in biology has been found not only to be advantageous, but to be a prerequisite to progress in research, as the vast multiplicity of facts, still ever accumulating, would otherwise overwhelm the scholar. In philological classification fixity of nomenclature is of corresponding importance; and while the analogies between linguistic and biotic classification are quite limited, many of the principles of nomenclature which biologists have adopted having no application in philology, still in some important particulars the requirements of all scientific classifications are alike, and though many of the nomenclatural points met with in biology will not occur in philology, some of them do occur and may be governed by the same rules.

Perhaps an ideal nomenclature in biology may some time be established, as attempts have been made to establish such a system in chemistry; and possibly such an ideal system may eventually be established in philology. Be that as it may, the time has not yet come even for its suggestion. What is now needed is a rule of some kind leading scholars to use the same terms for the same things, and it would seem to matter little in the case of linguistic stocks what the nomenclature is, provided it becomes denotive and universal.

In treating of the languages of North America it has been suggested that the names adopted should be the names by which the people recognize themselves, but this is a rule of impossible application, for where the branches of a stock diverge very greatly no common name for the people can be found. Again, it has been suggested that names which are to go permanently into science should be simple and euphonic. This also is impossible of application, for simplicity and euphony are largely questions of personal taste, and he who has studied many languages loses speedily his idiosyncrasies of likes and dislikes and learns that words foreign to his vocabulary are not necessarily barbaric.

Biologists have decided that he who first distinctly characterizes and names a species or other group shall thereby cause the name thus used to become permanently affixed, but under certain conditions adapted to a growing science which is continually revising its classifications. This law of priority may well be adopted by philologists.

By the application of the law of priority it will occasionally happen that a name must be taken which is not wholly unobjectionable or which could be much improved. But if names may be modified for any reason, the extent of change that may be wrought in this manner is unlimited, and such modifications would ultimately become equivalent to the introduction of new names, and a fixed nomenclature would thereby be overthrown. The rule of priority has therefore been adopted.

Permanent biologic nomenclature dates from the time of LinnÆus simply because this great naturalist established the binominal system and placed scientific classification upon a sound and enduring basis. As LinnÆus is to be regarded as the founder of biologic classification, so Gallatin may be considered the founder of systematic philology relating to the North American Indians. Before his time much linguistic work had been accomplished, and scholars owe a lasting debt of gratitude to Barton, Adelung, Pickering, and others. But Gallatin’s work marks an era in American linguistic science from the fact that he so thoroughly introduced comparative methods, and because he circumscribed the boundaries of many families, so that a large part of his work remains and is still to be considered sound. There is no safe resting place anterior to Gallatin, because no scholar prior to his time had properly adopted comparative methods of research, and because no scholar was privileged to work with so large a body of material. It must further be said of Gallatin that he had a very clear conception of the task he was performing, and brought to it both learning and wisdom. Gallatin’s work has therefore been taken as the starting point, back of which we may not go in the historic consideration of the systematic philology of North America. The point of departure therefore is the year 1836, when Gallatin’s “Synopsis of Indian Tribes” appeared in vol. 2 of the Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society.

It is believed that a name should be simply a denotive word, and that no advantage can accrue from a descriptive or connotive title. It is therefore desirable to have the names as simple as possible, consistent with other and more important considerations. For this reason it has been found impracticable to recognize as family names designations based on several distinct terms, such as descriptive phrases, and words compounded from two or more geographic names. Such phrases and compound words have been rejected.

There are many linguistic families in North America, and in a number of them there are many tribes speaking diverse languages. It is important, therefore, that some form should be given to the family name by which it may be distinguished from the name of a single tribe or language. In many cases some one language within a stock has been taken as the type and its name given to the entire family; so that the name of a language and that of the stock to which it belongs are identical. This is inconvenient and leads to confusion. For such reasons it has been decided to give each family name the termination “an” or “ian.”

Conforming to the principles thus enunciated, the following rules have been formulated:

I. The law of priority relating to the nomenclature of the systematic philology of the North American tribes shall not extend to authors whose works are of date anterior to the year 1836.

II. The name originally given by the founder of a linguistic group to designate it as a family or stock of languages shall be permanently retained to the exclusion of all others.

III. No family name shall be recognized if composed of more than one word.

IV. A family name once established shall not be canceled in any subsequent division of the group, but shall be retained in a restricted sense for one of its constituent portions.

V. Family names shall be distinguished as such by the termination “an” or “ian.”

VI. No name shall be accepted for a linguistic family unless used to designate a tribe or group of tribes as a linguistic stock.

VII. No family name shall be accepted unless there is given the habitat of tribe or tribes to which it is applied.

VIII. The original orthography of a name shall be rigidly preserved except as provided for in rule III, and unless a typographical error is evident.

The terms “family” and “stock” are here applied interchangeably to a group of languages that are supposed to be cognate.

A single language is called a stock or family when it is not found to be cognate with any other language. Languages are said to be cognate when such relations between them are found that they are supposed to have descended from a common ancestral speech. The evidence of cognation is derived exclusively from the vocabulary. Grammatic similarities are not supposed to furnish evidence of cognation, but to be phenomena, in part relating to stage of culture and in part adventitious. It must be remembered that extreme peculiarities of grammar, like the vocal mutations of the Hebrew or the monosyllabic separation of the Chinese, have not been discovered among Indian tongues. It therefore becomes necessary in the classification of Indian languages into families to neglect grammatic structure, and to consider lexical elements only. But this statement must be clearly understood. It is postulated that in the growth of languages new words are formed by combination, and that these new words change by attrition to secure economy of utterance, and also by assimilation (analogy) for economy of thought. In the comparison of languages for the purposes of systematic philology it often becomes necessary to dismember compounded words for the purpose of comparing the more primitive forms thus obtained. The paradigmatic words considered in grammatic treatises may often be the very words which should be dissected to discover in their elements primary affinities. But the comparison is still lexic, not grammatic.

A lexic comparison is between vocal elements; a grammatic comparison is between grammatic methods, such, for example, as gender systems. The classes into which things are relegated by distinction of gender may be animate and inanimate, and the animate may subsequently be divided into male and female, and these two classes may ultimately absorb, in part at least, inanimate things. The growth of a system of genders may take another course. The animate and inanimate may be subdivided into the standing, the sitting, and the lying, or into the moving, the erect and the reclined; or, still further, the superposed classification may be based upon the supposed constitution of things, as the fleshy, the woody, the rocky, the earthy, the watery. Thus the number of genders may increase, while further on in the history of a language the genders may decrease so as almost to disappear. All of these characteristics are in part adventitious, but to a large extent the gender is a phenomenon of growth, indicating the stage to which the language has attained. A proper case system may not have been established in a language by the fixing of case particles, or, having been established, it may change by the increase or diminution of the number of cases. A tense system also has a beginning, a growth, and a decadence. A mode system is variable in the various stages of the history of a language. In like manner a pronominal system undergoes changes. Particles may be prefixed, infixed, or affixed in compounded words, and which one of these methods will finally prevail can be determined only in the later stage of growth. All of these things are held to belong to the grammar of a language and to be grammatic methods, distinct from lexical elements.

With terms thus defined, languages are supposed to be cognate when fundamental similarities are discovered in their lexical elements. When the members of a family of languages are to be classed in subdivisions and the history of such languages investigated, grammatic characteristics become of primary importance. The words of a language change by the methods described, but the fundamental elements or roots are more enduring. Grammatic methods also change, perhaps even more rapidly than words, and the changes may go on to such an extent that primitive methods are entirely lost, there being no radical grammatic elements to be preserved. Grammatic structure is but a phase or accident of growth, and not a primordial element of language. The roots of a language are its most permanent characteristics, and while the words which are formed from them may change so as to obscure their elements or in some cases even to lose them, it seems that they are never lost from all, but can be recovered in large part. The grammatic structure or plan of a language is forever changing, and in this respect the language may become entirely transformed.

LITERATURE RELATING TO THE CLASSIFICATION OF INDIAN LANGUAGES.

While the literature relating to the languages of North America is very extensive, that which relates to their classification is much less extensive. For the benefit of future students in this line it is thought best to present a concise account of such literature, or at least so much as has been consulted in the preparation of this paper.

It has always been customary for the Mide´ priests to preserve birch-bark records, bearing delicate incised lines to represent pictorially the ground plan of the number of degrees to which the owner is entitled. Such records or charts are sacred and are never exposed to the public view, being brought forward for inspection only when an accepted candidate has paid his fee, and then only after necessary preparation by fasting and offerings of tobacco.

key to plate III

Plate III. Red Lake And Leech Lake Records (key).

Complete Plate

During the year 1887, while at Red Lake, Minnesota, I had the good fortune to discover the existence of an old birch-bark chart, which, according to the assurances of the chief and assistant Mide´ priests, had never before been exhibited to a white man, nor even to an Indian unless he had become a regular candidate. This chart measures 7 feet 1½ inches in length and 18 inches in width, and is made of five pieces of birch bark neatly and securely stitched together by means of thin, flat strands of bass wood. At each end are two thin strips of wood, secured transversely by wrapping and stitching with thin strands of bark, so as to prevent splitting and fraying of the ends of the record. Pl. IIIA, is a reproduction of the design referredto.

It had been in the keeping of Skweko´mik, to whom it was intrusted at the death of his father-in-law, the latter, in turn, having received it in 1825 from BadÂ´san, the Grand Shaman and chief of the Winnibe´goshish Ojibwa.

It is affirmed that BadÂ´san had received the original from the Grand Mide´ priest at La Pointe, Wisconsin, where, it is said, the Mide´wiwin was at that time held annually and the ceremonies conducted in strict accordance with ancient and traditional usage.

The present owner of this record has for many years used it in the preliminary instruction of candidates. Its value in this respect is very great, as it presents to the Indian a pictorial rÉsumÉ of the traditional history of the origin of the Mide´wiwin, the positions occupied by the various guardian man´idos in the several degrees, and the order of procedure in study and progress of the candidate. On account of the isolation of the Red Lake Indians and their long continued, independent ceremonial observances, changes have gradually occurred so that there is considerable variation, both in the pictorial representation and the initiation, as compared with the records and ceremonials preserved at other reservations. The reason of this has already been given.

A detailed description of the above mentioned record, will be presented further on in connection with two interesting variants which were subsequently obtained at White Earth, Minnesota. On account of the widely separated location of many of the different bands of the Ojibwa, and the establishment of independent Mide´ societies, portions of the ritual which have been forgotten by one set may be found to survive at some other locality, though at the expense of some other fragments of tradition or ceremonial. No satisfactory account of the tradition of the origin of the Indians has been obtained, but such information as it was possible to procure will be submitted.

In all of their traditions pertaining to the early history of the tribe these people are termed A-nish´-in-Â´-beg—original people—a term surviving also among the Ottawa, Patawatomi, and Menomoni, indicating that the tradition of their westward migration was extant prior to the final separation of these tribes, which is supposed to have occurred at Sault Ste. Marie.

Mi´nabo´zho (Great Rabbit), whose name occurs in connection with most of the sacred rites, was the servant of Dzhe Man´ido, the Good Spirit, and acted in the capacity of intercessor and mediator. It is generally supposed that it was to his good offices that the Indian owes life and the good things necessary to his health and subsistence.

The tradition of Mi´nabo´zho and the origin of the Mide´wiwin, as given in connection with the birch-bark record obtained at Red Lake (Pl. IIIA), is as follows:

When Mi´nabo´zho, the servant of Dzhe Man´ido, looked down upon the earth he beheld human beings, the Ani´shinÂ´beg, the ancestors of the Ojibwa. They occupied the four quarters of the earth—the northeast, the southeast, the southwest, and the northwest. He saw how helpless they were, and desiring to give them the means of warding off the diseases with which they were constantly afflicted, and to provide them with animals and plants to serve as food and with other comforts, Mi´nabo´zho remained thoughtfully hovering over the center of the earth, endeavoring to devise some means of communicating with them, when he heard something laugh, and perceived a dark object appear upon the surface of the water to the west (No.2). He could not recognize its form, and while watching it closely it slowly disappeared from view. It next appeared in the north (No.3), and after a short lapse of time again disappeared. Mi´nabo´zho hoped it would again show itself upon the surface of the water, which it did in the east (No.4). Then Mi´nabo´zho wished that it might approach him, so as to permit him to communicate with it. When it disappeared from view in the east and made its reappearance in the south (No.1), Mi´nabo´zho asked it to come to the center of the earth that he might behold it. Again it disappeared from view, and after reappearing in the west Mi´nabo´zho observed it slowly approaching the center of the earth (i.e., the centre of the circle), when he descended and saw it was the Otter, now one of the sacred man´idos of the Mide´wiwin. Then Mi´nabo´zho instructed the Otter in the mysteries of the Mide´wiwin, and gave him at the same time the sacred rattle to be used at the side of the sick; the sacred Mide´ drum to be used during the ceremonial of initiation and at sacred feasts, and tobacco, to be employed in invocations and in making peace.

The place where Mi´nabo´zho descended was an island in the middle of a large body of water, and the Mide´ who is feared by all the others is called Mini´sino´shkwe (He-who-lives-on-the-island). Then Mi´nabo´zho built a Mide´wigÂn (sacred Mide´ lodge), and taking his drum he beat upon it and sang a Mide´ song, telling the Otter that Dzhe Man´ido had decided to help the AnÍshinÂ´bog, that they might always have life and an abundance of food and other things necessary for their comfort. Mi´nabo´zho then took the Otter into the Mide´wigÂn and conferred upon him the secrets of the Mide´wiwin, and with his Mide´ bag shot the sacred mi´gis into his body that he might have immortality and be able to confer these secrets to his kinsmen, the AnÍshinÂ´beg.

The mi´gis is considered the sacred symbol of the Mide´wigÂn, and may consist of any small white shell, though the one believed to be similar to the one mentioned in the above tradition resembles the cowrie, and the ceremonies of initiation as carried out in the Mide´wiwin at this day are believed to be similar to those enacted by Mi´nabo´zho and the Otter. It is admitted by all the Mide´ priests whom I have consulted that much of the information has been lost through the death of their aged predecessors, and they feel convinced that ultimately all of the sacred character of the work will be forgotten or lost through the adoption of new religions by the young people and the death of the Mide´ priests, who, by the way, decline to accept Christian teachings, and are in consequence termed “pagans.”

My instructor and interpreter of the Red Lake chart added other information in explanation of the various characters represented thereon, which I present herewith. The large circle at the right side of the chart denotes the earth as beheld by Mi´nabo´zho, while the Otter appeared at the square projections at Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4; the semicircular appendages between these are the four quarters of the earth, which are inhabited by the Ani´shinÂ´beg, Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8. Nos. 9 and 10 represent two of the numerous malignant man´idos, who endeavor to prevent entrance into the sacred structure and mysteries of the Mide´wiwin. The oblong squares, Nos. 11 and 12, represent the outline of the first degree of the society, the inner corresponding lines being the course traversed during initiation. The entrance to the lodge is directed toward the east, the western exit indicating the course toward the next higher degree. The four human forms at Nos. 13, 14, 15, and 16 are the four officiating Mide´ priests whose services are always demanded at an initiation. Each is represented as having a rattle. Nos. 17, 18, and 19 indicate the cedar trees, one of each of this species being planted near the outer angles of a Mide´ lodge. No. 20 represents the ground. The outline of the bear at No. 21 represents the Makwa´ Man´ido, or Bear Spirit, one of the sacred Mide´ man´idos, to which the candidate must pray and make offerings of tobacco, that he may compel the malevolent spirits to draw away from the entrance to the Mide´wigÂn, which is shown in No. 28. Nos 23 and 24 represent the sacred drum which the candidate must use when chanting the prayers, and two offerings must be made, as indicated by the number two.

After the candidate has been admitted to one degree, and is prepared to advance to the second, he offers three feasts, and chants three prayers to the Makwa´ Man´ido, or Bear Spirit (No.22), that the entrance (No.29) to that degree may be opened to him. The feasts and chants are indicated by the three drums shown at Nos. 25, 26, and27.

Nos. 30, 31, 32, 33, and 34 are five Serpent Spirits, evil man´idos who oppose a Mide´’s progress, though after the feasting and prayers directed to the Makwa´ Man´ido have by him been deemed sufficient the four smaller Serpent Spirits move to either side of the path between the two degrees, while the larger serpent (No.32) raises its body in the middle so as to form an arch, beneath which passes the candidate on his way to the second degree.

Nos. 35, 36, 46, and 47 are four malignant Bear Spirits, who guard the entrance and exit to the second degree, the doors of which are at Nos. 37 and 49. The form of this lodge (No.38) is like the preceding; but while the seven Mide´ priests at Nos. 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, and 45 simply indicate that the number of Mide´ assisting at this second initiation are of a higher and more sacred class of personages than in the first degree, the number designated having reference to quality and intensity rather than to the actual number of assistants, as specifically shown at the top of the first degree structure.

When the Mide´ is of the second degree, he receives from Dzhe Man´ido supernatural powers as shown in No. 48. The lines extending upward from the eyes signify that he can look into futurity; from the ears, that he can hear what is transpiring at a great distance; from the hands, that he can touch for good or for evil friends and enemies at a distance, however remote; while the lines extending from the feet denote his ability to traverse all space in the accomplishment of his desires or duties. The small disk upon the breast of the figure denotes that a Mide´ of this degree has several times had the mi´gis—life—“shot into his body,” the increased size of the spot signifying amount or quantity of influence obtained thereby.

No. 50 represents a Mi´tsha Mide´ or Bad Mide´, one who employs his powers for evil purposes. He has the power of assuming the form of any animal, in which guise he may destroy the life of his victim, immediately after which he resumes his human form and appears innocent of any crime. His services are sought by people who wish to encompass the destruction of enemies or rivals, at however remote a locality the intended victim may be at the time. An illustration representing the modus operandi of his performance is reproduced and explained in Fig. 24, page 238.

Persons possessed of this power are sometimes termed witches, special reference to whom is made elsewhere. The illustration, No. 50, represents such an individual in his disguise of a bear, the characters at Nos. 51 and 52 denoting footprints of a bear made by him, impressions of which are sometimes found in the vicinity of lodges occupied by his intended victims. The trees shown upon either side of No. 50 signify a forest, the location usually sought by bad Mide´ and witches.

If a second degree Mide´ succeeds in his desire to become a member of the third degree, he proceeds in a manner similar to that before described; he gives feasts to the instructing and four officiating Mide´, and offers prayers to Dzhe Man´ido for favor and success. No. 53 denotes that the candidate now personates the bear—not one of the malignant man´idos, but one of the sacred man´idos who are believed to be present during the ceremonials of initiation of the second degree. He is seated before his sacred drum, and when the proper time arrives the Serpent Man´ido (No.54)—who has until this opposed his advancement—now arches its body, and beneath it he crawls and advances toward the door (No.55) of the third degree (No.56) of the Mide´wiwin, where he encounters two (Nos. 57 and58) of the four Panther Spirits, the guardians of this degree.

Nos. 61 to 76 indicate mide´ spirits who inhabit the structure of this degree, and the number of human forms in excess of those shown in connection with the second degree indicates a correspondingly higher and more sacred character. When an Indian has passed this, initiation he becomes very skillful in his profession of a Mide´. The powers which he possessed in the second degree may become augmented. He is represented in No. 77 with arms extended, and with lines crossing his body and arms denoting darkness and obscurity, which signifies his ability to grasp from the invisible world the knowledge and means to accomplish extraordinary deeds. He feels more confident of prompt response and assistance from the sacred man´idos and his knowledge of them becomes more widely extended.

Nos. 59 and 60 are two of the four Panther Spirits who are the special guardians of the third degree lodge.

To enter the fourth and highest degree of the society requires a greater number of feasts than before, and the candidate, who continues to personate the Bear Spirit, again uses his sacred drum, as he is shown sitting before it in No. 78, and chants more prayers to Dzhe Man´ido for his favor. This degree is guarded by the greatest number and the most powerful of malevolent spirits, who make a last effort to prevent a candidate’s entrance at the door (No.79) of the fourth degree structure (No.80). The chief opponents to be overcome, through the assistance of Dzhe Man´ido, are two Panther Spirits (Nos. 81 and82) at the eastern entrance, and two Bear Spirits (Nos. 83 and84) at the western exit. Other bad spirits are about the structure, who frequently gain possession and are then enabled to make strong and prolonged resistance to the candidate’s entrance. The chiefs of this group of malevolent beings are Bears (Nos. 88 and96), the Panther (No.91), the Lynx (No.97), and many others whose names they have forgotten, their positions being indicated at Nos. 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, and 95, all but the last resembling characters ordinarily employed to designate serpents.

The power with which it is possible to become endowed after passing through the fourth degree is expressed by the outline of a human figure (No.98), upon which are a number of spots indicating that the body is covered with the mi´gis or sacred shells, symbolical of the Mide´wiwin. These spots designate the places where the Mide´ priests, during the initiation, shot into his body the mi´gis and the lines connecting them in order that all the functions of the several corresponding parts or organs of the body may be exercised.

The ideal fourth degree Mide´ is presumed to be in a position to accomplish the greatest feats in necromancy and magic. He is not only endowed with the power of reading the thoughts and intentions of others, as is pictorially indicated by the mi´gis spot upon the top of the head, but to call forth the shadow (soul) and retain it within his grasp at pleasure. At this stage of his pretensions, he is encroaching upon the prerogatives of the Jes´sakkid´, and is then recognized as one, as he usually performs within the Jes´sakkÂn or Jes´sakkid´ lodge, commonly designated “the Jugglery.”

The ten small circular objects upon the upper part of the record may have been some personal marks of the original owner; their import was not known to my informants and they do not refer to any portion of the history or ceremonies or the Mide´wiwin.

Extending toward the left from the end of the fourth degree inclosure is an angular pathway (No.99), which represents the course to be followed by the Mide´ after he has attained this high distinction. On account of his position his path is often beset with dangers, as indicated by the right angles, and temptations which may lead him astray; the points at which he may possibly deviate from the true course of propriety are designated by projections branching off obliquely toward the right and left (No. 100). The ovoid figure (No. 101) at the end of this path is termed Wai-ek´-ma-yok´—End of the road—and is alluded to in the ritual, as will be observed hereafter, as the end of the world, i.e., the end of the individual’s existence. The number of vertical strokes (No. 102) within the ovoid figure signify the original owner to have been a fourth degree Mide´ for a period of 14 years.

The outline of the Mide´wigÂn (No. 103) not only denotes that the same individual was a member of the Mide´wiwin, but the thirteen vertical strokes shown in Nos. 104 and 105 indicate that he was chief Mide´ priest of the society for that number of years.

The outline of a Mide´wigÂn as shown at No. 106, with the place upon the interior designating the location of the sacred post (No. 107) and the stone (No. 108) against which the sick are placed during the time of treatment, signifies the owner to have practiced his calling of the exorcism of demons. But that he also visited the sick beyond the acknowledged jurisdiction of the society in which he resided, is indicated by the path (No. 109) leading around the sacred inclosure.

Upon that portion of the chart immediately above the fourth degree lodge is shown the outline of a Mide´wiwin (No. 110), with a path (No. 114), leading toward the west to a circle (No. 111), within which is another similar structure (No. 112) whose longest diameter is at right angles to the path, signifying that it is built so that its entrance is at the north. This is the Dzhibai´ Mide´wigÂn or Ghost Lodge.

Around the interior of the circle are small V-shaped characters denoting the places occupied by the spirits of the departed, who are presided over by the Dzhibai´ Mide´, literally Shadow Mide´.

No. 113 represents the Ko´-kÓ-ko-o´ (Owl) passing from the Mide´wigÂn to the Land of the Setting Sun, the place of the dead, upon the road of the dead, indicated by the pathway at No. 114. This man´ido is personated by a candidate for the first degree of the Mide´wiwin when giving a feast to the dead in honor of the shadow of him who had been dedicated to the Mide´wiwin and whose place is now to be taken by the giver of the feast.

Upon the back of the Mide´ record, above described, is the personal record of the original owner, as shown in Pl. IIIB. Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4 represent the four degrees of the society into which he has been initiated, or, to use the phraseology of an Ojibwa, “through which he has gone.” This “passing through” is further illustrated by the bear tracks, he having personated the Makwa´ Man´ido or Bear Spirit, considered to be the highest and most powerful of the guardian spirits of the fourth degree wigwam.

The illustration presented in Pl. IIIC represents the outlines of a birch-bark record (reduced to one-third) found among the effects of a lately deceased Mide´ from Leech Lake, Minnesota. This record, together with a number of other curious articles, composed the outfit of the Mide´, but the Rev. James A. Gilfillan of White Earth, through whose courtesy I was permitted to examine the objects, could give me no information concerning their use. Since that time, however, I have had an opportunity of consulting with one of the chief priests of the Leech Lake Society, through whom I have obtained some interesting data concerning them.

The chart represents the owner to have been a Mide´ of the second degree, as indicated by the two outlines of the respective structures at Nos. 1 and 2, the place of the sacred posts being marked at Nos. 3 and 4. Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8 are Mide´ priests holding their Mide´ bags as in the ceremony of initiation. The disks represented at Nos. 9, 10, 11, 12, and 13 denote the sacred drum, which may be used by him during his initiation, while Nos. 14, 15, 16, and 17 denote that he was one of the four officiating priests of the Mide´wigÂn at his place of residence. Each of these figures is represented as holding their sacred bags as during the ceremonies. No. 18 denotes the path he has been pursuing since he became a Mide´, while at Nos. 19 and 20 diverging lines signify that his course is beset with temptations and enemies, as referred to in the description of the Red Lake chart, Pl. IIIA.

The remaining objects found among the effects of the Mide´ referred to will be described and figured hereafter.

see text

Plate IV. Sikas´sige’s Record.

Larger Plate

The diagram represented on Pl.IV is a reduced copy of a record made by Sikas´sige, a Mille Lacs Ojibwa Mide´ of the second degree, now resident at White Earth.

The chart illustrating pictorially the general plan of the several degrees is a copy of a record in the possession of the chief Mide´ at Mille Lacs in 1830, at which time Sikas´sige, at the age of 10 years, received his first degree. For a number of years thereafter Sikas´sige received continued instruction from his father Baie´dzhek, and although he never publicly received advancement beyond the second degree of the society, his wife became a fourth degree priestess, at whose initiation he was permitted to be present.

see text

Plate V. Origin of Âni´shinÂ´beg.

Larger Plate

Since his residence at White Earth Sikas´sige has become one of the officiating priests of the society at that place. One version given by him of the origin of the Indians is presented in the following tradition, a pictorial representation having also been prepared of which Pl.V is a reduced copy:

In the beginning, Dzhe Man´ido (No.1), made the Mide´ Man´idos. He first created two men (Nos. 2 and3), and two women (Nos. 4 and5); but they had no power of thought or reason. Then Dzhe Man´ido (No.1) made them rational beings. He took them in his hands so that they should multiply; he paired them, and from this sprung the Indians. When there were people he placed them upon the earth, but he soon observed that they were subject to sickness, misery, and death, and that unless he provided them with the Sacred Medicine they would soon become extinct.

Between the position occupied by Dzhe Man´ido and the earth were four lesser spirits (Nos. 6, 7, 8, and9) with whom Dzhe Man´ido decided to commune, and to impart to them the mysteries by which the Indians could be benefited. So he first spoke to a spirit at No. 6, and told him all he had to say, who in turn communicated the same information to No. 7, and he in turn to No. 8, who also communed with No. 9. They all met in council, and determined to call in the four wind gods at Nos. 10, 11, 12, and 13. After consulting as to what would be best for the comfort and welfare of the Indians, these spirits agreed to ask Dzhe Man´ido to communicate the Mystery of the Sacred Medicine to the people.

Dzhe Man´ido then went to the Sun Spirit (No.14) and asked him to go to the earth and instruct the people as had been decided upon by the council. The Sun Spirit, in the form of a little boy, went to the earth and lived with a woman (No.15) who had a little boy of her own.

This family went away in the autum to hunt, and during the winter this woman’s son died. The parents were so much distressed that they decided to return to the village and bury the body there; so they made preparations to return, and as they traveled along, they would each evening erect several poles upon which the body was placed to prevent the wild beasts from devouring it. When the dead boy was thus hanging upon the poles, the adopted child—who was the Sun Spirit—would play about the camp and amuse himself, and finally told his adopted father he pitied him, and his mother, for their sorrow. The adopted son said he could bring his dead brother to life, whereupon the parents expressed great surprise and desired to know how that could be accomplished.

The adopted boy then had the party hasten to the village, when he said, “Get the women to make a wig´iwam of bark (No.16), put the dead boy in a covering of birch bark and place the body on the ground in the middle of the wig´iwam.” On the next morning after this had been done, the family and friends went into this lodge and seated themselves around the corpse.

When they had all been sitting quietly for some time, they saw through the doorway the approach of a bear (No.17) which gradually came towards the wig´iwam, entered it, and placed itself before the dead body and said hu, hu, hu, hu, when he passed around it towards the left side, with a trembling motion, and as he did so, the body began quivering, and the quivering increased as the bear continued until he had passed around four times, when the body came to life again and stood up. Then the bear called to the father, who was sitting in the distant right-hand corner of the wig´iwam, and addressed to him the following words:

Nos	ka-wi´-na	ni´-shi-na´-bi	wis-si´	a´-ya-wi´-an	man´-i-do	nin-gi´-sis.
My father	is not	an Indian	not	you are	a spirit	son.

Be-mai´-a-mi´-nik	ni´-dzhi	man´-i-do	mi-a-zhi´-gwa	tshÍ-gi-a´-we-Ân´.
Insomuch	my fellow	spirit	now	as you are.

Nos	a-zhi´-gwa	a-se´-ma	tshi´-a-to´-yek.	A´-mi-kun´-dem
My father	now	tobacco	you shall put.	He speaks of

mi-e´-ta	Â´-bi-dink´	dzhi-gosh´-kwi-tot´	wen´-dzhi-bi-mÂ´-di-zid´-o-ma´
only	once	to be able to do it	why he shall live here

a-gÂ´-wa	bi-mÂ-di-zid´-mi-o-ma´;	ni-dzhi	man´-i-do
now	that he scarcely lives;	my fellow	spirit

mÍ-a-zhi´-gwa	tshÍ-gi-we´-Ân.
now I shall go	home.

The little bear boy (No.17) was the one who did this. He then remained among the Indians (No.18) and taught them the mysteries of the Grand Medicine (No.19); and, after he had finished, he told his adopted father that as his mission had been fulfilled he was to return to his kindred spirits, for the Indians would have no need to fear sickness as they now possessed the Grand Medicine which would enable them to live. He also said that his spirit could bring a body to life but once, and he would now return to the sun from which they would feel his influence.

This is called KwÍ-wi-sens´ we-di´-shi-tshi ge-wi-nip—“Little-boy-his-work.”

From subsequent information it was learned that the line No. 22 denotes the earth, and that, being considered as one step in the course of initiation into the Mide´wiwin, three others must be taken before a candidate can be admitted. These steps, or rests, as they are denominated (Nos. 23, 24, and25), are typified by four distinct gifts of goods, which must be remitted to the Mide´ priests before the ceremony can take place.

Nos. 18 and 19 are repetitions of the figures alluded to in the tradition (Nos. 16 and17) to signify that the candidate must personate the Makwa´ Man´ido—Bear Spirit—when entering the Mide´wiwin (No.19). No. 20 is the Mide´ Man´ido as Ki´tshi Man´ido is termed by the Mide´ priests. The presence of horns attached to the head is a common symbol of superior power found in connection with the figures of human and divine forms in many Mide´ songs and other mnemonic records. No. 21 represents the earth’s surface, similar to that designated at No.22.

Upon comparing the preceding tradition of the creation of the Indians with the following, which pertains to the descent to earth of Mi´nabo´zho, there appears to be some discrepancy, which could not be explained by Sikas´sige, because he had forgotten the exact sequence of events; but from information derived from other Mide´ it is evident that there have been joined together two myths, the intervening circumstances being part of the tradition given below in connection with the narrative relating to the chart on Pl. IIIA.

This chart, which was in possession of the Mille Lacs chief Baie´dzhek, was copied by him from that belonging to his preceptor at La Pointe about the year 1800, and although the traditions given by Sikas´sige is similar to the one surviving at Red Lake, the diagram is an interesting variant for the reason that there is a greater amount of detail in the delineation of objects mentioned in the tradition.

By referring to Pl. IV it will be noted that the circle, No. 1, resembles the corresponding circle at the beginning of the record on Pl. III,A, with this difference, that the four quarters of the globe inhabited by the Ani´shinÂ´beg are not designated between the cardinal points at which the Otter appeared, and also that the central island, only alluded to there (Pl. IIIA), is here inserted.

top of figure 2

bottom of figure 2

The correct manner of arranging the two pictorial records, Pls. III A and IV, is by placing the outline of the earth’s surface (Pl.V, No.21) upon the island indicated in Pl.IV, No. 6, so that the former stands vertically and at right angles to the latter; for the reason that the first half of the tradition pertains to the consultation held between Ki´tshi Man´ido and the four lesser spirits which is believed to have occurred above the earth’s surface. According to Sikas´sige the two charts should be joined as suggested in the accompanying illustration, Fig.2.

Fig. 2.—Sikas´sige’s combined charts, showing descent of Min´abo´zho.
complete figure

Sikas´sige’s explanation of the Mille Lacs chart (Pl.IV) is substantially as follows:

When Mi´nabo´zho descended to the earth to give to the Ani´shinÂ´beg the Mide´wiwin, he left with them this chart, Mide´wigwas´. Ki´tshi Man´ido saw that his people on earth were without the means of protecting themselves against disease and death, so he sent Mi´nabo´zho to give to them the sacred gift. Mi´nabo´zho appeared over the waters and while reflecting in what manner he should be able to communicate with the people, he heard something laugh, just as an otter sometimes cries out. He saw something black appear upon the waters in the west (No.2) which immediately disappeared beneath the surface again. Then it came up at the northern horizon (No.3), which pleased Mi´nabo´zho, as he thought he now had some one through whom he might convey the information with which he had been charged by Ki´tshi Man´ido. When the black object disappeared beneath the waters at the north to reappear in the east (No.4), Mi´nabo´zho desired it would come to him in the middle of the waters, but it disappeared to make its reappearance in the south (No.5), where it again sank out of sight to reappear in the west (No.2), when Mi´nabo´zho asked it to approach the center where there was an island (No.6), which it did. This did Ni´gik, the Otter, and for this reason he is given charge of the first degree of the Mide´wiwin (Nos. 35 and36) where his spirit always abides during initiation and when healing the sick.

Then Ni´gik asked Mi´nabo´zho, “Why do you come to this place?” When the latter said, “I have pity on the Ani´shinÂ´beg and wish to give them life; Ki´tshi Man´ido gave me the power to confer upon them the means of protecting themselves against sickness and death, and through you I will give them the Mide´wiwin, and teach them the sacred rites.”

Then Mi´nabo´zho built a Mide´wigÂn in which he instructed the Otter in all the mysteries of the Mide´wiwin. The Otter sat before the door of the Mide´wigÂn four days (Nos. 7, 8, 9, and10), sunning himself, after which time he approached the entrance (No.14), where his progress was arrested (No.11) by seeing two bad spirits (Nos. 12 and13) guarding it. Through the powers possessed by Mi´nabo´zho he was enabled to pass these; when he entered the sacred lodge (No.15), the first object he beheld being the sacred stone (No.16) against which those who were sick were to be seated, or laid, when undergoing the ceremonial of restoring them to health. He next saw a post (No.17) painted red with a green band around the top. A sick man would also have to pray to the stone and to the post, when he is within the Mide´wigÂn, because within them would be the Mide´ spirits whose help he invoked. The Otter was then taken to the middle of the Mide´wigÂn where he picked up the mi´gis (No.18) from among a heap of sacred objects which form part of the gifts given by Ki´tshi Man´ido. The eight man´idos around the mide´wigÂn (Nos. 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, and26) were also sent by Ki´tshi Man´ido to guard the lodge against the entrance of bad spirits.

A life is represented by the line No. 27, the signification of the short lines (Nos. 28, 29, 30, and31) denoting that the course of human progress is beset by temptations and trials which may be the cause of one’s departure from such course of conduct as is deemed proper, and the beliefs taught by the Mide´. When one arrives at middle age (No.32) his course for the remaining period of life is usually without any special events, as indicated by the plain line No. 27, extending from middle age (No.32) to the end of one’s existence (No.33). The short lines at Nos. 28, 29, 30, and 31, indicating departure from the path of propriety, terminate in rounded spots and signify, literally, “lecture places,” because when a Mide´ feels himself failing in duty or vacillating in faith he must renew professions by giving a feast and lecturing to his confreres, thus regaining his strength to resist evil doing—such as making use of his powers in harming his kinsmen, teaching that which was not given him by Ki´tshi Man´ido through Mi´nabo´zho, etc. His heart must be cleansed and his tongue guarded.

To resume the tradition of the course pursued by the Otter, Sikas´sige said:

The Otter then went round the interior of the Mide´wigÂn (No.34), and finally seated himself in the west, where Mi´nabo´zho shot into his body the sacred mi´gis, which was in his Mide´ bag. Then Mi´nabo´zho said, “This is your lodge and you shall own it always (Nos. 35 and36), and eight Mide´ Man´idos (Nos. 19-26) shall guard it during the night.”

The Otter was taken to the entrance (No.37) of the second degree structure (No.38), which he saw was guarded by two evil man´idos (Nos. 39 and40), who opposed his progress, but who were driven away by Mi´nabo´zho. When the Otter entered at the door he beheld the sacred stone (No.41) and two posts (Nos. 42,43), the one nearest to him being painted red with a green band around the top, and another at the middle, with a bunch of little feathers upon the top. The other post (No.43) was painted red, with only a band of green at the top, similar to the first degree post. Nos. 44 and 45 are the places where sacred objects and gifts are placed. This degree of the Mide´wiwin is guarded at night by twelve Mide´ Man´idos (Nos. 46 to57) placed there by Ki´tshi Man´ido, and the degree is owned by the Thunder Bird as shown in Nos. 58,59.

The circles (Nos. 60, 61, and62) at either end of the outline of the structure denoting the degree and beneath it are connected by a line (No.63) as in the preceding degree, and are a mere repetition to denote the course of conduct to be pursued by the Mide´. The points (Nos. 64, 65, 66, and67), at the termini of the shorter lines, also refer to the feasts and lectures to be given in case of need.

To continue the informant’s tradition:

When the Otter had passed around the interior of the Mide´wigÂn four times, he seated himself in the west and faced the degree post, when Mi´nabo´zho again shot into his body the mi´gis, which gave him renewed life. Then the Otter was told to take a “sweat bath” once each day for four successive days, so as to prepare for the next degree. (This number is indicated at the rounded spots at Nos. 68, 69, 70, and71.)

The third degree of the Mide´wiwin (No.72) is guarded during the day by two Mide´ spirits (Nos. 73,74) near the eastern entrance, and by the Makwa´ Man´ido within the inclosure (Nos. 75 and76), and at night by eighteen Mide´ Man´idos (Nos. 77 to94), placed there by Ki´tshi Man´ido. When the Otter approached the entrance (No.95) he was again arrested in his progress by two evil man´idos (Nos. 96 and97), who opposed his admission, but Mi´nibo´zho overcame them and the Otter entered. Just inside of the door, and on each side, the Otter saw a post (Nos. 98 and99), and at the western door or exit two corresponding posts (Nos. 100 and 101). These symbolized the four legs of the Makwa´ Man´ido, or Bear Spirit, who is the guardian by day and the owner of the third degree. The Otter then observed the sacred stone (No. 102) and the two heaps of sacred objects (Nos. 103 and 104) which Mi´nabo´zho had deposited, and three degree posts (Nos. 105, 106, and 107), the first of which (No. 105) was a plain cedar post with the bark upon it, but sharpened at the top; the second (No. 106), a red post with a green band round the top and one about the middle, as in the second degree; and the third a cross (No. 107) painted red, each of the tips painted green. [The vertical line No. 108 was said to have no relation to anything connected with the tradition.] After the Otter had observed the interior of the Mide´wigÂn he again made four circuits, after which he took his station in the west, where he seated himself, facing the sacred degree posts. Then Mi´nabo´zho, for the third time, shot into his body the mi´gis, thus adding to the powers which he already possessed, after which he was to prepare for the fourth degree of the Mide´wiwin.

Other objects appearing upon the chart were subsequently explained as follows:

The four trees (Nos. 109, 110, 111, and 112), one of which is planted at each of the four corners of the Mide´wigÂn, are usually cedar, though pine may be taken as a substitute when the former can not be had. The repetition of the circles Nos. 113, 114, and 115 and connecting line No. 116, with the short lines at Nos. 117, 118, 119, and 120, have the same signification as in the preceding two degrees.

After the Otter had received the third degree he prepared himself for the fourth, and highest, by taking a steam bath once a day for four successive days (Nos. 121, 122, 123, and 124). Then, as he proceeded toward the Mide´wigÂn he came to a wig´iwam made of brush (No. 179), which was the nest of Makwa´ Man´ido, the Bear Spirit, who guarded the four doors of the sacred structure.

The four rows of spots have reference to the four entrances of the Mide´wigÂn of the fourth degree. The signification of the spots near the larger circle, just beneath the “Bear’s nest” could not be explained by Sikas´sige, but the row of spots (No. 117) along the horizontal line leading to the entrance of the inclosure were denominated steps, or stages of progress, equal to as many days—one spot denoting one day—which must elapse before the Otter was permitted to view the entrance.

peep-hole post

Fig. 4.—Peep-hole post.

When the Otter approached the fourth degree (No. 118) he came to a short post (No. 119) in which there was a small aperture. The post was painted green on the side from which he approached and red upon the side toward the Mide´wigÂn [see Fig.4.] But before he was permitted to look through it he rested and invoked the favor of Ki´tshi Man´ido, that the evil man´idos might be expelled from his path. Then, when the Otter looked through the post, he saw that the interior of the inclosure was filled with Mide´ Man´idos, ready to receive him and to attend during his initiation. The two Mide´ Man´idos at the outside of the eastern entrance (Nos. 120 and 121) compelled the evil man´idos (Nos. 122 and 123) to depart and permit the Otter to enter at the door (No. 124). Then the Otter beheld the sacred stone (No. 125) and the five heaps of sacred objects which Minabo´zho had deposited (Nos. 126, 127, 128, 129, and 130) near the four degree posts (Nos. 131, 132, 133, and 134). According to their importance, the first was painted red, with a green band about the top; the second was painted red, with two green bands, one at the top and another at the middle; the third consisted of a cross painted red, with the tips of the arms and the top of the post painted green; while the fourth was a square post, the side toward the east being painted white, that toward the south green, that toward the west red, and that toward the north black.

The two sets of sticks (Nos. 135 and 136) near the eastern and western doors represent the legs of Makwa´ Man´ido, the Bear Spirit. When the Otter had observed all these things he passed round the interior of the Mide´wigÂn four times, after which he seated himself in the west, facing the degree posts, when Mi´nabo´zho approached him and for the fourth time shot into his body the sacred mi´gis, which gave him life that will endure always. Then Mi´nabo´zho said to the Otter, “This degree belongs to Ki´tshi Man´ido, the Great Spirit (Nos. 137 and 138), who will always be present when you give the sacred rite to any of your people.” At night the Mide´ Man´idos (Nos. 139 to 162) will guard the Mide´wigÂn, as they are sent by Ki´tshi Man´ido to do so. The Bear’s nest (Nos. 163 and 164) just beyond the northern and southern doors (Nos. 165 and 166) of the Mide´wigÂn are the places where Makwa´ Man´ido takes his station when guarding the doors.

Then the Otter made a wig´iwam and offered four prayers (Nos. 167, 168, 169, and 170) for the rites of the Mide´wiwin, which Ki´tshi Man´ido had given him.

The following supplemental explanations were added by Sikas´sige, viz: The four vertical lines at the outer angles of the lodge structure (Nos. 171, 172, 173, and 174), and four similar ones on the inner corners (Nos. 175, 176, 177, and 178), represent eight cedar trees planted there by the Mide´ at the time of preparing the Mide´wigÂn for the reception of candidates. The circles Nos. 179, 180, and 181, and the connecting line, are a reproduction of similar ones shown in the three preceding degrees, and signify the course of a Mide’s life—that it should be without fault and in strict accordance with the teachings of the Mide´wiwin. The short lines, terminating in circles Nos. 182, 183, 184, and 185, allude to temptations which beset the Mide’s path, and he shall, when so tempted, offer at these points feasts and lectures, or, in other words, “professions of faith.” The three lines Nos. 186, 187, and 188, consisting of four spots each, which radiate from the larger circle at No. 179 and that before mentioned at No. 116, symbolize the four bear nests and their respective approaches, which are supposed to be placed opposite the four doors of the fourth degree; and it is obligatory, therefore, for a candidate to enter these four doors on hands and knees when appearing for his initiation and before he finally waits to receive the concluding portion of the ceremony.

migration route

Fig. 5.—
Migration of ÂnÍshinÂ´beg.

The illustration presented in Fig.5 is a reduced copy of a drawing made by Sikas´sige to represent the migration of the Otter toward the west after he had received the rite of the Mide´wiwin. No. 1 refers to the circle upon the large chart on Pl. III in A, No. 1, and signifies the earth’s surface as before described. No. 2 in Fig.5 is a line separating the history of the Mide´wiwin from that of the migration as follows: When the Otter had offered four prayers, as above mentioned, which fact is referred to by the spot No. 3, he disappeared beneath the surface of the water and went toward the west, whither the Ani´shinÂ´beg followed him, and located at Ottawa Island (No.4). Here they erected the Mide´wigÂn and lived for many years. Then the Otter again disappeared beneath the water, and in a short time reappeared at A´wiat´ang (No.5), when the Mide´wigÂn was again erected and the sacred rites conducted in accordance with the teachings of Mi´nabo´zho. Thus was an interrupted migration continued, the several resting places being given below in their proper order, at each of which the rites of the Mide´wiwin were conducted in all their purity. The next place to locate at was Mi´shenama´kinagung—Mackinaw (No.6); then Ne´mikung (No.7); Kiwe´winang´ (No.8); BÂwating—Sault Ste. Marie (No.9); Tshiwi´towi´ (No.10); Nega´wadzhe´u—Sand Mountain (No.11), northern shore of Lake Superior; Mi´nisa´wik [Mi´nisa´bikkang]—Island of rocks (No.12); Kawa´sitshiuwongk—Foaming rapids (No.13); Mush´kisi´wi [Mash´kisi´bi]—Bad River (No.14); ShagawÂmikongk—Long-sand-bar-beneath-the-surface (No.15); Wikwe´dÂⁿwonggÂⁿ—Sandy Bay (No.16); NeÂ´shiwikongk—Cliff Point (No.17); NetÂⁿ´wayaⁿ´sink—Little point-of-sand-bar (No.18); Aⁿ´nibiⁿs—Little elm tree (No.19); Wikup´biⁿmiⁿsh-literally, Little-island-basswood (No.20); Makubiⁿ´miⁿsh—Bear Island (No.21); Sha´geski´ke´dawan´ga (No.22); Ni´wigwas´sikongk—The place where bark is peeled (No.23); Ta´pakwe´ikak [Sa´apakwe´shkwaokongk]—The-place-where-lodge-bark-is-obtained (No.24); Ne´uwesak´kudeze´bi [Ne´wisaku´desi´biⁿ]—Point-deadwood-timber river (No.25); Amini´kanzi´bi [modern name, Âsh´kiba´gisi´bi], given respectively as Fish spawn River and Green leaf River (No.26).

This last-named locality is said to be Sandy Lake, Minnesota, where the Otter appeared for the last time, and where the Mide´wigÂn was finally located. From La Pointe, as well as from Sandy Lake, the Ojibwa claim to have dispersed in bands over various portions of the territory, as well as into Wisconsin, which final separation into distinct bodies has been the chief cause of the gradual changes found to exist in the ceremonies of the Mide´wiwin.

facial decorations shown in color

Plate VI. Ojibwa Facial Decoration.

According to Sikas´sige, the above account of the initiation of the Otter, by Mi´nabo´zho, was adopted as the course of initiation by the Mide´ priests of the Mille Lacs Society, when he himself received the first degree, 1830. At that time a specific method of facial decoration was pursued by the priests of the respective degrees (Pl.VI), each adopting that pertaining to the highest degree to which he was entitled, viz:

First degree.—A broad band of green across the forehead and a narrow stripe of vermilion across the face, just below the eyes.

Second degree.—A narrow stripe of vermilion across the temples, the eyelids, and the root of the nose, a short distance above which is a similar stripe of green, then another of vermilion, and above this again one of green.

Third degree.—Red and white spots are daubed all over the face, the spots being as large as can be made by the finger tips in applying the colors.

Fourth degree.—Two forms of decoration were admissible; for the first, the face was painted with vermilion, with a stripe of green extending diagonally across it from the upper part of the left temporal region to the lower part of the right cheek; for the second, the face was painted red with two short, horizontal parallel bars of green across the forehead. Either of these was also employed as a sign of mourning by one whose son has been intended for the priesthood of the Mide´wiwin, but special reference to this will be given in connection with the ceremony of the Dzhibai´ Mide´wigÂn, or Ghost Society.

see text

Plate VIII. Ojibwa’s Record.

Larger Plate

On Pl.VIII is presented a reduced copy of the Mide´ chart made by Ojibwa, a Mide´ priest of the fourth degree and formerly a member of the society of the Sandy Lake band of the Mississippi Ojibwa. The illustration is copied from his own chart which he received in 1833 in imitation of that owned by his father, Me´toshi´koⁿsh; and this last had been received from Lake Superior, presumably La Pointe, many years before.

The illustration of the four degrees are here represented in profile, and shows higher artistic skill than the preceding copies from Red Lake, and Mille Lacs.

The information given by Ojibwa, regarding the characters is as follows:

When Ki´tshi Man´ido had decided to give to the Ani´shinÂ´beg the rites of the Mide´wiwin, he took his Mide´ drum and sang, calling upon the other Man´idos to join him and to hear what he was going to do. No. 1 represents the abode in the sky of Ki´tshi Man´ido, No. 2, indicating the god as he sits drumming, No. 3. the small spots surrounding the drum denoting the mi´gis with which everything about him is covered. The Mide´ Man´idos came to him in his Mide´wigÂn (No.4), eleven of which appear upon the inside of that structure, while the ten—all but himself—upon the outside (Nos. 5 to14) are represented as descending to the earth, charged with the means of conferring upon the Ani´shinÂbe´g the sacred rite. In the Mide´wigÂn (No.4) is shown also the sacred post (No.15) upon which is perched Ko-ko´ko-o—the Owl (No.16). The line traversing the structure, from side to side, represents the trail leading through it, while the two rings (Nos. 17 and18) upon the right side of the post indicate respectively the spot where the presents are deposited and the sacred stone—this according to modern practices.

When an Indian is prepared to receive the rights of initiation he prepares a wig´iwam (No.19) in which he takes a steam bath once each day for four successive days. The four baths and four days are indicated by the number of spots at the floor of the lodge, representing stones. The instructors, employed by him, and the officiating priests of the society are present, one of which (No.20) may be observed upon the left of the wig´iwam in the act of making an offering of smoke, while the one to the right (No.21) is drumming and singing. The four officiating priests are visible to either side of the candidate within the structure. The wig´iwams (Nos. 22, 23, 24, and25) designate the village habitations.

In the evening of the day preceding the initiation, the candidate (No.26) visits his instructor (No.27) to receive from him final directions as to the part to be enacted upon the following day. The candidate is shown in the act of carrying with him his pipe, the offering of tobacco being the most acceptable of all gifts. His relatives follow and carry the goods and other presents, some of which are suspended from the branches of the Mide´ tree (No.28) near the entrance of the first degree structure. The instructor’s wig´iwam is shown at No. 29, the two dark circular spots upon the floor showing two of the seats, occupied by instructor and pupil. The figure No. 27 has his left arm elevated, denoting that his conversation pertains to Ki´tshi Man´ido, while in his right hand he holds his Mide´ drum. Upon the following morning the Mide´ priests, with the candidate in advance (No.30), approach and enter the Mide´wigÂn and the initiation begins. No. 31 is the place of the sacred drum and those who are detailed to employ the drum and rattles, while No. 32 indicates the officiating priests; No. 33 is the degree post, surmounted by Ko-ko´-ko-o´, the Owl (No.34). The post is painted with vermilion, with small white spots all over its surface, emblematic of the mi´gis shell. The line (No.35) extending along the upper portion of the inclosure represents the pole from which are suspended the robes, blankets, kettles, etc., which constitute the fee paid to the society for admission.

This degree is presided over and guarded by the Panther Man´ido.

When the candidate has been able to procure enough gifts to present to the society for the second degree, he takes his drum and offers chants (No.35) to Ki´tshi Man´ido for success. Ki´tshi Man´ido himself is the guardian of the second degree and his footprints are shown in No. 36. No. 37 represents the second degree inclosure, and contains two sacred posts (Nos. 38 and39), the first of which is the same as that of the first degree, the second being painted with white clay, bearing two bands of vermilion, one about the top and one near the middle. A small branch near the top is used, after the ceremony is over, to hang the tobacco pouch on. No. 40 represents the musicians and attendants; No. 41 the candidate upon his knees; while Nos. 42, 43, 44, and 45 pictures the officiating priests who surround him. The horizontal pole (No.46) has presents of robes, blankets, and kettles suspended fromit.

When a candidate is prepared to advance to the third degree (No.47) he personates Makwa´ Man´ido, who is the guardian of this degree, and whose tracks (No.48) are visible. The assistants are visible upon the interior, drumming and dancing. There are three sacred posts, the first (No.49) is black, and upon this is placed Ko-ko´-ko-o´—the Owl; the second (No.50) is painted with white clay and has upon the top the effigy of an owl; while the third (No.51) is painted with vermilion, bearing upon the summit the effigy of an Indian. Small wooden effigies of the human figure are used by the Mide´ in their tests of the proof of the genuineness and sacredness of their religion, which tests will be alluded to under another caption. The horizontal rod (No.52), extending from one end of the structure to the other, has suspended from it the blankets and other gifts.

The guardian of the fourth degree is Maka´no—the Turtle—as he appears (No.53) facing the entrance of the fourth degree (No.54). Four sacred posts are planted in the fourth degree; the first (No.55), being painted white upon the upper half and green upon the lower; the second (No.56) similar; the third (No.57) painted red, with a black spiral line extending from the top to the bottom, and upon which is placed Ko-ko´-ko-o´—the Owl; and the fourth (No.58), a cross, the arms and part of the trunk of which is white, with red spots—to designate the sacred mi´gis—the lower half of the trunk cut square, the face toward the east painted red, the south green, the west white, and the north black. The spot (No.59) at the base of the cross signifies the place of the sacred stone, while the human figures (No.60) designate the participants, some of whom are seated near the wall of the inclosure, whilst others are represented as beating the drum. Upon the horizontal pole (No.61) are shown the blankets constituting gifts to the society.

facial decorations shown in color

Plate VII. Ojibwa Facial Decoration.

The several specific methods of facial decoration employed (Pl.VII), according to Ojibwa’s statement, are as follows:

First degree.—One stripe of vermilion across the face, from near the ears across the tip of the nose.

Second degree.—One stripe as above, and another across the eyelids, temples, and the root of the nose.

Third degree.—The upper half of the face is painted green and the lower half red.

Fourth degree.—The forehead and left side of the face, from the outer canthus of the eye downward, is painted green; four spots of vermilion are made with the tip of the finger upon the forehead and four upon the green surface of the left cheek. In addition to this, the plumes of the golden eagle, painted red, are worn upon the head and down the back. This form of decoration is not absolutely necessary, as the expense of the “war bonnet” places it beyond the reach of the greater number of persons.

Before proceeding further with the explanation of the Mide´ records it may be of interest to quote the traditions relative to the migration of the Ani´shinÂ´beg, as obtained by Mr. Warren previous to 1853. In his reference to observing the rites of initiation he heard one of the officiating priests deliver “a loud and spirited harangue,” of which the following words12 caught his attention:

“Our forefathers were living on the great salt water toward the rising sun, the great Megis (seashell) showed itself above the surface of the great water and the rays of the sun for a long time period were reflected from its glossy back. It gave warmth and light to the An-ish-in-aub-ag (red race). All at once it sank into the deep, and for a time our ancestors were not blessed with its light. It rose to the surface and appeared again on the great river which drains the waters of the Great Lakes, and again for a long time it gave life to our forefathers and reflected back the rays of the sun. Again it disappeared from sight and it rose not till it appeared to the eyes of the An-ish-in-aub-ag on the shores of the first great lake. Again it sank from sight, and death daily visited the wigiwams of our forefathers till it showed its back and reflected the rays of the sun once more at Bow-e-ting (Sault Ste. Marie). Here it remained for a long time, but once more, and for the last time, it disappeared, and the An-ish-in-aub-ag was left in darkness and misery, till it floated and once more showed its bright back at Mo-ning-wun-a-kaun-ing (La Pointe Island), where it has ever since reflected back the rays of the sun and blessed our ancestors with life, light, and wisdom. Its rays reach the remotest village of the widespread Ojibways.” As the old man delivered this talk he continued to display the shell, which he represented as an emblem of the great megis of which he was speaking.

A few days after, anxious to learn the true meaning of this allegory, ***I requested him to explain to me the meaning of his Me-da-we harangue.

After filling his pipe and smoking of the tobacco I had presented he proceeded to give me the desired information, as follows:

“My grandson,” said he, “the megis I spoke of means the Me-da-we religion. Our forefathers, many string of lives ago, lived on the shores of the great salt water in the east. Here, while they were suffering the ravages of sickness and death, the Great Spirit, at the intercession of Man-a-bo-sho, the great common uncle of the An-ish-in-aub-ag, granted them this rite, wherewith life is restored and prolonged. Our forefathers moved from the shores of the great water and proceeded westward.

“The Me-da-we lodge was pulled down, and it was not again erected till our forefathers again took a stand on the shores of the great river where Mo-ne-aung (Montreal) now stands.

“In the course of time this town was again deserted, and our forefathers, still proceeding westward, lit not their fires till they reached the shores of Lake Huron, where again the rites of the Me-da-we were practiced.

“Again these rites were forgotten, and the Me-da-we lodge was not built till the Ojibways found themselves congregated at Bow-e-ting (outlet of Lake Superior), where it remained for many winters. Still the Ojibways moved westward, and for the last time the Me-da-we lodge was erected on the island of La Pointe, and here, long before the pale face appeared among them, it was practiced in its purest and most original form. Many of our fathers lived the full term of life granted to mankind by the Great Spirit, and the forms of many old people were mingled with each rising generation. This, my grandson, is the meaning of the words you did not understand; they have been repeated to us by our fathers for many generations.”

In the explanation of the chart obtained at Red Lake, together with the tradition, reference to the otter, as being the most sacred emblem of society, is also verified in a brief notice of a tradition by Mr. Warren,13 as follows:

There is another tradition told by the old men of the Ojibway village of Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, which tells of their former residence on the shores of the great salt water. It is, however, so similar in character to the one I have related that its introduction here would only occupy unnecessary space. The only difference between the two traditions is that the otter, which is emblematical of one of the four Medicine Spirits who are believed to preside over the Midawe rites, is used in one in the same figurative manner as the seashell is used in the other, first appearing to the ancient An-ish-in-aub-ag from the depths of the great salt water, again on the river St. Lawrence, then on Lake Huron at Sault Ste. Marie, again at La Pointe, but lastly at Fond du Lac, or end of Lake Superior, where it is said to have forced the sand bank at the mouth of the St. Louis River. The place is still pointed out by the Indians where they believe the great otter broke through.

It is affirmed by the Indians that at Sault Ste. Marie some of the Ojibwa separated from the main body of that tribe and traversed the country along the northern shore of Lake Superior toward the west. These have since been known of as the “Bois Forts” (hardwood people or timber people), other bands being located at Pigeon River, Rainy Lake, etc. Another separation occurred at La Pointe, one party going toward Fond du Lac and westward to Red Lake, where they claim to have resided for more than three hundred years, while the remainder scattered from La Pointe westward and southwestward, locating at favorable places throughout the timbered country. This early dismemberment and long-continued separation of the Ojibwa nation accounts, to a considerable extent, for the several versions of the migration and the sacred emblems connected with the Mide´wiwin, the northern bands generally maintaining their faith in favor of the Otter as the guide, while the southern bodies are almost entirely supporters of the belief in the great mi´gis.

On account of the independent operations of the Mide´ priests in the various settlements of the Ojibwa, and especially because of the slight intercourse between those of the northern and southern divisions of the nation, there has arisen a difference in the pictographic representation of the same general ideas, variants which are frequently not recognized by Mide´ priests who are not members of the Mide´wiwin in which these mnemonic charts had their origin. As there are variants in the pictographic delineation of originally similar ideas, there are also corresponding variations in the traditions pertaining to them.

see text

Fig. 6.—Birch-bark record, from White Earth.

The tradition relating to Mi´nabo´zho and the sacred objects received from Ki´tshi Man´ido for the Ani´shinÂ´beg is illustrated in Fig.6, which is a reproduction of a chart preserved at White Earth. The record is read from left to right. No. 1 represents Mi´nabo´zho, who says of the adjoining characters representing the members of the Mide´wiwin: “They are the ones, they are the ones, who put into my heart the life.” Mi´nabo´zho holds in his left hand the sacred Mide´ sack, or pin-ji´-gu-sÂn´. Nos. 2 and 3 represent the drummers. At the sound of the drum all the Mide´ rise and become inspired, because Ki´tshi Man´ido is then present in the wig´iwam. No. 4 denotes that women also have the privilege of becoming members of the Mide´wiwin. The figure holds in the left hand the Mide´ sack, made of a snake skin. No. 5 represents the Tortoise, the guardian spirit who was the giver of some of the sacred objects used in the rite. No. 6, the Bear, also a benevolent Man´ido, but not held in so great veneration as the Tortoise. His tracks are visible in the Mide´wiwin. No. 7, the sacred Mide´ sack or pin-ji´-gu-sÂn´, which contains life, and can be used by the Mide´ to prolong the life of a sick person. No. 8 represents a Dog, given by the Mide´ Man´idos to Mi´nabo´zho as a companion.

The prosecution of ethnologic researches among the North American Indians, in accordance with act of Congress, was continued during the fiscal year 1885–’86.

The general plan upon which the work has been prosecuted in former years, and which has been explained in earlier reports, was continued in operation.

General lines of investigation were indicated by the Director, and the details intrusted to selected persons trained in their several pursuits, the results of whose labors are published from time to time in the manner provided for by law. Abrief statement of the work upon which each of these special students was engaged during the year, with its condensed result, is presented below. This, however, does not specify in detail all of the studies undertaken or services rendered by them, as particular lines of research have been temporarily suspended in order to accomplish immediately objects regarded as of superior importance. From this cause the publication of several treatises and monographs has been delayed, although in some instances they have been heretofore reported as substantially completed, and, indeed, as partly in type.

The present opportunity is used to invite and urge again the assistance of explorers, writers, and students, who are not and may not desire to be officially connected with this Bureau. Their contributions, whether in the shape of suggestion or of extended communications, will be gratefully acknowledged and carefully considered. If published in whole or in part, either in the series of reports or in monographs or bulletins, as the liberality of Congress may in future allow, the contributors will always receive proper credit.

The items which form the subject of the present report are presented in two principal divisions. The first relates to the work prosecuted in the field, and the second to the office work, which consists largely of the preparation for publication of the results of the field work, complemented and extended by study of the literature of the several subjects and by correspondence relating to them.

FIELD WORK.

This heading may be divided into, first, Mound Explorations; second, Explorations in Stone Villages; and, third, General Field Studies, among which those upon mythology, linguistics, and customs have been during the year the most prominent.

MOUND EXPLORATIONS.

WORK OF PROF. CYRUS THOMAS.

The work of the mound-exploring division, under the charge of Prof. Cyrus Thomas, was carried on during the fiscal year with the same success that had attended its earlier operations.

It is proper to explain that the title given above to the division does not fully indicate the extent of its work. The simple exploration of mounds is but a part of its scope, which embraces, as contemplated in its organization, acareful examination and study of the archeologic remains in the United States east of the Rocky Mountains. The limitation of the force engaged on this work renders it necessary that the investigations should be conducted along but one or two selected lines at a time.

Before and even during some portion of the year now reported upon attention had been devoted almost exclusively to the exploration of individual mounds, with a view of ascertaining the different types of tumuli, as regards form, construction, and other particulars and the vestiges of art and human remains found in them. The study of these works in their relation to each other and their segregation into groups, and of the mural works, inclosures, and works of defense, is important in the attempt to obtain indications of the social life and customs of the builders. This plan of study had not received the attention desirable and involved the necessity of careful surveys. It was thought best to make a commencement this year in this branch of investigation.

During the summer of 1885 Prof. Thomas was in Wisconsin, engaged in investigating and studying the effigy mounds and other ancient works of that section.

Messrs. James D. Middleton, John P. Rogan, and John W. Emmert were permanent assistants during the year; Mr. Charles M. Smith, Rev. S.D. Peet, and Mr. H.L. Reynolds were employed for short periods as temporary assistants.

During the summer and autumn of 1885 Messrs. Middleton and Emmert were at work on the mounds and ancient monuments of southwestern Wisconsin, the former surveying the groups of effigy mounds and the latter exploring the conical tumuli. When the weather became too cold for operations in that section they were transferred to east Tennessee, where Mr. Emmert continued at work throughout the remainder of the fiscal year.

When it had been decided to commence the preparation of a report on the field work of the division, in the hope of its early publication, Mr. Middleton was called to the office to assist in that preparation, where he remained, preparing maps and plats and making a catalogue of the collections, until the latter part of April, 1886, when he again entered upon field work in the southern part of Illinois, among the graves of that neighborhood.

Mr. Rogan was in charge of the office work from the 1st of July until the latter part of August, during which time Prof. Thomas was in the field, as before mentioned. He was engaged during the remainder of the year in exploring the mounds of northern Georgia and east Tennessee.

Rev. S. D. Peet was employed for a few months in preparing a preliminary map showing the localities of the antiquarian remains of Wisconsin and the areas formerly occupied by the several Indian tribes which are known to have inhabited that region. In addition he prepared for use in the report notes on the distribution and character of the mounds and other ancient works of Wisconsin.

Mr. Smith was engaged during the month of June, 1886, in exploring mounds and investigating the ancient works in southwestern Pennsylvania; and Mr. Reynolds, during the same time, in tracing and exploring the monumental remains of western New York.

Notwithstanding the details necessary for office work in the preparation of maps and plats for the report, and cataloguing the collection, the amount of field work accomplished was equal to that done in previous years. Although, as before stated, one of the assistants, Mr. Middleton, was chiefly engaged, while in the field, in surveying, about 3,500 specimens were collected and a large number of drawings obtained illustrating the different modes of construction of the mounds.

EXPLORATIONS IN STONE VILLAGES.

WORK OF DIRECTOR J. W. POWELL.

During the summer of 1885 the Director, accompanied by Mr. James Stevenson, revisited portions of Arizona and New Mexico in which many structures are found which have greatly interested travelers and anthropologists, and about which various theories have grown. The results of the investigation have been so much more distinct and comprehensive than any before obtained that they require to be reported with some detail.

On the plain to the west of the Little Colorado River and north of the San Francisco Mountain there are many scattered ruins, usually having one, two, or three rooms each, all of which are built of basaltic cinders and blocks. Through the plain a valley runs to the north, and then east to the Little Colorado. Down the midst of the valley there is a wash, through which, in seasons of great rainfall, astream courses. Along this stream there are extensive ruins built of sandstone and limestone. At one place a village site was discovered, in which several hundred people once found shelter. To the north of this and about twenty-five miles from the summit of San Francisco Peak there is a volcanic cone of cinder and basalt. This small cone had been used as the site of a village, apueblo having been built around the crater. The materials of construction were derived from a great sandstone quarry near by, and the pit from which they were taken was many feet in depth and extended over two or three acres of ground. The cone rises on the west in a precipitous cliff from the valley of an intermittent creek. The pueblo was built on that side at the summit of the cliff, and extending on the north and south sides along the summit of steep slopes, was inclosed on the east, so that the plaza was entered by a covered way. The court, or plaza, was about one-third of an acre in area. The little pueblo contained perhaps sixty or seventy rooms. Southward of San Francisco Mountain many other ruins were found.

East of the San Francisco Peak, at a distance of about twelve miles, another cinder cone was found. Here the cinders are soft and friable, and the cone is a prettily shaped dome. On the southern slope there are excavations into the indurated and coherent cinder mass, constituting chambers, often ten or twelve feet in diameter and six to ten feet in height. The chambers are of irregular shape, and occasionally a larger central chamber forms a kind of vestibule to several smaller ones gathered about it. The smaller chambers are sometimes at the same altitude as the central or principal one, and sometimes at a lower altitude. About one hundred and fifty of these chambers have been excavated. Most of them are now partly filled by the caving in of the walls and ceilings, but some of them are yet in a good state of preservation. In these chambers, and about them on the summit and sides of the cinder cone, many stone implements were found, especially metates. Some bone implements also were discovered. At the very summit of the little cone there is a plaza, inclosed by a rude wall made of volcanic cinders, the floor of which was carefully leveled. The plaza is about forty-five by seventy-five feet in area. Here the people lived in underground houses—chambers hewn from the friable volcanic cinders. Before them, to the south, west, and north, stretched beautiful valleys, beyond which volcanic cones are seen rising amid pine forests. The people probably cultivated patches of ground in the low valleys.

About eighteen miles still farther to the east of San Francisco Mountain another ruined village was discovered, built about the crater of a volcanic cone. This volcanic peak is of much greater magnitude. The crater opens to the eastward. On the south many stone dwellings have been built of the basaltic and cinder-like rocks. Between the ridge on the south and another on the northwest there is a low saddle in which other buildings have been erected, and in which a great plaza was found, much like the one previously described. But the most interesting part of this village was on the cliff which rose on the northwest side of the crater. In this cliff are many natural caves, and the caves themselves were utilized as dwellings by inclosing them in front with walls made of volcanic rocks and cinders. These cliff dwellings are placed tier above tier, in a very irregular way. In many cases natural caves were thus utilized; in other cases cavate chambers were made; that is, chambers have been excavated in the friable cinders. On the very summit of the ridge stone buildings were erected, so that this village was in part a cliff village, in part cavate, and in part the ordinary stone pueblo. The valley below, especially to the southward, was probably occupied by their gardens. In the chambers among the overhanging cliffs a great many interesting relics were found, of stone, bone, and wood, and many potsherds.

About eight miles southeast of Flagstaff, alittle town on the southern slope of San Francisco Mountain, Oak Creek enters a canyon, which runs to the eastward and then southward for a distance of about ten miles. The gorge is a precipitous box canyon for the greater part of this distance. It is cut through carboniferous rocks—sandstones and limestones—which are here nearly horizontal. The softer sandstones rapidly disintegrate, and the harder sandstones and limestones remain. Thus broad shelves are formed on the sides of the cliffs, and these shelves, or the deep recesses between them, were utilized, so that here is a village of cliff dwellings. There are several hundred rooms altogether. The rooms are of sandstone, pretty carefully worked and laid in mortar, and the interior of the rooms was plastered. The opening for the chimney was usually by the side of the entrance, and the ceilings of the rooms are still blackened with soot and smoke. Around this village, on the terrace of the canyon, great numbers of potsherds, stone implements, and implements of bone, horn, and wood were found; and here, as in all of the other ruins mentioned, corncobs in great abundance were discovered.

In addition to the four principal ruins thus described many others are found, most of them being of the ordinary pueblo type. From the evidence presented it would seem that they had all been occupied at a comparatively late date. They were certainly not abandoned more than three or four centuries ago.

Later in the season the Director visited the Supai Indians of Cataract Canyon, and was informed by them that their present home had been taken up not many generations ago, and that their ancestors occupied the ruins which have been described; and they gave such a circumstantial account of the occupation and of their expulsion by the Spaniards, that no doubt can be entertained of the truth of their traditions in this respect. The Indians of Cataract Canyon doubtless lived on the north, east, and south of San Francisco Mountain at the time this country was discovered by the Spaniards, and they subsequently left their cliff and cavate dwellings and moved into Cataract Canyon, where they now live. It is thus seen that these cliff and cavate dwellings are not of an ancient prehistoric time, but that they were occupied by a people still existing, who also built pueblos of the common type.

Later in the season the party visited the cavate ruins near Santa Clara, previously explored by Mr. Stevenson. Here, on the western side of the Rio Grande del Norte, was found a system of volcanic peaks, constituting what is known as the Valley Range. To the east of these peaks, stretching far beyond the present channel of the Rio Grande, there was once a great Tertiary lake, which was gradually filled with the sands washed into it on every hand and by the ashes blown out of the adjacent volcanoes. This great lake formation is in some places a thousand feet in thickness. When the lake was filled the Rio Grande cut its channel through the midst to a depth of many hundreds of feet. The volcanic mountains to the westward send to the Rio Grande a number of minor streams, which in a general way are parallel with one another. The Rio Grande itself, and all of these lateral streams, have cut deep gorges and canyons, so that there are long, irregular table-lands, or mesas, extending from the Rio Grande back to the Valley Mountains, each mesa being severed from the adjacent one by a canyon or canyon valley; and each of these long mesas rises with a precipitous cliff from the valley below. The cliffs themselves are built of volcanic sands and ashes, and many of the strata are exceedingly light and friable. The specific gravity of some of these rocks is so low that they will float on water. Into the faces of these cliffs, in the friable and easily worked rock, many chambers have been excavated; for mile after mile the cliffs are studded with them, so that altogether there are many thousands. Sometimes a chamber or series of chambers is entered from a terrace, but usually they were excavated many feet above any landing or terrace below, so that they could be reached only by ladders. In other places artificial terraces were built by constructing retaining walls and filling the interior next to the cliff with loose rock and sand. Very often steps were cut into the face of a cliff and a rude stairway formed by which chambers could be reached. The chambers were very irregularly arranged and very irregular in size and structure. In many cases there is a central chamber, which seems to have been a general living room for the people, back of which two, three, or more chambers somewhat smaller are found. The chambers occupied by one family are sometimes connected with those occupied by another family, so that two or three or four sets of chambers have interior communication. Usually, however, the communication from one system of chambers to another was by the outside. Many of the chambers had evidently been occupied as dwellings. They still contained fireplaces and evidences of fire; there were little caverns or shelves in which various vessels were placed, and many evidences of the handicraft of the people were left in stone, bone, horn, and wood, and in the chambers and about the sides of the cliffs potsherds are abundant. On more careful survey it was found that many chambers had been used as stables for asses, goats, and sheep. Sometimes they had been filled a few inches, or even two or three feet, with the excrement of these animals. Ears of corn and corncobs were also found in many places. Some of the chambers were evidently constructed to be used as storehouses or caches for grain. Altogether it is very evident that the cliff houses have been used in comparatively modern times; at any rate since the people owned asses, goats, and sheep. The rock is of such a friable nature that it will not stand atmospheric degradation very long, and there is abundant evidence of this character testifying to the recent occupancy of these cavate dwellings.

Above the cliffs, on the mesas, which have already been described, evidences of more ancient ruins were found. These were pueblos built of cut stone rudely dressed. Every mesa had at least one ancient pueblo upon it, evidently far more ancient than the cavate dwellings found in the face of the cliffs. It is, then, very plain that the cavate dwellings are not of great age; that they have been occupied since the advent of the white man, and that on the summit of the cliffs there are ruins of more ancient pueblos.

Now, the pottery of Santa Clara had been previously studied by Mr. Stevenson, who made a large collection there two or three years ago, and it was at once noticed that the potsherds of these cliff dwellings are, both in shape and material, like those now made by the Santa Clara Indians. The peculiar pottery of Santa Clara is readily distinguished, as may be seen by examining the collection now in the National Museum. While encamped in the valley below, the party met a Santa Clara Indian and engaged him in conversation. From him the history of the cliff dwellings was soon obtained. His statement was that originally his people lived in six pueblos, built of cut stone, upon the summit of the mesas; that there came a time when they were at war with the Apaches and Navajos, when they abandoned their stone pueblos above and for greater protection excavated the chambers in the cliffs below; that when this war ended part of them returned to the pueblos above, which were rebuilt; that there afterward came another war, with the Comanche Indians, and they once more resorted to cliff dwellings. At the close of this war they built a pueblo in the valley of the Rio Grande, but at the time of the invasion of the Spaniards their people refused to be baptized, and a Spanish army was sent against them, when they abandoned the valley below and once more inhabited the cliff dwellings above. Here they lived many years, until at last a wise and good priest brought them peace, and persuaded them to build the pueblo which they now occupy—the village of Santa Clara. The ruin of the pueblo which they occupied previous to the invasion of the Spaniards is still to be seen about a mile distant from the present pueblo.

The history thus briefly given was repeated by the governor and by other persons, all substantially to the same effect. It is therefore evident that the cavate dwellings of the Santa Clara region belong to a people still extant; that they are not of great antiquity, and do not give evidence of a prehistoric and now extinct race.

Plans and measurements were made of some of the villages with sufficient accuracy to prepare models. Photographic views and sketches were also procured with which to illustrate a detailed report of the subject to be published by the Bureau.

WORK OF MR. JAMES STEVENSON.

After the investigations made in company with the Director, as mentioned above, Mr. Stevenson proceeded with a party to the ancient province of Tusayan, in Arizona, to study the characteristics of the Moki tribes, its inhabitants, and to make collections of such implements and utensils as illustrate their arts and industries. Several months were spent among the villages, resulting in a large collection of rare objects, all of which were selected with special reference to their anthropologic importance. This collection contains many articles novel in character and with uses differing from any heretofore obtained, and forms an important addition to the collections in the National Museum.

A study of their religious ceremonials and mythology was made, of which full notes were taken. Sketches were made of their masks and other objects which could not be obtained for the collection.

Mrs. Stevenson was also enabled to obtain a minute description of the celebrated dance, or medicine ceremony, of the Navajos, called the YÉibit-cai. She made complete sketches of the sand altars, masks, and other objects employed in this ceremonial.

WORK OF MESSRS. VICTOR MINDELEFF AND COSMOS MINDELEFF.

Mr. Victor Mindeleff, who had been engaged for several years in investigating the architecture of the pueblos and the ruins of the southwest, was at the beginning of the fiscal year at work among the Moki towns in Arizona, in charge of a party. Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff left Washington on July 6 for the same locality. He was placed in charge of the surveying necessary in the Stone Village region, and the result of his work is included in the general report of that division.

Visits were paid to the Moki villages in succession, obtaining drawings of some constructional details, and also traditions bearing on the ruins in that vicinity. The main camp was established near Mashongnavi, one of the Moki villages. Alarge ruined pueblo, formerly occupied by the Mashongnavi, was here surveyed. No standing walls are found at the present time, and many portions of the plan are entirely obliterated. Typical fragments of pottery were collected.

Following this work, four other ruined pueblos were surveyed, and such portions of them as clearly indicated dividing walls were drawn on the ground plans.

Many of the ruins in this vicinity, according to the traditions of the Mokis, have been occupied in comparatively recent times—-a number of them having been abandoned since the Spanish conquest of the country. In several cases the villages now occupied are not upon the same sites as those first visited by the Spaniards, although retaining the same names.

While the work of surveying was in progress, in charge of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, Mr. Victor Mindeleff made a visit of several days at Keam Canyon, there to meet a number of the Navajo Indians to explain the purpose of the work and allay the suspicions of these Indians, anecessary precaution, as some of the proposed work was laid out in Canyon de Chelly, in the heart of their reservation. Recent restrictions to which they had been subjected, as a consequence of new surveys of the reservation line, had made them especially distrustful of parties equipped with instruments for surveying. Incidental to explanations of the purpose of the work, an opportunity was afforded of obtaining a number of mythologic notes, and also interesting data regarding the construction of their “hogans,” with the rules prescribing the arrangement of each part of the frame and other particulars. Anumber of ceremonial songs are sung at the building of these houses, but of these only one could be secured, which was obtained in the original and translated. Whenever opportunity occurred, during the progress of the work, photographs and diagrams of construction of “hogans” were procured.

On August 17 the ceremony of the snake-dance took place at Mashongnavi, similar in every detail to that performed at Walpi, and differing only in the number of participants. Several instantaneous negatives of the various phases of the dance were secured. On the following day the same ceremony was performed on a larger scale at Walpi, the easternmost of the Moki villages.

Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff assisted in collecting from the present inhabitants of the region legendary information bearing upon ruins and in observing the snake-dances, adescription of which was prepared for publication.

While the surveys of the ruins were in progress many detailed studies were made of special features in the modern villages, particularly among the “kivas” or religious chambers. In several instances the large roofing timbers of the “kiva” were found to be the old beams from the Spanish churches, hewn square, and decorated with the characteristic rude carving of the old Spanish work. Anumber of legends connected with the ruined pueblos were recorded.

On closing this work in the vicinity of the Moki villages, late in August, the party moved into Keam Canyon, en route for Canyon de Chelly. Aday was devoted to the survey of a small pueblo of irregular elliptical outline, situated about eighteen miles northeast from Keam Canyon. This ruin is in excellent state of preservation and exhibits in the masonry some stones of remarkably large size. The early part of September was employed in making a close survey of the Mummy Cave group of ruins in Canyon de la Muerte, this work including a five-foot contour map of the ground and the rocky ledge over which the houses were distributed. Detailed drawings of a number of special features were made here, particularly in connection with the circular ceremonial chambers. The latter were so buried under the accumulated debris of fallen walls that much excavation was required to lay bare the details of internal arrangement. Ahigh class of workmanship is here exhibited, both in the execution of the constructional features and in the interior decoration of these chambers. Later the White House group, in the Canyon de Chelly, comprising a village and cliff houses, was examined and platted in the same manner.

The drawings and plans were supplemented with a series of photographs. Some negatives of Navajo houses were also made.

On closing this work the party went into Fort Defiance, en route for ZuÑi, and thence to Ojo Caliente, amodern farming pueblo of the ZuÑi, about twelve miles south of the principal village. Here two ruins of villages, thought to belong to the ancient Cibola group, were platted. One of these villages had been provided with a circular reservoir of large size, partially walled in with masonry. Here, also, the well preserved walls of a stone church can be seen. The other contains the remains of a large church, built of adobe. Aseries of widely scattered house-clusters, occurring two miles west of Ojo Caliente, was also examined, but the earth had drifted over the fallen walls and so covered them that the arrangement of rooms could scarcely be traced at all.

The modern village of Ojo Caliente was also surveyed and diagrams and photographs made.

Towards the end of September camp was moved to the vicinity of ZuÑi. Here four other villages of the Cibola group and the old villages on the mesa of Ta-ai-ya-lo-ne were examined. Camp was then moved to Nutria, afarming pueblo of ZuÑi. From this camp Nutria was surveyed and photographed, and also the village of Pescado, which is occupied only during the farming season. Both of these modern farming pueblos appear to be built on the ruins of more ancient villages, the remains of which were especially noticeable in the case of Pescado, where the very carefully executed masonry, characteristic of the ancient methods of construction, could be seen outcropping at many points.

WORK OF MR. E. W. NELSON.

Following the return of the main party to Washington, some preliminary exploration was carried on by Mr. E.W. Nelson, who made an examination of the headwaters of the South Fork of Salt River, but did not find any ruins. Thence the Blue Ridge was crossed, and the valley of the Blue Fork of the San Francisco River visited. Here ruins were frequently increasing in number toward the south. Farther south three sets of cliff ruins were also located.

GENERAL FIELD STUDIES.

WORK OF DR. H. C. YARROW.

During the summer and fall of 1885, Dr. H.C. Yarrow, acting assistant surgeon U.S. Army, examined points in Arizona and Utah. In the vicinity of Springerville, Apache County, Arizona, in company with Mr. E.W. Nelson, he visited a number of ancient pueblos and discovered that the people formerly occupying the towns had followed the custom of burying their dead immediately outside the walls of their habitations, marking the places of sepulcher with circles of stones. The graves were four or five feet in depth, and various household utensils had been deposited with the dead. Mr. Nelson, who had made a careful search for these cemeteries, informed him of the locality of hundreds. Unfortunately for anthropometric science, most of the bones are too much decayed to be of practical value. The places of burial selected at these pueblos are similar to the burial places discovered in 1874 near the large ruined pueblo of Abiquiu, in the valley of the Chama, New Mexico.

Dr. Yarrow also visited the Moki pueblos in Arizona, and obtained from one of the principal men a clear and succinct account of their burial customs. While there he witnessed the famous snake dance, which occurs every two years, and is supposed to have the effect of producing rain. From his knowledge of the reptilian fauna of the country he was able to identify the species of serpents used in the dance, and from personal examination satisfied himself that the fangs had not been extracted from the poisonous varieties. He thinks, however, that the reptiles are somewhat tamed by handling during the four days that they are kept in the estufas and possibly are made to eject the greater part of the venom contained in the sacs at the roots of the teeth, by being teased and forced to strike at different objects held near them. He does not think that a vegetable decoction in which they are washed has a stupefying effect, as has been supposed by some. He also obtained from a Moki high priest a full account of the ceremonies attending the dance. Through the assistance of Mr. Thomas V. Keam, of Keam Canyon, Arizona, and Mr. A.M. Stephen, he was able to procure from a noted Navajo wise man an exact account of the burial customs of his people, as well as valuable information regarding their medical practices, especially such as relate to obstetrics.

From Arizona Dr. Yarrow proceeded to Utah, and made an examination of an old rock cemetery near Farmington, finding it similar to the one he discovered in 1872 near the town of Fillmore. The bodies had been carried far up the side of the mountain; cavities had been prepared in a rock slide, and the bodies placed therein. Branches of cottonwood were then laid over and large boulders piled on top. In several of these graves the skeletons were in a fair state of preservation, and were removed, as well as the articles found with them.

Through the kindness of Mr. William Young, of Grantsville, askeleton of a Gosiute, in excellent preservation, was obtained, and has been presented to the Army Medical Museum. It may be stated that the examination of the rock cemetery at Farmington showed that the inhabitants of the eastern slope of the Wahsatch Range, in Great Salt Lake Valley, followed the mode of rock sepulture from this, the most northern point visited, to below Parowan, adistance of at least two hundred miles southward, and it seems that these people occupied the valley long subsequent to those living near the water courses who constructed the small mounds on top of which were the rude adobe dwellings, and in some instances used these huts for burial purposes.

WORK OF MR. J. C. PILLING.

In the spring of 1886 Mr. James C. Pilling made a trip to Europe in the interest of his work on the Bibliography of the Languages of the North American Indians, and spent many days in the library of the British Museum, the BibliothÈque Nationale at Paris, and several extensive private libraries in England and France. The results of this trip are highly satisfactory and valuable.

WORK OF MR. JEREMIAH CURTIN.

Mr. Jeremiah Curtin continued to collect vocabularies and myths in California. The whole number of myths obtained in California and Oregon was over three hundred. The number of vocabularies was eight, being the Yana, AtsugËi (Hat Creek), Wasco, MilÉblama (Warm Springs), Pai Ute, Shasta, Maidu, and Wintu. Texts were also obtained in Yana, Wasco, Warm Spring, and Shasta.

OFFICE WORK.

Prof. Cyrus Thomas was engaged during the year, except the few weeks he was in the field, in the preparation of his general report and in correspondence relating to the archeology of the district before specified. He also finished a paper published in the Sixth Annual Report of this Bureau under the title, “Aids to the study of the Maya Codices,” and a special report on the “Burial mounds of the northern sections of the United States.” The latter has appeared in the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau.

Mrs. V. L. Thomas, in addition to her duties as clerk, has been employed in preparing a catalogue of the ancient works in that part of the United States east of the Rocky Mountains. This catalogue, now nearly complete, is intended to give the localities and character of all the antiquities in the region mentioned, including discoveries which have been noted in publications, as well as those mentioned in the reports of work done under the Bureau.

Mr. James C. Pilling continued to give a large share of his time and attention throughout the year to the “Bibliography of the languages of the North American Indians,” which has been adverted to in previous reports. The advance “proofsheets” of this work, printed in the last fiscal year, were distributed to collaborators and have been the means of obtaining the active cooperation of many persons throughout this and other countries who are interested in linguistic and bibliographic science. They have thus elicited a large number of additions, corrections, suggestions, and criticisms, all of which have received careful consideration.

Mr. Frank H. Cushing was engaged in the preparation, from the large amount of ZuÑi material collected by him during several years, of papers upon the language, mythology, and institutions of that people.

Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith continued her study of the Iroquoian languages. The first part of her final contribution on the subject was intended to be a Tuscarora grammar and dictionary. The first portion of the dictionary was completed, and had been forwarded to the Bureau when her sudden and lamented death occurred on June 9, 1886, at her home in Jersey City. Her former assistant, Mr. J.N.B. Hewitt, of Tuscarora descent, has been engaged to complete the work she so successfully began, and it is expected that the results of her long labors in the field will be published without delay.

Mr. Charles C. Royce resigned his connection with the Bureau in the early part of the year, thereby delaying the completion of the work upon the primal title of the Indian tribes to lands within the United States and the methods of procuring their relinquishment, the scope and value of which have before been explained. Mr. Royce, before his departure from Washington, completed a paper on the “Cherokee Nation of Indians,” which has appeared in the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau.

Dr. H. C. Yarrow was still engaged in preparing the material for the final volume upon the mortuary customs of the North American Indians, in the prosecution of which the large amount of information received and obtained from various sources has been carefully classified and arranged under proper divisions, so that the manuscript is now being rapidly put into shape for publication.

Dr. Washington Matthews, U.S. Army, continued to prepare for publication the copious notes obtained by him during former years in the Navajo country, his chief work being upon a grammar and dictionary of the Navajo language. He also wrote several papers, one of which, a“Chant upon the Mountains,” has been published in the Fifth Annual Report.

Mr. W. H. Holmes continued his work in the office during the year, superintending the illustration of the various publications of the Bureau. His scientific studies have been confined principally to the field of American archeologic art. Two fully illustrated papers have been finished and have appeared in the Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau. They are upon “Ancient art of the province of Chiriqui, Colombia,” and “Astudy of the textile art in its relations to the development of form and ornament.” Mr. Holmes has, in addition, continued his duties as curator of aboriginal pottery in the National Museum.

Mr. Victor Mindeleff, when not in the field, prepared reports on the Tusayan and Cibola architectural groups. These, when completed, are to be fully illustrated by a series of plans and drawings now being prepared from the field-notes and other material. In this work it is proposed to discuss the architecture in detail, particularly in the case of the modern pueblos, where many of the constructional devices of the old builders still survive. The examination of these details will be found to throw light on obscure features of many ruined pueblos whose state of preservation is such as to exhibit but little detail in themselves.

In connection with the classification and arrangement of new material from Canyon de Chelly, apaper was prepared on the cliff ruins of that region.

Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff has been in charge of the modeling room during the last year. Upon his return from the field a series of models to illustrate the Chaco ruins, architecturally the most important in the Southwest, was commenced. Two of these, viz, the ruin of Wejegi and that of a small pueblo near Pueblo Alto, have been finished and duplicates have been deposited in the National Museum. The third, alarge model of PeÑasco Blanco, is still uncompleted. All of these models are made from entirely new surveys made in the summer of 1884. The scale used in the previous series—the inhabited pueblos and the cliff ruins—though larger than usually adopted for this class of work, has shown so much more detail and has proved generally so satisfactory, that it has been continued in the Chaco Ruin group, bringing the entire series of models made by the Bureau to a uniform scale of 1:60, or one inch to five feet. In addition to this the work of duplicating the existing models of the Bureau for purposes of exchange was commenced. Three of these have been completed, and two others are about half finished.

Mr. E. W. Nelson was engaged upon a report of his investigations among the Eskimo tribes of Alaska. Apart of this report, consisting of an English-Eskimo dictionary, he has already forwarded.

As hereinafter explained, the year was principally devoted to the synonymy of the Indian tribes, the special studies of several officers of the Bureau being suspended so that their whole time might be employed in that direction. In the year 1885, however, and at subsequent intervals, their work was as follows:

Col. Garrick Mallery, U.S. Army, continued the study, by researches and correspondence, of sign language and pictography. Acomprehensive, though preliminary, paper on the latter subject has been printed, with copious illustrations, in the Fourth Annual Report.

Mr. H. W. Henshaw was engaged during the year in work upon the synonymy of Indian tribes, as specified below.

Mr. Albert S. Gatschet continued to revise and perfect his grammar and dictionary of the Klamath language, alarge part of which work is in print. He also took down vocabularies from Indian delegates present in this city on tribal business, and thus succeeded in incorporating into the collections of the Bureau of Ethnology linguistic material from the Alibamu, Hitchiti, Muskoki, and Seneca languages.

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey pursued his work on the ?egiha language. Having the aid of a Winnebago Indian for some time he enlarged his vocabulary of that language and recorded grammatical notes. He also reported upon works submitted to his examination upon the Tuscarora, Micmac, and Cherokee languages.

Mr. James Mooney, who had been officially connected with the Bureau since the early part of the fiscal year, was also engaged upon linguistic work.

SYNONYMY OF INDIAN TRIBES.

The Director has before reported in general terms that the most serious source of perplexity to the student of the history of the North American Indians is the confusion existing among their tribal names. The causes of this confusion are various. The Indian names for themselves have been understood and recorded in diverse ways by the earlier authors, and have been variously transmitted by the latter. Nicknames arising from trivial causes, and often without apparent cause, have been imposed upon many tribes. Names borne by one tribe at some period of its history have been transferred to another, or to several other distinct tribes. Typographical errors, and improved spelling on assumed phonetic grounds, have swelled the number of synonyms until the investigator of a special tribe often finds himself in a maze of nomenclatural perplexity.

It has long been the intention of the Director to prepare a work on tribal names, which so far as possible should refer their confusing titles to a correct and systematic standard. Delay has been occasioned chiefly by the fundamental necessity of defining linguistic stocks or families into which all tribes must be primarily divided; and to accomplish this, long journeys and laborious field and office investigations have been required during the whole time since the establishment of the Bureau. Though a few points still remained in an unsatisfactory condition, it was considered that a sufficient degree of accuracy had been attained to allow of the publication for the benefit of students of a volume devoted to the subject. The preparation of the plan of such a volume was intrusted to Mr. H.W. Henshaw, late in the spring of 1885, and in June of that year the work was energetically begun in accordance with the plans submitted. The preparation of this work, which to a great extent underlies and is the foundation for every field of ethnologic investigation among Indians, was considered of such prime importance that nearly all the available force of the Bureau was placed upon it, to the suspension of the particular investigations in which the several officers had been engaged.

In addition to the general charge of the whole work, Mr. Henshaw gave special attention to the families of the northwest coast from Oregon northward, including the Eskimo, and also several in California. To Mr. Albert S. Gatschet the tribes of the southeastern United States, together with the Pueblo and Yuman tribes, were assigned. The Algonkian family in all its branches—by far the most important part of the whole, so far as the great bulk of literature relating to it is concerned—was intrusted to Col. Garrick Mallery and Mr. James Mooney. They also took charge of the Iroquoian family. Rev. J.O. Dorsey’s intimate acquaintance with the tribes of the Siouan and Caddoan families peculiarly fitted him to cope with that part of the work, and he also undertook the Athapascan tribes. Dr. W.J. Hoffman worked upon the Shoshonean tribes, aided by the Director’s personal supervision. Mr. Jeremiah Curtin, to whom was assigned the California tribes, also gave assistance in other sections.

Each of the gentlemen named has been able to contribute largely to the results by his personal experience and investigations in the field, there being numerous regions concerning which published accounts are meager and unsatisfactory. The main source of the material to be dealt with has, however, been necessarily derived from books. Avast amount of the current literature pertaining to the North American Indians has been examined, amounting to over one thousand volumes, with a view to the extraction of the tribal names and the historical data necessary to fix their precise application.

The work at the present time is well advanced toward completion. The examination of literature for the collation of synonyms may be regarded as practically done. The tables of synonymy and the accounts of the tribes have been completed for more than one-half the number of linguistic families.

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.

LINGUISTIC FAMILIES OF NORTH AMERICA.

In harmony with custom, three scientific papers accompany this report, designed to illustrate the nature, methods and spirit of the researches conducted by the Bureau. The first is on the “Classification of the North American Languages.” It is by no means a final paper on the subject, but is intended rather to give an account of the present status of the subject, and to place before the workers in this field of scholarship the data now existing and the conclusions already reached, so as to constitute a point of departure for new work. With this end in view Mr. Pilling is engaged upon the bibliography of the subject and is rapidly publishing the same, and Mr. Henshaw is employed on the tribal synonymy. Altogether it is hoped that this work will inaugurate a new era in the investigation of the subject by making available the vast body of material scattered broadcast through the literature relating to the North American Indians.

In the course of these ethnic researches an interesting field of facts has been brought to view relating to the superstitions of the Indians. Already a very large body of mythology has been collected—stories from a great number of tongues which embody the rude philosophy of tribal thought. Such philosophy or opinion finds its expression not only in the mythic tales, but in the organization of the people into society, in their daily life and in their habits and customs. There is a realm of anthropology in this lower state of mankind which we call savagery, that is hard to understand from the standpoint of modern civilization, where science, theology, religion, medicine and the esthetic arts are developed as more or less discrete subjects. In savagery these great subjects are blended in one, as they are interwoven into a vast plexus of thought and action, for mythology is the basis of philosophy, religion, medicine, and art. In savagery the observed facts of the universe, relating alike to physical nature and to the humanities, are explained mythologically, and these mythic conceptions give rise to a great variety of practices. The acts of life are born of the opinions held as explanations of the environing world. Thus it is that philosophy finds expression in a complex system of superstitions, ceremonies and practices, which together constitute the religion of the people. The purpose of these practices is to avert calamity and to secure prosperity in the present life. It is astonishing to find how little the condition of a life to come is involved. The future beyond the grave is scarcely heeded, or when recognized it seems not to affect the daily life of the people to any appreciable degree. That which occupies the attention of the savage mind relates to the pleasures and pains, the joys and sorrows of present existence.

Perhaps the chief motive is derived from the consideration of health and disease, as the pleasures and pains arising therefrom are forever present to the experience or observation. Good and evil are also involved in those gifts of nature to man by which his biotic life is sustained, his food, drink, clothing and shelter. These bounties come not in a never-changing stream, but are apparently fitful and capricious. Seasons of plenty are accented by seasons of scarcity, and thus prosperity and adversity are strangely commingled in the history of the people. To secure this prosperity and avert this adversity seems to be the second great motive in the development of the superstitious practices of the people. Athird occasion for the development of this primitive religion inheres in the social organization of mankind, primarily expressed in the love of man and woman for each other, but finally expressed in all the relations of kin and kith and in the relations of tribe with tribe. This gives rise to a very important development of primitive religion, for the savage man seeks to discover by occult agencies the power of controlling the love and good will of his kind and the power of averting the effect of enmity. To attain these ends he invents a vast system of devices, from love philters to war dances. Afourth region of exploitation in the realm of the esoteric relates to the origin of life itself, as many of their practices are designed to secure perpetuity of life by frequent births and less painful throes.

It will thus be seen that life, health, prosperity, and peace are the ends sought in all this region of human activity as they are presented in the study of savage life. The opinions held by the people on these subjects are primarily expressed in speech and organized into tales, which constitute mythology, and they are expressed in acts, as ceremonies and observances, which constitute their religion, their medicine, and their esthetic arts. These arts consist of sculpture and painting, by which their mythic beings are represented, and they also consist of dancing, by which religious fervor is produced, and they give rise to music, romance, poetry, and drama. Thus it is that the esthetic arts have their origin in mythology. The epic poem and the symphony are lineal descendants of the dance, and the dance arises as the first form of worship, born of the mythic conception of the powers of nature.

THE MIDE´WIWIN, OR GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY OF THE OJIBWA, BY W.J. HOFFMAN, AND THE SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES, BY JAMES MOONEY.

Mr. Hoffman presents a paper on the “Mide´wiwin, or Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa,” and sets forth the vestiges of a once powerful organization existing among these people. Mr. Mooney has made a study of the Cherokee with the same end in view. In the opinion of the Director they are important contributions to this subject. The same lines of investigation have been carried on by other members of the Bureau with other tribes where societies and practices have been but little modified by the contact of the white man, and where the subject is therefore much more plainly arrayed. In due time these additional researches will be published.

In Mr. Hoffman’s paper it is seen that two and a half centuries of association with the white man has not only served to break down this organization to some extent, but has also inculcated in the minds of the Ojibwa a clearer conception of a Great Spirit and a future life than is normal to the savage mind. Mr. Mooney, whose paper largely deals with the use of plants by the Indians for the healing of disease, naÏvely compares the pharmacopoeia of savagery with that of civilization, assuming that the latter is a standard of scientific truth. Perchance scientific men will make one step in advance of this position, and will be interested in discovering the extent to which savage philosophy is still represented in civilized materia medica as expressed in officinal formulas.

A word in relation to the dramatis personÆ of Indian mythology. In all those mythologies which have been studied with any degree of care up to the present time zoic deities greatly prevail, the progenitors and prototypes of the animals of the land, air, and water; yet there are other deities. Chief among these are the sun, moon, stars, fire, and the spirits of mountains and other geographical and natural phenomena. Yet these beings are largely zoomorphic, being considered rather as mythic animals than as mythic men; but it must be understood that the line of demarcation between man and the lower animals is not so clearly presented to the savage mind as to the civilized mind. In speaking of the theology of the North American Indians as being zoomorphic it must therefore be understood to mean that such is its chief characteristic, but not its exclusive characteristic; and further, it must be understood that it contains by survival many elements from an earlier condition in which hecastotheism prevailed, that is, that the form of philosophy known as animism was generally accepted, and that psychic life, with feeling, thought, and will, was attributed to inanimate things. But more than this, zootheism is not a permanent state of philosophy, but only a stepping-stone to something higher. That something higher may be denominated physitheism, or the worship of the powers and more obtrusive phenomena of nature. In this higher state the sun, the planets, the stars, the winds, the storms, the rainbow, and fire take the leading part. The beginnings of this higher state are to be observed in many of the mythologies of North America. It is worthy of remark that a mythology with its religion subject to the influences of an overwhelming civilization yields first in its zoomorphic elements. Zoic mythology soon degenerates into folk tales of beasts, to be recited by crones to children or told by garrulous old men as amusing stories inherited from past generations; while physitheism is more often incorporated into the compound of paganism and Christianity now held by the more advanced tribes. Notwithstanding this general tendency, zootheism is often, though not to so great an extent, compounded in the same way. The study of this stage of mythology, and of the arts and customs arising therefrom, as they are exhibited among the North American Indians, will ultimately throw a flood of light upon that later stage known as physitheism, or nature worship, now the subject of investigation by an army of Aryan scholars.

FINANCIAL STATEMENT.

Table showing amounts appropriated and expended for North American ethnology for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1886.

Expenses.	Amount expended.	Amount appropriated.
Services	$31,287.93
Traveling expenses	2,070.71
Transportation of property	478.91
Field subsistence	284.99
Field expenses and supplies	360.32
Field material	163.61
Modeling material	63.11
Photographic material	34.44
Books and maps	469.69
Stationery and drawing material	169.44
Illustrations for reports	289.65
Goods for distribution to Indians	767.82
Office furniture	12.00
Office supplies and repairs	63.56
Correspondence	13.87
Specimens	800.00
Bonded railroad accounts forwarded to Treasury for settlement	103.84
Balance on hand to meet outstanding liabilities	2,566.11
Total	40,000.00	$40,000.00

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.

Indian Linguistic Families of America North of Mexico
by J. W. Powell. (separate file)

The Mide´wiwin or “Grand Medicine Society” of the Ojibwa
by W. J. Hoffman. (separate file)

The Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees
by James Mooney. (separate file)

INDEX.

1. UNASTE´TSTIYÛ=“very small root”—Aristolochia serpentaria—Virginia or black snakeroot: Decoction of root blown upon patient for fever and feverish headache, and drunk for coughs; root chewed and spit upon wound to cure snake bites; bruised root placed in hollow tooth for toothache, and held against nose made sore by constant blowing in colds. Dispensatory: “A stimulant tonic, acting also as a diaphoretic or diuretic, according to the mode of its application; *** also been highly recommended in intermittent fevers, and though itself generally inadequate to the cure often proves serviceable as an adjunct to Peruvian bark or sulphate of quinia.” Also used for typhous diseases, in dyspepsia, as a gargle for sore throat, as a mild stimulant in typhoid fevers, and to promote eruptions. The genus derives its scientific name from its supposed efficacy in promoting menstrual discharge, and some species have acquired the “reputation of antidotes for the bites of serpents.”

2. UNISTIL´ÛⁿISTÎ8=“they stick on”—Cynoglossum Morrisoni—Beggar lice: Decoction of root or top drunk for kidney troubles; bruised root used with bear oil as an ointment for cancer; forgetful persons drink a decoction of this plant, and probably also of other similar bur plants, from an idea that the sticking qualities of the burs will thus be imparted to the memory. From a similar connection of ideas the root is also used in the preparation of love charms. Dispensatory: Not named. C. officinale “has been used as a demulcent and sedative in coughs, catarrh, spitting of blood, dysentery, and diarrhea, and has been also applied externally in burns, ulcers, scrofulous tumors and goiter.”

3. ÛⁿNAGÉI=“black”—Cassia Marilandica—Wild senna: Root bruised and moistened with water for poulticing sores; decoction drunk for fever and for a disease also called Ûⁿnage´i, or “black” (same name as plant), in which the hands and eye sockets are said to turn black; also for a disease described as similar to Ûⁿnagei, but more dangerous, in which the eye sockets become black, while black spots appear on the arms, legs, and over the ribs on one side of the body, accompanied by partial paralysis, and resulting in death should the black spots appear also on the other side. Dispensatory: Described as “an efficient and safe cathartic, *** most conveniently given in the form of infusion.”

4. KÂSD´ÚTA=“simulating ashes,” so called on account of the appearance of the leaves—Gnaphalium decurrens—Life everlasting: Decoction drunk for colds; also used in the sweat bath for various diseases and considered one of their most valuable medical plants. Dispensatory: Not named. Decoctions of two other species of this genus are mentioned as used by country people for chest and bowel diseases, and for hemorrhages, bruises, ulcers, etc., although “probably possessing little medicinal virtue.”

5. ALTSA´STI=“a wreath for the head”—Vicia Caroliniana—Vetch: Decoction drunk for dyspepsia and pains in the back, and rubbed on stomach for cramp; also rubbed on ball-players after scratching, to render their muscles tough, and used in the same way after scratching in the disease referred to under Ûⁿnagei, in which one side becomes black in spots, with partial paralysis; also used in same manner in decoction with KÂsduta for rheumatism; considered one of their most valuable medicinal herbs. Dispensatory: Not named.

6. DISTAI´YI=“they (the roots) are tough”—Tephrosia Virginiana—Catgut, Turkey Pea, Goat’s Rue, or Devil’s Shoestrings: Decoction drunk for lassitude. Women wash their hair in decoction of its roots to prevent its breaking or falling out, because these roots are very tough and hard to break; from the same idea ball-players rub the decoction on their limbs after scratching, to toughen them. Dispensatory: Described as a cathartic with roots tonic and aperient.

7. U´GA-ATASGI´SKI=“the pus oozes out”—Euphorbia hypericifolia—Milkweed: Juice rubbed on for skin eruptions, especially on children’s heads; also used as a purgative; decoction drunk for gonorrhoea and similar diseases in both sexes, and held in high estimation for this purpose; juice used as an ointment for sores and for sore nipples, and in connection with other herbs for cancer. Dispensatory: The juice of all of the genus has the property of “powerfully irritating the skin when applied to it,” while nearly all are powerful emetics and cathartics. This species “has been highly commended as a remedy in dysentery after due depletion, diarrhea, menorrhagia, and leucorrhea.”

8. GÛ´NIGWALI´SKI=“It becomes discolored when bruised”—Scutellaria lateriflora—Skullcap. The name refers to the red juice which comes out of the stalk when bruised or chewed. A decoction of the four varieties of GÛnigwali´ski—S. lateriflora, S. pilosa, Hypericum corymbosum, and Stylosanthes elatior—is drunk to promote menstruation, and the same decoction is also drunk and used as a wash to counteract the ill effects of eating food prepared by a woman in the menstrual condition, or when such a woman by chance comes into a sick room or a house under the tabu; also drunk for diarrhea and used with other herbs in decoction for breast pains. Dispensatory: This plant “produces no very obvious effects,” but some doctors regard it as possessed of nervine, antispasmodic and tonic properties. None of the other three species are named.

9. K´GA SKÛⁿTAGI=“crow shin”—Adiantum pedatum—Maidenhair Fern: Used either in decoction or poultice for rheumatism and chills, generally in connection with some other fern. The doctors explain that the fronds of the different varieties of fern are curled up in the young plant, but unroll and straighten out as it grows, and consequently a decoction of ferns causes the contracted muscles of the rheumatic patient to unbend and straighten out in like manner. It is also used in decoction for fever. Dispensatory: The leaves “have been supposed to be useful in chronic catarrh and other pectoral affections.”

10. ANDA´NKALAGI´SKI=“it removes things from the gums”—Geranium maculatum—Wild Alum, Cranesbill: Used in decoction with YÂnÛ Unihye´sti (Vitis cordifolia) to wash the mouths of children in thrush; also used alone for the same purpose by blowing the chewed fiber into the mouth. Dispensatory: “One of our best indigenous astringents. *** Diarrhea, chronic dysentery, cholora infantum in the latter stages, and the various hemorrhages are the forms of disease in which it is most commonly used.” Also valuable as “an application to indolent ulcers, an injection in gleet and leucorrhea, a gargle in relaxation of the uvula and aphthous ulcerations of the throat.” The other plant sometimes used with it is not mentioned.

11. Û´ⁿLE UKI´LTI=“the locust frequents it”—Gillenia trifoliata—Indian Physic. Two doctors state that it is good as a tea for bowel complaints, with fever and yellow vomit; but another says that it is poisonous and that no decoction is ever drunk, but that the beaten root is a good poultice for swellings. Dispensatory: “Gillenia is a mild and efficient emetic, and like most substances belonging to the same class occasionally acts upon the bowels. In very small doses it has been thought to be tonic.”

12. SKWA´LI=Hepatica acutiloba—Liverwort, Heartleaf: Used for coughs either in tea or by chewing root. Those who dream of snakes drink a decoction of this herb and I´natÛ Ga´n‘ka=“snake tongue” (Camptosorus rhizophyllus or Walking Fern) to produce vomiting, after which the dreams do not return. The traders buy large quantities of liverwort from the Cherokees, who may thus have learned to esteem it more highly than they otherwise would. The appearance of the other plant, Camptosorus rhizophyllus, has evidently determined its Cherokee name and the use to which it is applied. Dispensatory: “Liverwort is a very mild demulcent tonic and astringent, supposed by some to possess diuretic and deobstruent virtues. It was formerly used in Europe in various complaints, especially chronic hepatic affections, but has fallen into entire neglect. In this country, some years since, it acquired considerable reputation, which, however, it has not maintained as a remedy in hÆmoptysis and chronic coughs.” The other plant is not named.

13. DA´YEWÛ=“it sews itself up,” because the leaves are said to grow together again when torn—Cacalia atriplicifolia—Tassel Flower: Held in great repute as a poultice for cuts, bruises, and cancer, to draw out the blood or poisonous matter. The bruised leaf is bound over the spot and frequently removed. The dry powdered leaf was formerly used to sprinkle over food like salt. Dispensatory: Not named.

14. A´TALI KÛLI´=“it climbs the mountain.”—Aralia quinquefolia—Ginseng or “Sang:” Decoction of root drunk for headache, cramps, etc., and for female troubles; chewed root blown on spot for pains in the side. The Cherokees sell large quantities of sang to the traders for 50 cents per pound, nearly equivalent there to two days’ wages, a fact which has doubtless increased their idea of its importance. Dispensatory: “The extraordinary medical virtues formerly ascribed to ginseng had no other existence than in the imagination of the Chinese. It is little more than a demulcent, and in this country is not employed as a medicine.” The Chinese name, ginseng, is said to refer to the fancied resemblance of the root to a human figure, while in the Cherokee formulas it is addressed as the “great man” or “little man,” and this resemblance no doubt has much to do with the estimation in which it is held by both peoples.

15. ÛTSATI UWADSISKA=“fish scales,” from shape of leaves—Thalictrum anemonoides—Meadow Rue: Decoction of root drunk for diarrhea with vomiting. Dispensatory: Not named.

16. K´KWE ULASU´LA=“partridge moccasin”—Cypripedium parviflorum—Lady-slipper: Decoction of root used for worms in children. In the liquid are placed some stalks of the common chickweed or purslane (Cerastium vulgatum) which, from the appearance of its red fleshy stalks, is supposed to have some connection with worms. Dispensatory: Described as “a gentle nervous stimulant” useful in diseases in which the nerves are especially affected. The other herb is not named.

17. A´HAWI´ AKA´TA´=“deer eye,” from the appearance of the flower—Rudbeckia fulgida—Cone Flower: Decoction of root drunk for flux and for some private diseases; also used as a wash for snake bites and swellings caused by (mythic) tsgÂya or worms; also dropped into weak or inflamed eyes. This last is probably from the supposed connection between the eye and the flower resembling the eye. Dispensatory: Not named.

18. UTISTUGI´=Polygonatum multiflorum latifolium—Solomon’s Seal: Root heated and bruised and applied as a poultice to remove an ulcerating swelling called tu´sti´, resembling a boil or carbuncle. Dispensatory: “This species acts like P. uniflorum, which is said to be emetic. In former times it was used externally in bruises, especially those about the eyes, in tumors, wounds, and cutaneous eruptions and was highly esteemed as a cosmetic. At present it is not employed, though recommended by Hermann as a good remedy in gout and rheumatism.” This species in decoction has been found to produce “nausea, a cathartic effect and either diaphoresis or diuresis,” and is useful “as an internal remedy in piles, and externally in the form of decoction, in the affection of the skin resulting from the poisonous exhalations of certain plants.”

19. AMADITA‘TÌ=“water dipper,” because water can be sucked up through its hollow stalk—Eupatorium purpureum—Queen of the Meadow, Gravel Root: Root used in decoction with a somewhat similar plant called AmaditÁ´ti Û´tanu, or “large water dipper” (not identified) for difficult urination. Dispensatory: “Said to operate as a diuretic. Its vulgar name of gravel root indicates the popular estimation of its virtues.” The genus is described as tonic, diaphoretic, and in large doses emetic and aperient.

20. YÂNA UTSESTA=“the bear lies on it”—Aspidium acrostichoides—Shield Fern: Root decoction drunk to produce vomiting, and also used to rub on the skin, after scratching, for rheumatism—in both cases some other plant is added to the decoction; the warm decoction is also held in the mouth to relieve toothache. Dispensatory: Not named.

The results obtained from a careful study of this list may be summarized as follows: Of the twenty plants described as used by the Cherokees, seven (Nos. 2, 4, 5, 13, 15, 17, and 20) are not noticed in the Dispensatory even in the list of plants sometimes used although regarded as not officinal. It is possible that one or two of these seven plants have medical properties, but this can hardly be true of a larger number unless we are disposed to believe that the Indians are better informed in this regard than the best educated white physicians in the country. Two of these seven plants, however (Nos. 2 and 4), belong to genera which seem to have some of the properties ascribed by the Indians to the species. Five others of the list (Nos. 8, 9, 11, 14, and 16) are used for entirely wrong purposes, taking the Dispensatory as authority, and three of these are evidently used on account of some fancied connection between the plant and the disease, according to the doctrine of signatures. Three of the remainder (Nos. 1, 3, and 6) may be classed as uncertain in their properties, that is, while the plants themselves seem to possess some medical value, the Indian mode of application is so far at variance with recognized methods, or their own statements are so vague and conflicting, that it is doubtful whether any good can result from the use of the herbs. Thus the Unaste´tstiyÛ, or Virginia Snakeroot, is stated by the Dispensatory to have several uses, and among other things is said to have been highly recommended in intermittent fevers, although alone it is “generally inadequate to the cure.” Though not expressly stated, the natural inference is that it must be applied internally, but the Cherokee doctor, while he also uses it for fever, takes the decoction in his mouth and blows it over the head and shoulders of the patient. Another of these, the Distai´yi, or Turkey Pea, is described in the Dispensatory as having roots tonic and aperient. The Cherokees drink a decoction of the roots for a feeling of weakness and languor, from which it might be supposed that they understood the tonic properties of the plant had not the same decoction been used by the women as a hair wash, and by the ball players to bathe their limbs, under the impression that the toughness of the roots would thus be communicated to the hair or muscles. From this fact and from the name of the plant, which means at once hard, tough, or strong, it is quite probable that its roots are believed to give strength to the patient solely because they themselves are so strong and not because they have been proved to be really efficacious. The remaining five plants have generally pronounced medicinal qualities, and are used by the Cherokees for the very purposes for which, according to the Dispensatory, they are best adapted; so that we must admit that so much of their practice is correct, however false the reasoning by which they have arrived at this result.

MEDICAL PRACTICE.

Taking the Dispensatory as the standard, and assuming that this list is a fair epitome of what the Cherokees know concerning the medical properties of plants, we find that five plants, or 25 per cent of the whole number, are correctly used; twelve, or 60 per cent, are presumably either worthless or incorrectly used, and three plants, or 15 per cent, are so used that it is difficult to say whether they are of any benefit or not. Granting that two of these three produce good results as used by the Indians, we should have 35 per cent, or about one-third of the whole, as the proportion actually possessing medical virtues, while the remaining two-thirds are inert, if not positively injurious. It is not probable that a larger number of examples would change the proportion to any appreciable extent. A number of herbs used in connection with these principal plants may probably be set down as worthless, inasmuch as they are not named in the Dispensatory.

The results here arrived at will doubtless be a surprise to those persons who hold that an Indian must necessarily be a good doctor, and that the medicine man or conjurer, with his theories of ghosts, witches, and revengeful animals, knows more about the properties of plants and the cure of disease than does the trained botanist or physician who has devoted a lifetime of study to the patient investigation of his specialty, with all the accumulated information contained in the works of his predecessors to build upon, and with all the light thrown upon his pathway by the discoveries of modern science. It is absurd to suppose that the savage, a child in intellect, has reached a higher development in any branch of science than has been attained by the civilized man, the product of long ages of intellectual growth. It would be as unreasonable to suppose that the Indian could be entirely ignorant of the medicinal properties of plants, living as he did in the open air in close communion with nature; but neither in accuracy nor extent can his knowledge be compared for a moment with that of the trained student working upon scientific principles.

Cherokee medicine is an empiric development of the fetich idea. For a disease caused by the rabbit the antidote must be a plant called “rabbit’s food,” “rabbit’s ear,” or “rabbit’s tail;” for snake dreams the plant used is “snake’s tooth;” for worms a plant resembling a worm in appearance, and for inflamed eyes a flower having the appearance and name of “deer’s eye.” A yellow root must be good when the patient vomits yellow bile, and a black one when dark circles come about his eyes, and in each case the disease and the plant alike are named from the color. A decoction of burs must be a cure for forgetfulness, for there is nothing else that will stick like a bur; and a decoction of the wiry roots of the “devil’s shoestrings” must be an efficacious wash to toughen the ballplayer’s muscles, for they are almost strong enough to stop the plowshare in the furrow. It must be evident that under such a system the failures must far outnumber the cures, yet it is not so long since half our own medical practice was based upon the same idea of correspondences, for the mediÆval physicians taught that similia similibus curantur, and have we not all heard that “the hair of the dog will cure the bite?”

Their ignorance of the true medical principles involved is shown by the regulations prescribed for the patient. With the exception of the fasting, no sanitary precautions are taken to aid in the recovery of the sick man or to contribute to his comfort. Even the fasting is as much religious as sanative, for in most cases where it is prescribed the doctor also must abstain from food until sunset, just as in the Catholic church both priest and communicants remain fasting from midnight until after the celebration of the divine mysteries. As the Indian cuisine is extremely limited, no delicate or appetizing dishes are prepared for the patient, who partakes of the same heavy, sodden cornmeal dumplings and bean bread which form his principal food in health. In most cases certain kinds of food are prohibited, such as squirrel meat, fish, turkey, etc.; but the reason is not that such food is considered deleterious to health, as we understand it, but because of some fanciful connection with the disease spirit. Thus if squirrels have caused the illness the patient must not eat squirrel meat. If the disease be rheumatism, he must not eat the leg of any animal, because the limbs are generally the seat of this malady. Lye, salt, and hot food are always forbidden when there is any prohibition at all; but here again, in nine cases out of ten, the regulation, instead of being beneficial, serves only to add to his discomfort. Lye enters into almost all the food preparations of the Cherokees, the alkaline potash taking the place of salt, which is seldom used among them, having been introduced by the whites. Their bean and chestnut bread, cornmeal dumplings, hominy, and gruel are all boiled in a pot, all contain lye, and are all, excepting the last, served up hot from the fire. When cold their bread is about as hard and tasteless as a lump of yesterday’s dough, and to condemn a sick man to a diet of such dyspeptic food, eaten cold without even a pinch of salt to give it a relish, would seem to be sufficient to kill him without any further aid from the doctor. The salt or lye so strictly prohibited is really a tonic and appetizer, and in many diseases acts with curative effect. So much for the health regimen.

In serious cases the patient is secluded and no strangers are allowed to enter the house. On first thought this would appear to be a genuine sanitary precaution for the purpose of securing rest and quiet to the sick man. Such, however, is not the case. The necessity for quiet has probably never occurred to the Cherokee doctor, and this regulation is intended simply to prevent any direct or indirect contact with a woman in a pregnant or menstrual condition. Among all primitive nations, including the ancient Hebrews, we find an elaborate code of rules in regard to the conduct and treatment of women on arriving at the age of puberty, during pregnancy and the menstrual periods, and at childbirth. Among the Cherokees the presence of a woman under any of these conditions, or even the presence of any one who has come from a house where such a woman resides, is considered to neutralize all the effects of the doctor’s treatment. For this reason all women, excepting those of the household, are excluded. A man is forbidden to enter, because he may have had intercourse with a tabued woman, or may have come in contact with her in some other way; and children also are shut out, because they may have come from a cabin where dwells a woman subject to exclusion. What is supposed to be the effect of the presence of a menstrual woman in the family of the patient is not clear; but judging from analogous customs in other tribes and from rules still enforced among the Cherokees, notwithstanding their long contact with the whites, it seems probable that in former times the patient was removed to a smaller house or temporary bark lodge built for his accommodation whenever the tabu as to women was prescribed by the doctor. Some of the old men assert that in former times sick persons were removed to the public townhouse, where they remained under the care of the doctors until they either recovered or died. A curious instance of this prohibition is given in the second DidÛⁿle´ski (rheumatism) formula from the Gahuni manuscript (see page 350), where the patient is required to abstain from touching a squirrel, a dog, a cat, a mountain trout, or a woman, and must also have a chair appropriated to his use alone during the four days that he is under treatment.

In cases of the children’s disease known as GÛⁿwani´gista´i (see formulas) it is forbidden to carry the child outdoors, but this is not to procure rest for the little one, or to guard against exposure to cold air, but because the birds send this disease, and should a bird chance to be flying by overhead at the moment the napping of its wings would fan the disease back into the body of the patient.

ILLUSTRATION OF THE TABU.

On a second visit to the reservation the writer once had a practical illustration of the gaktÛ´ⁿta or tabu, which may be of interest as showing how little sanitary ideas have to do with these precautions. Having received several urgent invitations from Tsiskwa (Bird), an old shaman of considerable repute, who was anxious to talk, but confined to his bed by sickness, it was determined to visit him at his house, several miles distant. On arriving we found another doctor named SÛ´ⁿki (The Mink) in charge of the patient and were told that he had just that morning begun a four days’ gaktÛ´ⁿta which, among other provisions, excluded all visitors. It was of no use to argue that we had come by the express request of Tsiskwa. The laws of the gaktÛ´ⁿta were as immutable as those of the Medes and Persians, and neither doctor nor patient could hope for favorable results from the treatment unless the regulations were enforced to the letter. But although we might not enter the house, there was no reason why we should not talk to the old man, so seats were placed for us outside the door, while Tsiskwa lay stretched out on the bed just inside and The Mink perched himself on the fence a few yards distant to keep an eye on the proceedings. As there was a possibility that a white man might unconsciously affect the operation of the Indian medicine, the writer deemed it advisable to keep out of sight altogether, and accordingly took up a position just around the corner of the house, but within easy hearing distance, while the interpreter sat facing the doorway within a few feet of the sick man inside. Then began an animated conversation, Tsiskwa inquiring, through the interpreter, as to the purpose of the Government in gathering such information, wanting to know how we had succeeded with other shamans and asking various questions in regard to other tribes and their customs. The replies were given in the same manner, an attempt being also made to draw him out as to the extent of his own knowledge. Thus we talked until the old man grew weary, but throughout the whole of this singular interview neither party saw the other, nor was the gaktÛ´ⁿta violated by entering the house. From this example it must be sufficiently evident that the tabu as to visitors is not a hygienic precaution for securing greater quiet to the patient, or to prevent the spread of contagion, but that it is simply a religious observance of the tribe, exactly parallel to many of the regulations among the ancient Jews, as laid down in the book of Leviticus.

NEGLECT OF SANITARY REGULATIONS.

No rules are ever formulated as to fresh air or exercise, for the sufficient reason that the door of the Cherokee log cabin is always open, excepting at night and on the coldest days in winter, while the Indian is seldom in the house during his waking hours unless when necessity compels him. As most of their cabins are still built in the old Indian style, without windows, the open door furnishes the only means by which light is admitted to the interior, although when closed the fire on the hearth helps to make amends for the deficiency. On the other hand, no precautions are taken to guard against cold, dampness, or sudden drafts. During the greater part of the year whole families sleep outside upon the ground, rolled up in an old blanket. The Cherokee is careless of exposure and utterly indifferent to the simplest rules of hygiene. He will walk all day in a pouring rain clad only in a thin shirt and a pair of pants. He goes barefoot and frequently bareheaded nearly the entire year, and even on a frosty morning in late November, when the streams are of almost icy coldness, men and women will deliberately ford the river where the water is waist deep in preference to going a few hundred yards to a foot-log. At their dances in the open air men, women, and children, with bare feet and thinly clad, dance upon the damp ground from darkness until daylight, sometimes enveloped in a thick mountain fog which makes even the neighboring treetops invisible, while the mothers have their infants laid away under the bushes with only a shawl between them and the cold ground. In their ball plays also each young man, before going into the game, is subjected to an ordeal of dancing, bleeding, and cold plunge baths, without food or sleep, which must unquestionably waste his physical energy.

In the old days when the Cherokee was the lord of the whole country from the Savannah to the Ohio, well fed and warmly clad and leading an active life in the open air, he was able to maintain a condition of robust health notwithstanding the incorrectness of his medical ideas and his general disregard of sanitary regulations. But with the advent of the white man and the destruction of the game all this was changed. The East Cherokee of to-day is a dejected being; poorly fed, and worse clothed, rarely tasting meat, cut off from the old free life, and with no incentive to a better, and constantly bowed down by a sense of helpless degradation in the presence of his conqueror. Considering all the circumstances, it may seem a matter of surprise that any of them are still in existence. As a matter of fact, the best information that could be obtained in the absence of any official statistics indicated a slow but steady decrease during the last five years. Only the constitutional vigor, inherited from their warrior ancestors, has enabled them to sustain the shock of the changed conditions of the last half century. The uniform good health of the children in the training school shows that the case is not hopeless, however, and that under favorable conditions, with a proper food supply and a regular mode of living, the Cherokee can hold his own with the white man.

THE SWEAT BATH—BLEEDING—RUBBING—BATHING.

In addition to their herb treatment the Cherokees frequently resort to sweat baths, bleeding, rubbing, and cold baths in the running stream, to say nothing of the beads and other conjuring paraphernalia generally used in connection with the ceremony. The sweat bath was in common use among almost all the tribes north of Mexico excepting the central and eastern Eskimo, and was considered the great cure-all in sickness and invigorant in health. Among many tribes it appears to have been regarded as a ceremonial observance, but the Cherokees seem to have looked upon it simply as a medical application, while the ceremonial part was confined to the use of the plunge bath. The person wishing to make trial of the virtues of the sweat bath entered the Â´si, a small earth-covered log house only high enough to allow of sitting down. After divesting himself of his clothing, some large bowlders, previously heated in a fire, were placed near him, and over them was poured a decoction of the beaten roots of the wild parsnip. The door was closed so that no air could enter from the outside, and the patient sat in the sweltering steam until he was in a profuse perspiration and nearly choked by the pungent fumes of the decoction. In accordance with general Indian practice it may be that he plunged into the river before resuming his clothing; but in modern times this part of the operation is omitted and the patient is drenched with cold water instead. Since the Âsi has gone out of general use the sweating takes place in the ordinary dwelling, the steam being confined under a blanket wrapped around the patient. During the prevalence of the smallpox epidemic among the Cherokees at the close of the late war the sweat bath was universally called into requisition to stay the progress of the disease, and as the result about three hundred of the band died, while many of the survivors will carry the marks of the visitation to the grave. The sweat bath, with the accompanying cold water application, being regarded as the great panacea, seems to have been resorted to by the Indians in all parts of the country whenever visited by smallpox—originally introduced by the whites—and in consequence of this mistaken treatment they have died, in the language of an old writer, “like rotten sheep” and at times whole tribes have been almost swept away. Many of the Cherokees tried to ward off the disease by eating the flesh of the buzzard, which they believe to enjoy entire immunity from sickness, owing to its foul smell, which keeps the disease spirits at a distance.

Bleeding is resorted to in a number of cases, especially in rheumatism and in preparing for the ball play. There are two methods of performing the operation, bleeding proper and scratching, the latter being preparatory to rubbing on the medicine, which is thus brought into more direct contact with the blood. The bleeding is performed with a small cupping horn, to which suction is applied in the ordinary manner, after scarification with a flint or piece of broken glass. In the blood thus drawn out the shaman claims sometimes to find a minute pebble, a sharpened stick or something of the kind, which he asserts to be the cause of the trouble and to have been conveyed into the body of the patient through the evil spells of an enemy. He frequently pretends to suck out such an object by the application of the lips alone, without any scarification whatever. Scratching is a painful process and is performed with a brier, a flint arrowhead, a rattlesnake’s tooth, or even with a piece of glass, according to the nature of the ailment, while in preparing the young men for the ball play the shaman uses an instrument somewhat resembling a comb, having seven teeth made from the sharpened splinters of the leg bone of a turkey. The scratching is usually done according to a particular pattern, the regular method for the ball play being to draw the scratcher four times down the upper part of each arm, thus making twenty-eight scratches each about 6 inches in length, repeating the operation on each arm below the elbow and on each leg above and below the knee. Finally, the instrument is drawn across the breast from the two shoulders so as to form a cross; another curving stroke is made to connect the two upper ends of the cross, and the same pattern is repeated on the back, so that the body is thus gashed in nearly three hundred places. Although very painful for a while, as may well be supposed, the scratches do not penetrate deep enough to result seriously, excepting in some cases where erysipelas sets in. While the blood is still flowing freely the medicine, which in this case is intended to toughen, the muscles of the player, is rubbed into the wounds after which the sufferer plunges into the stream and washes off the blood. In order that the blood may flow the longer without clotting it is frequently scraped off with a small switch as it flows. In rheumatism and other local diseases the scratching is confined to the part affected. The instrument used is selected in accordance with the mythologic theory, excepting in the case of the piece of glass, which is merely a modern makeshift for the flint arrowhead.

Rubbing, used commonly for pains and swellings of the abdomen, is a very simple operation performed with the tip of the finger or the palm of the hand, and can not be dignified with the name of massage. In one of the Gahuni formulas for treating snake bites (page 351) the operator is told to rub in a direction contrary to that in which the snake coils itself, because “this is just the same as uncoiling it.” Blowing upon the part affected, as well as upon the head, hands, and other parts of the body, is also an important feature of the ceremonial performance. In one of the formulas it is specified that the doctor must blow first upon the right hand of the patient, then upon the left foot, then upon the left hand, and finally upon the right foot, thus making an imaginary cross.

Bathing in the running stream, or “going to water,” as it is called, is one of their most frequent medico-religious ceremonies, and is performed on a great variety of occasions, such as at each new moon, before eating the new food at the green corn dance, before the medicine dance and other ceremonial dances before and after the ball play, in connection with the prayers for long life, to counteract the effects of bad dreams or the evil spells of an enemy, and as a part of the regular treatment in various diseases. The details of the ceremony are very elaborate and vary according to the purpose for which it is performed, but in all cases both shaman and client are fasting from the previous evening, the ceremony being generally performed just at daybreak. The bather usually dips completely under the water four or seven times, but in some cases it is sufficient to pour the water from the hand upon the head and breast. In the ball play the ball sticks are dipped into the water at the same time. While the bather is in the water the shaman is going through with his part of the performance on the bank and draws omens from the motion of the beads between his thumb and finger, or of the fishes in the water. Although the old customs are fast dying out this ceremony is never neglected at the ball play, and is also strictly observed by many families on occasion of eating the new corn, at each new moon, and on other special occasions, even when it is necessary to break the ice in the stream for the purpose, and to the neglect of this rite the older people attribute many of the evils which have come upon the tribe in later days. The latter part of autumn is deemed the most suitable season of the year for this ceremony, as the leaves which then cover the surface of the stream are supposed to impart their medicinal virtues to the water.

SHAMANS AND WHITE PHYSICIANS.

Of late years, especially since the establishment of schools among them, the Cherokees are gradually beginning to lose confidence in the abilities of their own doctors and are becoming more disposed to accept treatment from white physicians. The shamans are naturally jealous of this infringement upon their authority and endeavor to prevent the spread of the heresy by asserting the convenient doctrine that the white man’s medicine is inevitably fatal to an Indian unless eradicated from the system by a continuous course of treatment for four years under the hands of a skillful shaman. The officers of the training school established by the Government a few years ago met with considerable difficulty on this account for some time, as the parents insisted on removing the children at the first appearance of illness in order that they might be treated by the shamans, until convinced by experience that the children received better attention at the school than could possibly be had in their own homes. In one instance, where a woman was attacked by a pulmonary complaint akin to consumption, her husband, a man of rather more than the usual amount of intelligence, was persuaded to call in the services of a competent white physician, who diagnosed the case and left a prescription. On a second visit, a few days later, he found that the family, dreading the consequences of this departure from old customs, had employed a shaman, who asserted that the trouble was caused by a sharpened stick which some enemy had caused to be imbedded in the woman’s side. He accordingly began a series of conjurations for the removal of the stick, while the white physician and his medicine were disregarded, and in due time the woman died. Two children soon followed her to the grave, from the contagion or the inherited seeds of the same disease, but here also the sharpened sticks were held responsible, and, notwithstanding the three deaths under such treatment, the husband and father, who was at one time a preacher, still has faith in the assertions of the shaman. The appointment of a competent physician to look after the health of the Indians would go far to eradicate these false ideas and prevent much sickness and suffering; but, as the Government has made no such provision, the Indians, both on and off the reservation, excepting the children in the home school, are entirely without medical care.

MEDICINE DANCES.

The Cherokees have a dance known as the Medicine Dance, which is generally performed in connection with other dances when a number of people assemble for a night of enjoyment. It possesses no features of special interest and differs in no essential respect from a dozen other of the lesser dances. Besides this, however, there was another, known as the Medicine Boiling Dance, which, for importance and solemn ceremonial, was second only to the great Green Corn Dance. It has now been discontinued on the reservation for about twenty years. It took place in the fall, probably preceding the Green Corn Dance, and continued four days. The principal ceremony in connection with it was the drinking of a strong decoction of various herbs, which acted as a violent emetic and purgative. The usual fasting and going to water accompanied the dancing and medicine-drinking.

DESCRIPTION OF SYMPTOMS.

It is exceedingly difficult to obtain from the doctors any accurate statement of the nature of a malady, owing to the fact that their description of the symptoms is always of the vaguest character, while in general the name given to the disease by the shaman expresses only his opinion as to the occult cause of the trouble. Thus they have definite names for rheumatism, toothache, boils, and a few other ailments of like positive character, but beyond this their description of symptoms generally resolves itself into a statement that the patient has bad dreams, looks black around the eyes, or feels tired, while the disease is assigned such names as “when they dream of snakes,” “when they dream of fish,” “when ghosts trouble them,” “when something is making something else eat them,” or “when the food is changed,” i.e., when a witch causes it to sprout and grow in the body of the patient or transforms it into a lizard, frog, or sharpened stick.

THE PAY OF THE SHAMAN.

The consideration which the doctor receives for his services is called ugista´‘ti, a word of doubtful etymology, but probably derived from the verb tsi´giÛ, “I take” or “I eat.” In former times this was generally a deer-skin or a pair of moccasins, but is now a certain quantity of cloth, a garment, or a handkerchief. The shamans disclaim the idea that the ugistÂ´‘ti is pay, in our sense of the word, but assert that it is one of the agencies in the removal and banishment of the disease spirit. Their explanation is somewhat obscure, but the cloth seems to be intended either as an offering to the disease spirit, as a ransom to procure the release of his intended victim, or as a covering to protect the hand of a shaman while engaged in pulling the disease from the body of the patient. The first theory, which includes also the idea of vicarious atonement, is common to many primitive peoples. Whichever may be the true explanation, the evil influence of the disease is believed to enter into the cloth, which must therefore be sold or given away by the doctor, as otherwise it will cause his death when the pile thus accumulating reaches the height of his head. No evil results seem to follow its transfer from the shaman to a third party. The doctor can not bestow anything thus received upon a member of his own family unless that individual gives him something in return. If the consideration thus received, however, be anything eatable, the doctor may partake along with the rest of the family. As a general rule the doctor makes no charge for his services, and the consideration is regarded as a free-will offering. This remark applies only to the medical practice, as the shaman always demands and receives a fixed remuneration for performing love charms, hunting ceremonials, and other conjurations of a miscellaneous character. Moreover, whenever the beads are used the patient must furnish a certain quantity of new cloth upon which to place them, and at the close of the ceremony the doctor rolls up the cloth, beads and all, and takes them away with him. The cloth thus received by the doctor for working with the beads must not be used by him, but must be sold. In one instance a doctor kept a handkerchief which he received for his services, but instead sold a better one of his own. Additional cloth is thus given each time the ceremony is repeated, each time a second four days’ course of treatment is begun, and as often as the doctor sees fit to change his method of procedure. Thus, when he begins to treat a sick man for a disease caused by rabbits, he expects to receive a certain ugista´‘ti; but, should he decide after a time that the terrapin or the red bird is responsible for the trouble, he adopts a different course of treatment, for which another ugista´‘ti is necessary. Should the sickness not yield readily to his efforts, it is because the disease animal requires a greater ugista´‘ti, and the quantity of cloth must be doubled, so that on the whole the doctrine is a very convenient one for the shaman. In many of the formulas explicit directions are given as to the pay which the shaman is to receive for performing the ceremony. In one of the Gatigwanasti formulas, after specifying the amount of cloth to be paid, the writer of it makes the additional proviso that it must be “pretty good cloth, too,” asserting as a clincher that “this is what the old folks said a long time ago.”

The ugista´‘ti can not be paid by either one of a married couple to the other, and, as it is considered a necessary accompaniment of the application, it follows that a shaman can not treat his own wife in sickness, and vice versa. Neither can the husband or wife of the sick person send for the doctor, but the call must come from some one of the blood relatives of the patient. In one instance within the writer’s knowledge a woman complained that her husband was very sick and needed a doctor’s attention, but his relatives were taking no steps in the matter and it was not permissible for her to do so.

CEREMONIES FOR GATHERING PLANTS AND PREPARING MEDICINE.

There are a number of ceremonies and regulations observed in connection with the gathering of the herbs, roots, and barks, which can not be given in detail within the limits of this paper. In searching for his medicinal plants the shaman goes provided with a number of white and red beads, and approaches the plant from a certain direction, going round it from right to left one or four times, reciting certain prayers the while. He then pulls up the plant by the roots and drops one of the beads into the hole and covers it up with the loose earth. In one of the formulas for hunting ginseng the hunter addresses the mountain as the “Great Man” and assures it that he comes only to take a small piece of flesh (the ginseng) from its side, so that it seems probable that the bead is intended as a compensation to the earth for the plant thus torn from her bosom. In some cases the doctor must pass by the first three plants met until he comes to the fourth, which he takes and may then return for the others. The bark is always taken from the east side of the tree, and when the root or branch is used it must also be one which runs out toward the east, the reason given being that these have imbibed more medical potency from the rays of the sun.

When the roots, herbs, and barks which enter into the prescription have been thus gathered the doctor ties them up into a convenient package, which he takes to a running stream and casts into the water with appropriate prayers. Should the package float, as it generally does, he accepts the fact as an omen that his treatment will be successful. On the other hand, should it sink, he concludes that some part of the preceding ceremony has been improperly carried out and at once sets about procuring a new package, going over the whole performance from the beginning. Herb-gathering by moonlight, so important a feature in European folk medicine, seems to be no part of Cherokee ceremonial. There are fixed regulations in regard to the preparing of the decoction, the care of the medicine during the continuance of the treatment, and the disposal of what remains after the treatment is at an end. In the arrangement of details the shaman frequently employs the services of a lay assistant. In these degenerate days a number of upstart pretenders to the healing art have arisen in the tribe and endeavor to impose upon the ignorance of their fellows by posing as doctors, although knowing next to nothing of the prayers and ceremonies, without which there can be no virtue in the application. These impostors are sternly frowned down and regarded with the utmost contempt by the real professors, both men and women, who have been initiated into the sacred mysteries and proudly look upon themselves as conservators of the ancient ritual of the past.

THE CHEROKEE GODS AND THEIR ABIDING PLACES.

After what has been said in elucidation of the theories involved in the medical formulas, the most important and numerous of the series, but little remains to be added in regard to the others, beyond what is contained in the explanation accompanying each one. A few points, however, may be briefly noted.

The religion of the Cherokees, like that of most of our North American tribes, is zootheism or animal worship, with the survival of that earlier stage designated by Powell as hecastotheism, or the worship of all things tangible, and the beginnings of a higher system in which the elements and the great powers of nature are deified. Their pantheon includes gods in the heaven above, on the earth beneath, and in the waters under the earth, but of these the animal gods constitute by far the most numerous class, although the elemental gods are more important. Among the animal gods insects and fishes occupy a subordinate place, while quadrupeds, birds, and reptiles are invoked almost constantly. The uktena (a mythic great horned serpent), the rattlesnake, and the terrapin, the various species of hawk, and the rabbit, the squirrel, and the dog are the principal animal gods. The importance of the god bears no relation to the size of the animal, and in fact the larger animals are but seldom invoked. The spider also occupies a prominent place in the love and life-destroying formulas, his duty being to entangle the soul of his victim in the meshes of his web or to pluck it from the body of the doomed man and drag it way to the black coffin in the Darkening Land.

Among what may be classed as elemental gods the principal are fire, water, and the sun, all of which are addressed under figurative names. The sun is called Une´‘lanÛ´hi, “the apportioner,” just as our word moon means originally “the measurer.” Indians and Aryans alike, having noticed how these great luminaries divide and measure day and night, summer and winter, with never-varying regularity, have given to each a name which should indicate these characteristics, thus showing how the human mind constantly moves on along the same channels. Missionaries have naturally, but incorrectly, assumed this apportioner of all things to be the suppositional “Great Spirit” of the Cherokees, and hence the word is used in the Bible translation as synonymous with God. In ordinary conversation and in the lesser myths the sun is called NÛ´ⁿtÂ. The sun is invoked chiefly by the ball-player, while the hunter prays to the fire; but every important ceremony—whether connected with medicine, love, hunting, or the ball play—contains a prayer to the “Long Person,” the formulistic name for water, or, more strictly speaking, for the river. The wind, the storm, the cloud, and the frost are also invoked in different formulas.

But few inanimate gods are included in the category, the principal being the Stone, to which the shaman prays while endeavoring to find a lost article by means of a swinging pebble suspended by a string; the Flint, invoked when the shaman is about to scarify the patient with a flint arrow-head before rubbing on the medicine; and the Mountain, which is addressed in one or two of the formulas thus far translated. Plant gods do not appear prominently, the chief one seeming to be the ginseng, addressed in the formulas as the “Great Man” or “Little Man,” although its proper Cherokee name signifies the “Mountain Climber.”

A number of personal deities are also invoked, the principal being the Red Man. He is one of the greatest of the gods, being repeatedly called upon in formulas of all kinds, and is hardly subordinate to the Fire, the Water, or the Sun. His identity is as yet uncertain, but he seems to be intimately connected with the Thunder family. In a curious marginal note in one of the Gahuni formulas (page 350), it is stated that when the patient is a woman the doctor must pray to the Red Man, but when treating a man he must pray to the Red Woman, so that this personage seems to have dual sex characteristics. Another god invoked in the hunting songs is Tsu´l’kalÛ´, or “Slanting Eyes” (see Cherokee Myths), a giant hunter who lives in one of the great mountains of the Blue Ridge and owns all the game. Others are the Little Men, probably the two Thunder boys; the Little People, the fairies who live in the rock cliffs; and even the De´tsata, a diminutive sprite who holds the place of our Puck. One unwritten formula, which could not be obtained correctly by dictation, was addressed to the “Red-Headed Woman, whose hair hangs down to the ground.”

The personage invoked is always selected in accordance with the theory of the formula and the duty to be performed. Thus, when a sickness is caused by a fish, the Fish-hawk, the Heron, or some other fish-eating bird is implored to come and seize the intruder and destroy it, so that the patient may find relief. When the trouble is caused by a worm or an insect, some insectivorous bird is called in for the same purpose. When a flock of redbirds is pecking at the vitals of the sick man the Sparrow-hawk is brought down to scatter them, and when the rabbit, the great mischief-maker, is the evil genius, he is driven out by the Rabbit-hawk. Sometimes after the intruder has been thus expelled “a small portion still remains,” in the words of the formula, and accordingly the Whirlwind is called down from the treetops to carry the remnant to the uplands and there scatter it so that it shall never reappear. The hunter prays to the fire, from which he draws his omens; to the reed, from which he makes his arrows; to Tsu´l’kalÛ, the great lord of the game, and finally addresses in songs the very animals which he intends to kill. The lover prays to the Spider to hold fast the affections of his beloved one in the meshes of his web, or to the Moon, which looks down upon him in the dance. The warrior prays to the Red War-club, and the man about to set out on a dangerous expedition prays to the Cloud to envelop him and conceal him from his enemies.

Each spirit of good or evil has its distinct and appropriate place of residence. The Rabbit is declared to live in the broomsage on the hillside, the Fish dwells in a bend of the river under the pendant hemlock branches, the Terrapin lives in the great pond in the West, and the Whirlwind abides in the leafy treetops. Each disease animal, when driven away from his prey by some more powerful animal, endeavors to find shelter in his accustomed haunt. It must be stated here that the animals of the formulas are not the ordinary, everyday animals, but their great progenitors, who live in the upper world (galÛ´ⁿlati) above the arch of the firmament.

COLOR SYMBOLISM.

Color symbolism plays an important part in the shamanistic system of the Cherokees, no less than in that of other tribes. Each one of the cardinal points has its corresponding color and each color its symbolic meaning, so that each spirit invoked corresponds in color and local habitation with the characteristics imputed to him, and is connected with other spirits of the same name, but of other colors, living in other parts of the upper world and differing widely in their characteristics. Thus the Red Man, living in the east, is the spirit of power, triumph, and success, but the Black Man, in the West, is the spirit of death. The shaman therefore invokes the Red Man to the assistance of his client and consigns his enemy to the fatal influences of the Black Man.

The symbolic color system of the Cherokees, which will be explained more fully in connection with the formulas, is as follows:

East	= red	= success; triumph.
North	= blue	= defeat; trouble.
West	= black	= death.
South	= white	= peace; happiness.
Above?	= brown	= unascertained, but propitious.
———	= yellow	= about the same as blue.

There is a great diversity in the color systems of the various tribes, both as to the location and significance of the colors, but for obvious reasons black was generally taken as the symbol of death; while white and red signified, respectively, peace and war. It is somewhat remarkable that red was the emblem of power and triumph among the ancient Oriental nations no less than among the modern Cherokees.9

IMPORTANCE ATTACHED TO NAMES.

In many of the formulas, especially those relating to love and to life-destroying, the shaman mentions the name and clan of his client, of the intended victim, or of the girl whose affections it is desired to win. The Indian regards his name, not as a mere label, but as a distinct part of his personality, just as much as are his eyes or his teeth, and believes that injury will result as surely from the malicious handling of his name as from a wound inflicted on any part of his physical organism. This belief was found among the various tribes from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and has occasioned a number of curious regulations in regard to the concealment and change of names. It may be on this account that both Powhatan and Pocahontas are known in history under assumed appellations, their true names having been concealed from the whites until the pseudonyms were too firmly established to be supplanted. Should his prayers have no apparent effect when treating a patient for some serious illness, the shaman sometimes concludes that the name is affected, and accordingly goes to water, with appropriate ceremonies, and christens the patient with a new name, by which he is henceforth to be known. He then begins afresh, repeating the formulas with the new name selected for the patient, in the confident hope that his efforts will be crowned with success.

LANGUAGE OF THE FORMULAS.

A few words remain to be said in regard to the language of the formulas. They are full of archaic and figurative expressions, many of which are unintelligible to the common people, and some of which even the shamans themselves are now unable to explain. These archaic forms, like the old words used by our poets, lend a peculiar beauty which can hardly be rendered in a translation. They frequently throw light on the dialectic evolution of the language, as many words found now only in the nearly extinct Lower Cherokee dialect occur in formulas which in other respects are written in the Middle or Upper dialect. The R sound, the chief distinguishing characteristic of the old Lower dialect, of course does not occur, as there are no means of indicating it in the Cherokee syllabary. Those who are accustomed to look to the Bible for all beauty in sacred expression will be surprised to find that these formulas abound in the loftiest nights of poetic imagery. This is especially true of the prayers used to win the love of a woman or to destroy the life of an enemy, in which we find such expressions as—"Now your soul fades away—your spirit shall grow less and dwindle away, never to reappear;" “Let her be completely veiled in loneliness—O Black Spider, may you hold her soul in your web, so that it may never get through the meshes;” and the final declaration of the lover, “Your soul has come into the very center of my soul, never to turn away.”

In the translation it has been found advisable to retain as technical terms a few words which could not well be rendered literally, such as ada´wehi and ugista´‘ti. These words will be found explained in the proper place. Transliterations of the Cherokee text of the formulas are given, but it must be distinctly understood that the translations are intended only as free renderings of the spirit of the originals, exact translations with grammatic and glossarial notes being deferred until a more extended study of the language has been made, when it is hoped to present with more exactness of detail the whole body of the formulas, of which the specimens here given are but a small portion.

The facsimile formulas are copies from the manuscripts now in possession of the Bureau of Ethnology, and the portraits are from photographs taken by the author in the field.

SPECIMEN FORMULAS.

NOTE ON THE ORTHOGRAPHY AND TRANSLATION.

In the Cherokee text both d and g have a medial sound, approximating the sounds of t and k respectively. The other letters are pronounced in regular accordance with the alphabet of the Bureau of Ethnology. The language abounds in nasal and aspirate sounds, the most difficult of the latter being the aspirate ‘l, which to one familiar only with English sounds like tl.

A few words whose meaning could not be satisfactorily ascertained have been distinctively indicated in the Cherokee text by means of italics. In the translation the corresponding expression has been queried, or the space left entirely blank. On examining the text the student can not fail to be struck by the great number of verbs ending in iga. This is a peculiar form hardly ever used excepting in these formulas, where almost every paragraph contains one or more such verbs. It implies that the subject has just come and is now performing the action, and that he came for that purpose. In addition to this, many of these verbs may be either assertive or imperative (expressing entreaty), according to the accent. Thus hatÛ´ⁿgani´ga means “you have just come and are listening and it is for that purpose you came.” By slightly accenting the final syllable it becomes “come at once to listen.” It will thus be seen that the great majority of the formulas are declarative rather than petitional in form—laudatory rhapsodies instead of prayers, in the ordinary sense of the word.

MEDICINE.

DIDÛⁿLE´SKi ADANÛⁿ´WÂTi KANÂHE´SKi.

The prosecution of ethnologic researches among the North American Indians, in accordance with act of Congress, was continued during the fiscal year 1885–’86.

The general plan upon which the work has been prosecuted in former years, and which has been explained in earlier reports, was continued in operation.

FIELD WORK.

MOUND EXPLORATIONS.

WORK OF PROF. CYRUS THOMAS.

The work of the mound-exploring division, under the charge of Prof. Cyrus Thomas, was carried on during the fiscal year with the same success that had attended its earlier operations.

During the summer of 1885 Prof. Thomas was in Wisconsin, engaged in investigating and studying the effigy mounds and other ancient works of that section.

EXPLORATIONS IN STONE VILLAGES.

WORK OF DIRECTOR J. W. POWELL.

WORK OF MR. JAMES STEVENSON.

A study of their religious ceremonials and mythology was made, of which full notes were taken. Sketches were made of their masks and other objects which could not be obtained for the collection.

WORK OF MESSRS. VICTOR MINDELEFF AND COSMOS MINDELEFF.

Following this work, four other ruined pueblos were surveyed, and such portions of them as clearly indicated dividing walls were drawn on the ground plans.

The drawings and plans were supplemented with a series of photographs. Some negatives of Navajo houses were also made.

The modern village of Ojo Caliente was also surveyed and diagrams and photographs made.

WORK OF MR. E. W. NELSON.

GENERAL FIELD STUDIES.

WORK OF DR. H. C. YARROW.

WORK OF MR. J. C. PILLING.

WORK OF MR. JEREMIAH CURTIN.

OFFICE WORK.

In connection with the classification and arrangement of new material from Canyon de Chelly, apaper was prepared on the cliff ruins of that region.

Mr. E. W. Nelson was engaged upon a report of his investigations among the Eskimo tribes of Alaska. Apart of this report, consisting of an English-Eskimo dictionary, he has already forwarded.

Mr. H. W. Henshaw was engaged during the year in work upon the synonymy of Indian tribes, as specified below.

Mr. James Mooney, who had been officially connected with the Bureau since the early part of the fiscal year, was also engaged upon linguistic work.

SYNONYMY OF INDIAN TRIBES.

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.

LINGUISTIC FAMILIES OF NORTH AMERICA.

THE MIDE´WIWIN, OR GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY OF THE OJIBWA, BY W.J. HOFFMAN, AND THE SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES, BY JAMES MOONEY.

FINANCIAL STATEMENT.

Table showing amounts appropriated and expended for North American ethnology for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1886.

Expenses.	Amount expended.	Amount appropriated.
Services	$31,287.93
Traveling expenses	2,070.71
Transportation of property	478.91
Field subsistence	284.99
Field expenses and supplies	360.32
Field material	163.61
Modeling material	63.11
Photographic material	34.44
Books and maps	469.69
Stationery and drawing material	169.44
Illustrations for reports	289.65
Goods for distribution to Indians	767.82
Office furniture	12.00
Office supplies and repairs	63.56
Correspondence	13.87
Specimens	800.00
Bonded railroad accounts forwarded to Treasury for settlement	103.84
Balance on hand to meet outstanding liabilities	2,566.11
Total	40,000.00	$40,000.00

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.

Indian Linguistic Families of America North of Mexico
by J. W. Powell. (separate file)

The Mide´wiwin or “Grand Medicine Society” of the Ojibwa
by W. J. Hoffman. (separate file)

The Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees
by James Mooney. (separate file)

INDEX.

Such was the interpretation given by the owner of the chart, but the informant was unconsciously in error, as has been ascertained not only from other Mide´ priests consulted with regard to the true meaning, but also in the light of later information and research in the exemplification of the ritual of the Mide´wiwin.

Mi´nabo´zho did not receive the rite from any Mide´ priests (Nos. 2 and5), but from Ki´tshi Man´ido. Women are not mentioned in any of the earlier traditions of the origin of the society, neither was the dog given to Mi´nabo´zho, but Mi´nabo´zho gave it to the Ani´shinÂ´beg.

The chart, therefore, turns out to be a mnemonic song similar to others to be noted hereafter, and the owner probably copied it from a chart in the possession of a stranger Mide´, and failed to learn its true signification, simply desiring it to add to his collection of sacred objects and to gain additional respect from his confrÈres and admirers.

see text

Fig. 7.—Birch-bark record, from Red Lake.

see text

Fig. 8.—Birch-bark record, from Red Lake.

Two similar and extremely old birch-bark mnemonic songs were found in the possession of a Mide´ at Red Lake. The characters upon these are almost identical, one appearing to be a copy of the other. These are reproduced in Figs. 7 and 8. By some of the Mide´ Esh´gibo´ga takes the place of Mi´nabo´zho as having originally received the Mide´wiwin from Ki´tshi Man´ido, but it is believed that the word is a synonym or a substitute based upon some reason to them inexplicable. These figures were obtained in 1887, and a brief explanation of them given in the American Anthropologist.14 At that time I could obtain but little direct information from the owners of the records, but it has since been ascertained that both are mnemonic songs pertaining to Mi´nabo´zho, or rather Eshgibo´ga, and do not form a part of the sacred records of the Mide´wiwin, but simply the pictographic representation of the possibilities and powers of the alleged religion. The following explanation of Figs. 7 and 8 is reproduced from the work just cited. A few annotations and corrections are added. The numbers apply equally to both illustrations:

No. 1, represents Esh´gibo´ga, the great uncle of the Ani´shinÂ´beg, and receiver of the Mide´wiwin.

No. 2, the drum and drumsticks used by Esh´gibo´ga.

No. 3, a bar or rest, denoting an interval of time before the song is resumed.

No. 4, the pin-ji´-gu-sÂn´ or sacred Mide´ sack. It consists of an otter skin, and is the mi´gis or sacred symbol of the Mide´wigÂn.

No. 5. a Mide´ priest, the one who holds the mi´gis while chanting the Mide´ song in the Mide´wigÂn. He is inspired, as indicated by the line extending from the heart to the mouth.

No. 6, denotes that No. 5 is a member of the Mide´wiwin. This character, with the slight addition of lines extending upward from the straight top line, is usually employed by the more southern Ojibwa to denote the wig´iwam of a Jess´akkid´, or jugglery.

No. 7, is a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to the Mide´wiwin.

No. 8, a pause or rest.

No. 9, a snake-skin pin-ji´-gu-sÂn´ possessing the power of giving life. This power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head, and the back of the skin.

No. 10, represents a woman.

No. 11, is another illustration of the mi´gis, or otter.

No. 12, denotes a priestess who is inspired, as shown by the line extending from the heart to the mouth in Fig.7, and simply showing the heart in Fig.6. In the latter she is also empowered to cure with magic plants.

No. 13, in Fig. 7, although representing a Mide´ priest, no explanation was given.

see text

Fig. 9.—
Esh´gibo´ga.

Fig.9 is presented as a variant of the characters shown in No. 1 of Figs. 7 and 8. The fact that this denotes the power of curing by the use of magic plants would appear to indicate an older and more appropriate form than the delineation of the bow and arrows, as well as being more in keeping with the general rendering of the tradition.

MIDE´WIGÂN.

Initiation into the Mide´wiwin or Mide´ Society is, at this time, performed during the latter part of summer. The ceremonies are performed in public, as the structure in which they are conducted is often loosely constructed of poles with intertwined branches and leaves, leaving the top almost entirely exposed, so that there is no difficulty in observing what may transpire within. Furthermore, the ritual is unintelligible to the uninitiated, and the important part of the necessary information is given to the candidate in a preceptor’s wig´iwam.

To present intelligibly a description of the ceremonial of initiation as it occurred at White Earth, Minnesota, it will be necessary to first describe the structure in which it occurs, as well as the sweat lodge with which the candidate has also todo.

see text

Fig. 10.—
Diagram of Mide´wigÂn of the first degree.

The Mide´wigÂn, i.e., Mide´wig´iwam, or, as it is generally designated “Grand Medicine Lodge,” is usually built in an open grove or clearing; it is a structure measuring about 80 feet in length by 20 in width, extending east and west with the main entrance toward that point of the compass at which the sun rises. The walls consist of poles and saplings from 8 to 10 feet high, firmly planted in the ground, wattled with short branches and twigs with leaves. In the east and west walls are left open spaces, each about 4 feet wide, used as entrances to the inclosure. From each side of the opening the wall-like structure extends at right angles to the end wall, appearing like a short hallway leading to the inclosure, and resembles double doors opened outward. Fig. 10 represents a ground plan of the Mide´wigÂn, while Fig. 11 shows an interior view. Saplings thrown across the top of the structure serve as rafters, upon which are laid branches with leaves, and pieces of bark, to sufficiently shade the occupants from the rays of the sun. Several saplings extend across the inclosure near the top, while a few are attached to these so as to extend longitudinally, from either side of which presents of blankets, etc., may be suspended. About 10 feet from the main entrance a large flattened stone, measuring more than a foot in diameter, is placed upon the ground. This is used when subjecting to treatment a patient; and at a corresponding distance from the western door is planted the sacred Mide´ post of cedar, that for the first degree being about 7 feet in height and 6 or 8 inches in diameter. It is painted red, with a band of green 4 inches wide around the top. Upon the post is fixed the stuffed body of an owl. Upon that part of the floor midway between the stone and the Mide´ post is spread a blanket, upon which the gifts and presents to the society are afterward deposited. A short distance from each of the outer angles of the structure are planted cedar or pine trees, each about 10 feet in height.

midewigan interior

Fig. 11.—Interior of Mide´wigÂn.

About a hundred yards east of the main entrance is constructed a wig´iwam or sweat lodge, to be used by the candidate, both to take his vapor baths and to receive final instructions from his preceptor.

This wig´iwam is dome-shaped measures about 10 feet in diameter and 6 feet high in the middle, with an opening at the top which can be readily covered with a piece of bark. The framework of the structure consists of saplings stuck into the ground, the tops being bent over to meet others from the opposite side. Other thin saplings are then lashed horizontally to the upright ones so as to appear like hoops, decreasing in size as the summit is reached. They are secured by using strands of basswood bark. The whole is then covered with pieces of birchbark—frequently the bark of the pine is used—leaving a narrow opening on the side facing the Mide´wigÂn, which may be closed with an adjustable flap of bark or blankets.

The space between the Mide´wigÂn and the sweat lodge must be kept clear of other temporary shelters, which might be placed there by some of the numerous visitors attending the ceremonies.

FIRST DEGREE.

PREPARATORY INSTRUCTION.

When the candidate’s application for reception into the Mide´wiwin has been received by one of the officiating priests, he calls upon the three assisting Mide´, inviting them to visit him at his own wig´iwam at a specified time. When the conference takes place, tobacco, which has been previously furnished by the candidate, is distributed and a smoke offering made to Ki´tshi Man´ido, to propitiate his favor in the deliberations about to be undertaken. The host then explains the object of the meeting, and presents to his auditors an account of the candidate’s previous life; he recounts the circumstances of his fast and dreams, and if the candidate is to take the place of a lately deceased son who had been prepared to receive the degree, the fact is mentioned, as under such circumstances the forms would be different from the ordinary method of reception into the society. The subject of presents and gifts to the individual members of the society, as well as those intended to be given as a fee to the officiating priests, is also discussed; and lastly, if all things are favorable to the applicant, the selection of an instructor or preceptor is made, this person being usually appointed from among these four priests.

When the conference is ended the favorable decision is announced to the applicant, who acknowledges his pleasure by remitting to each of the four priests gifts of tobacco. He is told what instructor would be most acceptable to them, when he repairs to the wig´iwam of the person designated and informs him of his wish and the decision of the Mide´ council.

The designated preceptor arranges with his pupil to have certain days upon which the latter is to call and receive instruction and acquire information. The question of remuneration being settled, tobacco is furnished at each sitting, as the Mide´ never begins his lecture until after having made a smoke-offering, which is done by taking a whiff and pointing the stem to the east; then a whiff, directing the stem to the south; another whiff, directing the stem to the west; then a whiff and a similar gesture with the stem to the north; another whiff is taken slowly and with an expression of reverence, when the stem is pointed forward and upward as an offering to Ki´tshi Man´ido; and finally, after taking a similar whiff, the stem is pointed forward and downward toward the earth as an offering to Noko´mis, the grandmother of the universe, and to those who have passed before. After these preliminaries, the candidate receives at each meeting only a small amount of information, because the longer the instruction is continued daring the season before the meeting at which it is hoped the candidate may be admitted the greater will be the fees; and also, in order that the instruction may be looked upon with awe and reverence, most of the information imparted is frequently a mere repetition, the ideas being clothed in ambiguous phraseology. The Mide´ drum (Fig. 12a) differs from the drum commonly used in dances (Fig. 12b) in the fact that it is cylindrical, consisting of an elongated kettle or wooden vessel, or perhaps a section of the hollow trunk of a tree about 10 inches in diameter and from 18 to 20 inches in length, over both ends of which rawhide is stretched while wet, so that upon drying the membrane becomes hard and tense, producing, when beaten, a very hard, loud tone, which may be heard at a great distance.

drums

Fig. 12.—Ojibwa drums.

Frequently, however, water is put into the bottom of the drum and the drum-head stretched across the top in a wet state, which appears to intensify the sound very considerably.

The peculiar and special properties of the drum are described to the applicant; that it was at first the gift of Ki´tshi Man´ido, who gave it through the intercession of Mi´nabo´zho; that it is used to invoke the presence of the Mide´ Man´idos, or sacred spirits, when seeking direction as to information desired, success, etc.; that it is to be employed at the side of the sick to assist in the expulsion or exorcism of evil man´idos who may possess the body of the sufferer; and that it is to be used in the. Mide´wigÂn during the initiation of new members or the advancement of a Mide´ from a degree to a higher one.

rattle	rattle
Fig. 13.— Mide´ rattle.	Fig. 14.— Mide´ rattle.

The properties of the rattle are next enumerated and recounted, its origin is related, and its uses explained. It is used at the side of a patient and has even more power in the expulsion of evil demons than the drum. The rattle is also employed in some of the sacred songs as an accompaniment, to accentuate certain notes and words. There are two forms used, one consisting of a cylindrical tin box filled with grains of corn or other seeds (Fig.13), the other being a hollow gourd also filled with seed (Fig.14). In both of these the handle passes entirely through the rattle case.

In a similar manner the remaining gifts of Mi´nabo´zho are instanced and their properties extolled.

The mi´gis, a small white shell (CyprÆa monetaL.) is next extracted from the Mide´ sack, or pinji´gusÂn´. This is explained as being the sacred emblem of the Mide´wiwin, the reason therefor being given in the account of the several traditions presented in connection with Pls. III, IV, and VIII. This information is submitted in parts, so that the narrative of the history connected with either of the records is extended over a period of time to suit the preceptor’s plans and purposes. The ceremony of shooting the mi´gis (see Fig.15) is explained on page 215.

see text

Fig. 15.—Shooting the mi´gis.

As time progresses the preceptor instructs his pupil in Mide´ songs, i.e., he sings to him songs which form a part of his stock in trade, and which are alleged to be of service on special occasions, as when searching for medicinal plants, hunting, etc. The pupil thus acquires a comprehension of the method of preparing and reciting songs, which information is by him subsequently put to practical use in the composition and preparation of his own songs, the mnemonic characters employed being often rude copies of those observed upon the charts of his preceptor, but the arrangement thereof being original.

It is for this reason that a Mide´ is seldom, if ever, able to recite correctly any songs but his own, although he may be fully aware of the character of the record and the particular class of service in which it may be employed. In support of this assertion several songs obtained at Red Lake and imperfectly explained by “Little Frenchman” and “Leading Feather,” are reproduced in Pl. XXII,A B, page 292.

From among the various songs given by my preceptor are selected and presented herewith those recognized by him as being part of the ritual. The greater number of songs are mere repetitions of short phrases, and frequently but single words, to which are added meaningless sounds or syllables to aid in prolonging the musical tones, and repeated ad libitum in direct proportion to the degree of inspiration in which the singer imagines himself to have attained. These frequent outbursts of singing are not based upon connected mnemonic songs preserved upon birch bark, but they consist of fragments or selections of songs which have been memorized, the selections relating to the subject upon which the preceptor has been discoursing, and which undoubtedly prompts a rythmic vocal equivalent. These songs are reproduced on Pl. IX, A, B,C. The initial mnemonic characters pertaining to each word or phrase of the original text are repeated below in regular order with translations in English, together with supplemental notes explanatory of the characters employed. The musical notation is not presented, as the singing consists of a monotonous repetition of four or five notes in a minor key; furthermore, a sufficiently clear idea of this may be formed by comparing some of the Mide´ songs presented in connection with the ritual of initiation and preparation of medicines. The first of the songs given herewith (Pl. IX,A) pertains to a request to Ki´tshi Man´ido that clear weather may be had for the day of ceremonial, and also an affirmation to the candidate that the singer’s words are a faithful rendering of his creed.

Each of the phrases is repeated before advancing to the next, as often as the singer desires and in proportion to the amount of reverence and awe with which he wishes to impress his hearer. There is usually a brief interval between each of the phrases, and a longer one at the appearance of a vertical line, denoting a rest, or pause. One song may occupy, therefore, from fifteen minutes to half an hour.

mnemonic song

Plate IX.a. Mnemonic Song.

line drawing	Ki-ne´-na-wi´-´in mani´-i-do´-ye-win. I rock you, you that are a spirit. [A mide’s head, the lines denoting voice or speech—i.e., singing of sacred things, as the loops or circles at the ends of each line indicate.]
line drawing	KÍ-zhik-ki-win´-da-mun´. The sky I tell you. [The otter skin medicine sack, and arm reaching to procure something therefrom.]
line drawing	O-we-nen´; hwin´. Who is it, who? The mi´gis shell; the sacred emblem of the Mide´wiwin.
line drawing	Wi´-dzhi-i-nan´. The man helping me. A man walking, the Mide´ Man´ido or Sacred Spirit.
line drawing	Nu-waⁿ´-ni-ma´na nin-guis´? Have I told the truth to my son? The bear going to the Mide´wigan and takes with him life to the Ani´shinÂ´beg.
vertical lines	Rest.
line drawing	Ni´-nin-de´, a´-ya´. My heart, I am there (in the fullness of my heart). My heart; knows all Mide´ secrets, sensible one.
line drawing	A´-ni-na´-nesh-mi´-i-an ni´-na´-wi-to´. I follow with my arms. Arms extended to take up “medicine” or Mide´ secrets.
line drawing	Man´-i-do´-wi-an´ ni-me´-shine´-mi´-an. Knowledge comes from the heart, the heart reaches to sources of “medicine” in the earth. [A Mide´ whose heart’s desires and knowledge extend to the secrets of the earth. The lines diverging toward the earth denote direction.]
line drawing	We´-gi-kwo´ Ke-mi´-ni-nan´? From whence comes the rain? The power of making a clear sky, i.e., weather.
line drawing	Mi-shok´ kwot´, dzhe-man´-i-do´-yan. The sky, nevertheless, may be clear, Good Spirit. Giving life to the sick; Dzhe Man´ido handing it to the Mide´.
line drawing	Wi´-ka-ka-nun´-e-nan. Very seldom I make this request of you. The Good Spirit filling the body of the supplicant with knowledge of secrets of the earth.

In the following song (Pl. IX,B), the singer relates to the candidate the gratitude which he experiences for the favors derived from the Good Spirit; he has been blessed with knowledge of plants and other sacred objects taken from the ground, which knowledge has been derived by his having himself become a member of the Mide´wiwin, and hence urges upon the candidate the great need of his also continuing in the course which he has thus far pursued.

mnemonic song

Plate IX.b. Mnemonic Song.

line drawing	Na-witsh´-tshi na-kum´-i-en a-na´-pi-aⁿ´? When I am out of hearing, where am I? The lines extending from the ears denote hearing; the arms directed toward the right and left, being the gesture of negation, usually made by throwing the hands outward and away from the front of the body.
line drawing	We´-nen-ne´ en´-da-yan. In my house, I see. Sight is indicated by the lines extending from the eyes; the horns denote superiority of the singer.
line drawing	Mo-ki´-yan-na´-a-witsh´-i-gum´-mi. When I rise it gives me life, and I take it. The arm reaches into the sky to receive the gifts which are handed down by the Good Spirit. The short transverse line across the forearm indicates the arch of the sky, this line being an abbreviation of the curve usually employed to designate the same idea.
line drawing	Wen´-dzhi-ba´-pi-aⁿ´. The reason why I am happy. Asking the Spirit for life, which is granted. The singer’s body is filled with the heart enlarged, i.e., fullness of heart, the lines from the mouth denoting abundance of voice or grateful utterances—singing.
	Rest.
line drawing	Zha´-zha-bui´-ki-bi-nan´ wig´-e-wÂm´. The Spirit says there is plenty of “medicine” in the Mide´ wig´iwam. [Two superior spirits, Ki´tshi Man´ido and Dzhe Man´ido, whose bodies are surrounded by “lines of sacredness,” tell the Mide´ where the mysterious remedies are to be found. The vertical waving lines are the lines indicating these communications; the horizontal line, at the bottom, is the earth’s surface.]
line drawing	Ya-ho´-hon-ni´-yo. The Spirit placed medicine in the ground, let us take it. The arm of Ki´tshi Man´ido put into the ground sacred plants, etc., indicated by the spots at different horizons in the earth. The short vertical and waving lines denote sacredness of the objects.
line drawing	NÍ-wo´-we-ni´-nan ki´-bi-do-naⁿ´. I am holding this that I bring to you. The singer sits in the Mide´wiwin, and offers the privilege of entrance, by initiation, to the hearer.
line drawing	Mide´ ni-ka´-nak kish´-o-we´-ni-mi-ko´. I have found favor in the eyes of my mide´ friends. The Good Spirit has put life into the body of the singer, as indicated by the two mysterious arms reaching towards his body, i.e., the heart, the seat of life.

In the following song (Pl. IX,C), the preceptor appears to feel satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation, and therefore tells him that the Mide´ Man´ido announces to him the assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with promises of the fulfillment of his highest desires.

mnemonic song

Plate IX.c. Mnemonic Song.

line drawing	Ba´-dzhi-ke´-o gi´-mand ma-bis´-in-dÂ´-a. I hear the spirit speaking to us. The Mide´ singer is of superior power, as designated by the horns and apex upon his head. The lines from the ears indicate hearing.
line drawing	Kwa-yak´-in di´-sha in-dÂ´-yaⁿ. I am going into the medicine lodge. The Mide´wigÂn is shown with a line through it to signify that he is going through it, as in the initiation.
line drawing	Kwe´-tshi-ko-wa´-ya ti´-na-man. I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live. The discs indicate sacred objects within reach of the speaker.
line drawing	O´-wi-yo´-in en´-do-ma mÂk´-kwin-en´-do-ma´. I give you medicine, and a lodge, also. The Mide´, as the personator of Makwa´ Man´ido, is empowered to offer this privilege to the candidate.
line drawing	O-we´-nen be-mi´-set. I am flying into my lodge. Represents the Thunder-Bird, a deity flying into the arch of the sky. The short lines denote the (so-called spirit lines) abode of spirits or Man´idos.
line drawing	Na-ni-ne kwe-we´-an. The Spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it. The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates that the sacred objects occur in scattered places.
line drawing	Ne´-wode´-e´. I have the medicine in my heart. The singer’s body—i.e., heart—is filled with knowledge relating to sacred medicines from the earth.

MIDE´ THERAPEUTICS.

During the period of time in which the candidate is instructed in the foregoing traditions, myths, and songs the subject of Mide´ plants is also discussed. The information pertaining to the identification and preparation of the various vegetable substances is not imparted in regular order, only one plant or preparation, or perhaps two, being enlarged upon at a specified consultation. It may be that the candidate is taken into the woods where it is known that a specified plant or tree may be found, when a smoke offering is made before the object is pulled out of the soil, and a small pinch of tobacco put into the hole in the ground from which it was taken. This is an offering to Noko´mis—the earth, the grandmother of mankind—for the benefits which are derived from her body where they were placed by Ki´tshi Man´ido.

In the following list are presented, as far as practicable, the botanical and common names of these, there being a few instances in which the plants were not to be had, as they were foreign to that portion of Minnesota in which the investigations were made; a few of them, also, were not identified by the preceptors, as they were out of season.

It is interesting to note in this list the number of infusions and decoctions which are, from a medical and scientific standpoint, specific remedies for the complaints for which they are recommended. It is probable that the long continued intercourse between the Ojibwa and the Catholic Fathers, who were tolerably well versed in the ruder forms of medication, had much to do with improving an older and purely aboriginal form of practicing medical magic. In some of the remedies mentioned below there may appear to be philosophic reasons for their administration, but upon closer investigation it has been learned that the cure is not attributed to a regulation or restoration of functional derangement, but to the removal or even expulsion of malevolent beings—commonly designated as bad Man´idos—supposed to have taken possession of that part of the body in which such derangement appears most conspicuous. Further reference to the mythic properties of some of the plants employed will be made at the proper time.

Although the word Mashki kiwa´buⁿ—medicine broth—signifies liquid medical preparations, the term is usually employed in a general sense to pertain to the entire materia medica; and in addition to the alleged medicinal virtues extolled by the preceptors, certain parts of the trees and plants enumerated are eaten on account of some mythic reason, or employed in the construction or manufacture of habitations, utensils, and weapons, because of some supposed supernatural origin or property, an explanation of which they have forgotten.

Pinus strobus, L. White Pine. ZhingwÂk´.

1. The leaves are crushed and applied to relieve headache; also boiled; after which they are put into a small hole in the ground and hot stones placed therein to cause a vapor to ascend, which is inhaled to cure backache.

The fumes of the leaves heated upon a stone or a hot iron pan are inhaled to cure headache.

2. Gum; chiefly used to cover seams of birch-bark canoes. The gum is obtained by cutting a circular band of bark from the trunk, upon which it is then scraped and boiled down to proper consistence. The boiling was formerly done in clay vessels.

Pinus resinosa, Ait. Red Pine; usually, though erroneously, termed Norway Pine. Pokgwe´nage´mok.

Used as the preceding.

Abies balsamea, Marshall. Balsam Fir. Ini´nandok.

1. The bark is scraped from the trunk and a decoction thereof is used to induce diaphoresis.

2. The gum, which is obtained from the vesicles upon the bark, and also by skimming it from the surface of the water in which the crushed bark is boiled, is carried in small vessels and taken internally as a remedy for gonorrhoea and for soreness of the chest resulting from colds.

3. Applied externally to sores and cuts.

Abies alba, Michx. White Spruce. Se´ssegÂn´dok. The split roots—wadob´-are used for sewing; the wood for the inside timbers of canoes.

Abies nigra, Poir. Black Spruce. A´mikwan´dok.

1. The leaves and crushed bark are used to make a decoction, and sometimes taken as a substitute in the absence of pines.

2. Wood used in manufacture of spear handles.

Abies Canadensis, Michx. Hemlock. Gaga´iⁿwuⁿsh—“Raven Tree.”

Outer bark powdered and crushed and taken internally for the cure of diarrhea. Usually mixed with other plants not named.

Larix Americana, Michx. Tamarack. Mosh´kikiwa´dik.

1. Crushed leaves and bark used as Pinus strobus.

2. Gum used in mending boats.

3. Bark used for covering wig´iwams.

Cupressus thyoides, L. White Cedar. Gi´zhik—“Day.”

1. Leaves crushed and used as Pinus strobus. The greater the variety of leaves of coniferÆ the better. The spines of the leaves exert their prickly influence through the vapor upon the demons possessing the patient’s body.

2. The timber in various forms is used in the construction of canoe and lodge frames, the bark being frequently employed in roofing habitations.

Juniperus Virginiana, L. Red Cedar. Muskwa´wÂ´ak.

Bruised leaves and berries are used internally to remove headache.

Quercus alba, L. White Oak. Mitig´omish´.

1. The bark of the root and the inner bark scraped from the trunk is boiled and the decoction used internally for diarrhea.

2. Acorns eaten raw by children, and boiled or dried by adults.

Quercus rubra, L. Red Oak. Wisug´emitig´omish´—“Bitter Acorn Tree.”

Has been used as a substitute for Q. alba.

Acer saccharinum, Wang. Sugar Maple. InninÂ´tik.

1. Decoction of the inner bark is used for diarrhea.

2. The sap boiled in making sirup and sugar.

3. The wood valued for making arrow shafts.

Acer nigrum, Michx. Black Sugar Maple. Iskig´omeaush´— “Sap-flows-fast.”

Arbor liquore abundans, ex quo liquor tanquam urina vehementer projicitur.

Sometimes used as the preceding.

Betula excelsa, Ait. Yellow Birch. Wi´nnis´sik.

The inner bark is scraped off, mixed with that of the Acer saccharinum, and the decoction taken as a diuretic.

Betula papyracea, Ait. White Birch. Wigwas´.

Highly esteemed, and employed for making records, canoes, syrup-pans, mokoks´—or sugar boxes—etc. The record of the Mide´wiwin, given by Minabo´zho, was drawn upon this kind of bark.

Populus monilifera, Ait. Cottonwood. MÂ´nÂsÂ´ti.

The cotton down is applied to open sores as an absorbent.

Populus balsamifera, L. Balsam Poplar. Asa´di.

1. The bark is peeled from the branches and the gum collected and eaten.

2. Poles are used in building ordinary shelter lodges, and particularly for the Mide´wigÂn.

Juglans nigra, L. Black Walnut. Paga´nok—“Nut wood.”

Walnuts are highly prized; the green rind of the unripe fruit is sometimes employed in staining or dyeing.

Smilacina racemosa, Desf. False Spikenard. Kine´bigwoshk—“Snake weed or Snake Vine.”

1. Warm decoction of leaves used by lying-in women.

2. The roots are placed upon a red-hot stone, the patient, with a blanket thrown over his head, inhaling the fumes, to relieve headache.

3. Fresh leaves are crushed and applied to cuts to stop bleeding.

Helianthus occidentalis, Riddell. Sunflower. Pukite´wubbokuⁿs´.

The crushed root is applied to bruises and contusions.

Polygala senega, L. Seneca Snakeroot. Winis´sikeⁿs´.

1. A decoction of the roots is used for colds and cough.

2. An infusion of the leaves is given for sore throat; also to destroy water-bugs that have been swallowed.

Rubus occidentalis, L. Black Raspberry. Makade´miskwi´minok—“Black Blood Berry.”

A decoction made of the crushed roots is taken to relieve pains in the stomach.

Rubus strigosus, Michx. Wild Red Raspberry. Miskwi´minok´—“Blood Berry.”

The roots are sometimes used as a substitute for the preceding.

Gaylussacia resinosa, Torr. and Gr. Huckleberry. Mi´nun.

Forms one of the chief articles of trade during the summer. The berry occupies a conspicuous place in the myth of the “Road of the Dead,” referred to in connection with the “Ghost Society.”

Prunus Virginiana, L. Choke Cherry. Sisaⁿ´wemi´nakoÂⁿsh´.

1. The branchlets are used for making an ordinary drink; used also during gestation.

2. The fruit is eaten.

Prunus serotina, Ehrhart. Wild Black Cherry. Okwe´mish—“Scabby Bark.”

1. The inner bark is applied to external sores, either by first boiling, bruising, or chewingit.

2. An infusion of the inner bark is sometimes given to relieve pains and soreness of the chest.

Prunus Pennsylvanica, L. Wild Red Cherry. Kusigwa´kumi´nok.

1. A decoction of the crushed root is given for pains and other stomach disorders.

2. Fruit is eaten and highly prized.

3. This, believed to be synonymous with the June Cherry of Minnesota, is referred to in the myths and ceremonies of the “Ghost Society.”

Prunus Americana, Marsh. Wild Plum. Boge´sanok.

The small rootlets, and the bark of the larger ones, are crushed and boiled together with the roots of the following named plants, as a remedy for diarrhea. The remaining plants were not in bloom at the time during which the investigations were made, and therefore were not identified by the preceptors, they being enabled to furnish only the names and an imperfect description. They are as follows, viz: Mineⁿ´sok, two species, one with red berries, the other with yellow ones; Wabo´somini´sok—“Rabbit berries”; Shi´gwanau´isok, having small red berries; and CratÆgus coccinea, L. Scarlet-fruited Thorn. O´ginik.

Typha latifolia, L. Common Cat-tail. Napogushk—“Flat grass.”

The roots are crushed by pounding or chewing, and applied as a poultice to sores.

Sporobolus heterolepis Gr. Napo´gushkuⁿs´—“Little Flat Grass.”

1. Used sometimes as a substitute for the preceding.

2. Roots are boiled and the decoction taken to induce emesis, “to remove bile.”

Fragaria vesca, L. Wild Strawberry. Ode imin´ne—Heart Berry.

Referred to in the ceremony of the “Ghost Society.”

The fruit is highly valued as a luxury.

Acer Pennsylvanicum, L. Striped Maple. Moⁿ´zomish´—“Moose Wood.”

The inner bark scraped from four sticks or branches, each two feet long, is put into a cloth and boiled, the liquid which can subsequently be pressed out of the bag is swallowed, to act as an emetic.

Fraxinus sambucifolia, Lam. Black or Water Ash. A´gimak´.

1. The inner bark is soaked in warm water, and the liquid applied to sore eyes.

2. The wood is employed in making the rims for frames of snow-shoes.

Veronica Virginica, L. Culver’s Root. Wi´sogedzhi´bik—“Bitter Root.”

A decoction of the crushed root is taken as a purgative.

Salix Candida, Willd. Hoary Willow. Sisi´gobe´mish.

The thick inner bark of the roots is scraped off, boiled, and the decoction taken for cough.

Symphoricarpos vulgaris, Michx. Indian Currant. Gus´sigwaka´mish.

The inner bark of the root boiled and the decoction, when cold, applied to sore eyes.

Geum strictum, Ait. Aven. Ne´bone´ankwe´Âk—“ Hair on one side.”

The roots are boiled and a weak decoction taken internally for soreness in the chest, and cough.

Rumex crispus, L. Curled Dock. O´zabetshi´wik.

The roots are bruised or crushed and applied to abrasions, sores, etc.

Amorpha canescens, Nutt. Lead Plant. We´abonag´kak—“That which turns white.”

A decoction, made of the roots, is used for pains in the stomach. Rosa blanda, Ait. Early Wild Rose. O´ginik.

A piece of root placed in lukewarm water, after which the liquid is applied to inflamed eyes.

Anemone (sp.?) Anemone. Wisog´ibok´; also called Hartshorn plant by the mixed-bloods of Minnesota.

The dry leaves are powdered and used as an errhine, for the cure of headache.

(Gen. et sp. ?) Termed Kine´bik waⁿsh´koⁿs and “Snake weed.”

This plant was unfortunately so injured in transportation that identification was impossible. Ball-players and hunters use it to give them endurance and speed; the root is chewed when necessary to possess these qualities. The root is likened to a snake, which is supposed to be swift in motion and possessed of extraordinary muscular strength.

Rhus (aromatica, Ait.?) “White Sumac.” Bokkwan´ibok.

Roots are boiled, with those of the following named plant, and the decoction taken to cure diarrhea.

(Gen. et sp. ?) Ki´tshiodeiminibok—“Big Heart Leaf.”

Roots boiled, with preceding, and decoction taken for diarrhea.

Monarda fistulosa, L. Wild Bergamot. Moshkos´waⁿowiⁿs´—“Little Elk’s Tail.”

The root is used by making a decoction and drinking several swallows, at intervals, for pain in the stomach and intestines.

Hydrophyllum Virginicum, L. Waterleaf. Bunkite´baguns´.

The roots are boiled, the liquor then taken for pains in the chest, back, etc.

Anemone Pennsylvanicum, L. Pennsylvania Anemone. Pesi´kwadzhi´bwiko´kok.

A decoction of the roots is used for pains in the lumbar region.

Viola (Canadensis, L.?). Canada Violet. Maskwi´widzhi´wiko´kok.

The decoction made of the roots is used for pains in the region of the bladder.

Phryma leptostachya, L. Lopseed. Waia´bishkeno´kok.

The roots are boiled and the decoction taken for rheumatic pains in the legs.

Viola pubescens, Ait. Downy Yellow Violet. Ogite´baguⁿs.

A decoction is made of the roots, of which small doses are taken at intervals for sore throat.

Rosa (lucida, Ehrhart?). Dwarf Wild Rose. Ogini´minagaⁿ´wos.

The roots of young plants are steeped in hot water and the liquid applied to sore eyes.

(Gen. et sp. ?) Mo´zÂnÂ´tik.

This plant could not be identified at the locality and time at which investigations were conducted. The root is boiled and the decoction taken as a diuretic for difficult micturition.

ActÆa rubra, Michx. Red Baneberry. Odzi´bikeⁿs´—“Little Root.”

A decoction of the root, which has a sweet taste, is used for stomachic pains caused by having swallowed hair (mythic). Used also in conjunction with Ginseng.

This plant, according to some peculiarities, is considered the male plant at certain seasons of the year, and is given only to men and boys, while the same plant at other seasons, because of size, color of fruit, or something else, is termed the female, and is prepared for women and girls in the following manner, viz: The roots are rolled in basswood leaves and baked, when they become black; an infusion is then prepared, and used in a similar manner as above.

The latter is called Wash´kubidzhi´bikakok´.

Botrychium Virginicum, Swartz. Moonwort. Ozaga´tigum.

The root is bruised and applied to cuts.

Aralia trifolia, Gr. Dwarf Ginseng. Neso´bakok—“Three Leafed.”

The roots are chewed and the mass applied to cuts to arrest hemorrhage.

Echinospermum lappula, Lehm. Stickweed. Ozaga´tigomeⁿs—“Burr Bush.”

The roots are placed in a hole in the ground upon hot stones, to cause the fumes to rise, when the patient puts down his face and has a cloth or blanket thrown over his head. The fumes are inhaled for headache. The raw roots are also sniffed at for the same purpose.

It is affirmed by various members of the Mide´ Society that in former times much of the information relating to some of these plants was not imparted to a candidate for initiation into the first degree, but was reserved for succeeding degrees, to induce a Mide´ of the first degree to endeavor to attain higher distinction and further advancement in the mysteries of the order. As much knowledge is believed to have been lost through the reticence and obstinacy of former chief priests, the so-called higher secrets are now imparted at the first and second degree preparatory instructions. The third and fourth degrees are very rarely conferred, chiefly because the necessary presents and fees are beyond the reach of those who so desire advancement, and partly also because the missionaries, and in many instances the Indian agents, have done their utmost to suppress the ceremonies, because they were a direct opposition and hindrance to progress in Christianizing influences.

When the preparatory instruction has come to an end and the day of the ceremony of initiation is at hand, the preceptor sings to his pupil a song, expatiating upon his own efforts and the high virtue of the knowledge imparted. The pipe is brought forward and an offering of tobacco smoke made by both preceptor and pupil, after which the former sings a song (Pl. X,A.), the time of its utterance being tediously prolonged. The mnemonic characters were drawn by Sikas´sige, and are a copy of an old birch-bark scroll which has for many years been in his possession, and which was made in imitation of one in the possession of his father, Baie´dzik, one of the leading Mide´ at Mille Lacs, Minnesota.

mnemonic song

Plate X.a. Mnemonic Song.

line drawing	Wi-ka-no´-shi-aⁿ-o. My arm is almost pulled out from digging medicine. It is full of medicine. The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence, erroneously designated “medicine.”
line drawing	We-wi´-ka-ni´-an. Almost crying because the medicine is lost. The lines extending downward from the eye signifies weeping; the circle beneath the figure is the place where the “medicine” is supposed to exist. The idea of “lost” signifies that some information has been forgotton through death of those who possessed it.
line drawing	Me-shi´-Âk-kink mi-sui´-a-kink. Yes, there is much medicine you may cry for. Refers to that which is yet to be learned of.
line drawing	Pe-i´-e-mi-ko-ya´-na-kink´. Yes, I see there is plenty of it. The Mide´ has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but reserves that knowledge for a future time. The lines of “sight” run to various medicines which he perceives or knows of.
vertical lines	Rest.
line drawing	We´-a-kwe´-nink pe-i-e´-mi-wit´-o-wan´. When I come out the sky becomes clear. When the otter-skin Mide´ sack is produced the sky becomes clear, so that the ceremonies may proceed.
line drawing	We´-kwe-nink´ ke´-to-nink´ e´-to-wa´. The spirit has given me power to see. The Mide´ sits on a mountain the better to commune with the Good Spirit.
line drawing	Mi´-sha-kwat´-ni-yo´. I brought the medicine to bring life. The Mide´ Man´ido, the Thunderer, after bringing some of the plants—by causing the rains to fall—returns to the sky. The short line represents part of the circular line usually employed to designate the imaginary vault of the sky.
line drawing	Me´-ka-ye´-nink te´-a-ye-am´-ban. I, too, see how much there is. His power elevates the Mide´ to the rank of a man´ido, from which point he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth.
line drawing	In-de´-be-mi´-ko. I am going to the medicine lodge. The vertical left-hand figure denotes a leg going toward the Mide´wigÂn.
line drawing	In-de´-bi-bi´-toⁿ. I take life from the sky. The Mide´ is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from Ki´tshi Man´ido the means of prolonging life. The circle at the top denotes the sacred mi´gis, or shell.
line drawing	No-a´-wi´-mi-ko´. Let us talk to one another. The circles denote the places of the speaker (Mide´) and the hearer (Ki´tshi Man´ido), the short lines signifying magic influences, the Mide´ occupying the left hand and smaller seat.
line drawing	Man´-i-do-ye-na´-ni ni-kan´. The spirit is in my body, my friend. The mi´gis, given by Ki´tshi Man´ido, is in contact with the Mide´’s body, and he is possessed of life and power.

From ten days to two weeks before the day of initiation, the chief Mide´ priest sends out to all the members invitations, which consist of sticks one-fourth of an inch thick and 6 or 7 inches long. The courier is charged with giving to the person invited explicit information as to the day of the ceremony and the locality where it is to be held. Sometimes these sticks have bands of color painted around one end, usually green, sometimes red, though both colors may be employed, the two ends being thus tinted. The person invited is obliged to bring with him his invitation stick, and upon entering the Mide´wigÂn he lays it upon the ground near the sacred stone, on the side toward the degree post. In case a Mide´ is unable to attend he sends his invitation with a statement of the reason of his inability to come. The number of sticks upon the floor are counted, on the morning of the day of initiation, and the number of those present to attend the ceremonies is known before the initiation begins.

About five or six days preceding the day set for the ceremony of initiation, the candidate removes to the neighborhood of the locality of the Mide´wigÂn. On the evening of the fifth day he repairs to the sudatory or sweat-lodge, which has, in the meantime, been built east of the sacred inclosure, and when seated within he is supplied with water which he keeps for making vapor by pouring it upon heated stones introduced for the purpose by assistants upon the outside. This act of purification is absolutely necessary and must be performed once each day for four days, though the process may be shortened by taking two vapor baths in one day, thus limiting the process to two days. This, however, is permitted, or desired only under extraordinary circumstances. During the process of purgation, the candidates thoughts must dwell upon the seriousness of the course he is pursuing and the sacred character of the new life he is about to assume.

When the fumigation has ceased he is visited by the preceptor and the other officiating Mide´ priests, when the conversation is confined chiefly to the candidate’s progress. He then gives to each of them presents of tobacco, and after an offering to Ki´tshi Man´ido, with the pipe, they expose the articles contained in their Mide´ sacks and explain and expatiate upon the merits and properties of each of the magic objects. The candidate for the first time learns of the manner of preparing effigies, etc., with which to present to the incredulous ocular demonstration of the genuineness and divine origin of the Mide´wiwin, or, as it is in this connection termed, religion.

Several methods are employed for the purpose, and the greater the power of the Mide´ the greater will appear the mystery connected with the exhibition. This may be performed whenever circumstances demand such proof, but the tests are made before the candidate with a twofold purpose: first, to impress him with the supernatural powers of the Mide´ themselves; and second, in an oracular manner, to ascertain if Ki´tshi Ma´nido is pleased with the contemplated ceremony and the initiation of the candidate.

beads

Fig. 16.

The first test is made by laying upon the floor of the wig´iwam a string of four wooden beads each measuring about 1 inch in diameter. See Fig.16. After the owner of this object has chanted for a few moments in an almost inaudible manner the beads begin to roll from side to side as if animated. The string is then quickly restored to its place in the Mide´ sack. Another Mide´ produces a small wooden effigy of a man (Fig.17), measuring about 5 inches in height. The body has a small orifice running through it from between the shoulders to the buttocks, the head and neck forming a separate piece which may be attached to the body like a glass stopper to a bottle.

A hole is made in the ground deep enough to reach to the hips of the effigy, when the latter is put into it and the loose earth loosely restored so as to hold it in an upright position. Some magic powder of herbs is sprinkled around the body, and into the vertical orifice in it, when the head is put in place. A series of inarticulate utterances are chanted, when, if everything be favorable, the figure will perceptibly move up and down as if possessed of life. Fig.18 represents another figure used in a similar manner. It consists of one piece, however, and is decorated with narrow bands of dark blue flannel about the ankles and knees, a patch of red cloth upon the breast and bands about the wrists, each of the eyes being indicated by three white porcelain beads.

effigy	effigy
Fig. 17.	Fig. 18.

One of the most astonishing tests, however, and one that can be produced only by Mide´ of the highest power, consists in causing a Mide´ sack to move upon the ground as if it were alive. This, it is confidently alleged, has been done repeatedly, though it is evident that the deception is more easily produced than in the above-mentioned instances, as the temporary retention within a bag of a small mammal could readily be made to account for the movements.

In most of these private exhibitions the light is so obscured as to prevent the deception being observed and exposed; and when public demonstrations of skill are made the auditors invariably consist of the most credulous of the uninitiated, or the confrÉres of the performer, from whom no antagonism or doubt would be expected.

The preceptor then consults with the Mide´ priests respecting the presents to be delivered by the candidate, and repeats the following words, viz:

Mis-shai´-e-gwa	tshi-de-bog-in-de-mung´.	gi´-she-go-dung´
Now is the time	that we shall fix the price	of everything pertaining to the sky,

ka-mi´-ne-	nongk	gi´-she-goy-dung´		di´-bi-ga-donk´ gai-yÉ´.
that has been	given to us	from the day	[and]	the night also.

A-pe´-ge-dÁ´wunk	i´-wa-pi	ge-bin´-de-ga-yongk´,
When it shall come to pass	and at the time	that we shall enter,

a-au´-wa-mi-de´-wid.

he who wishes to become a Mide´.

When the four vapor baths have been taken by the candidate, and the eve of the ceremony has arrived, he remains in the sudatory longer than usual so as not to come in contact with the large crowd of visitors who have arrived upon the scene. The woods resound with the noises incident to a large camp, while in various directions may be heard the monotonous beating of the drum indicating the presence of a number of dancers, or the hard, sharp taps of the mide´ drum, caused by a priest propitiating and invoking the presence and favor of Ki´tshi Ma´nido in the service now so near at hand.

When the night is far advanced and all becomes hushed, the candidate, with only the preceptor accompanying, retires to his own wig´iwam, while the assistant Mide´ priests and intimate friends or members of his family collect the numerous presents and suspend them from the transverse and longitudinal poles in the upper part of the Mide´wigÂn. Watchers remain to see that nothing is removed during the night.

At the approach of day, the candidate breakfasts and again returns to the sweat-lodge to await the coming of his preceptor, and, later, of the officiating priests. The candidate puts on his best clothing and such articles of beaded ornaments as he may possess. The preceptor and Mide´ priests are also clad in their finest apparel, each wearing one or two beaded dancing bags at his side, secured by a band of beaded cloth crossing the opposite shoulder. The members of the Mide´wiwin who are not directly concerned in the preliminaries resort to the Mide´wigÂn and take seats around the interior, near the wall, where they may continue to smoke, or may occasionally drum and sing. The drummer, with his assistants, takes a place near upon the floor of the sacred inclosure to the left of the eastern entrance, i.e., the southeast corner.

IMPLORATION FOR CLEAR WEATHER.

1836. Gallatin (Albert).

A synopsis of the Indian tribes within the United States east of the Rocky Mountains, and in the British and Russian possessions in North America. In Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian Society (ArchÆologia Americana) Cambridge, 1836, vol.2.

The larger part of the volume consists of Gallatin’s paper. A short chapter is devoted to general observations, including certain historical data, and the remainder to the discussion of linguistic material and the affinities of the various tribes mentioned. Vocabularies of many of the families are appended. Twenty-eight linguistic divisions are recognized in the general table of the tribes. Some of these divisions are purely geographic, such as the tribes of Salmon River, Queen Charlotte’s Island, etc. Vocabularies from these localities were at hand, but of their linguistic relations the author was not sufficiently assured. Most of the linguistic families recognized by Gallatin were defined with much precision. Not all of his conclusions are to be accepted in the presence of the data now at hand, but usually they were sound, as is attested by the fact that they have constituted the basis for much classificatory work since his time.

The primary, or at least the ostensible, purpose of the colored map which accompanies Gallatin’s paper was, as indicated by its title, to show the distribution of the tribes, and accordingly their names appear upon it, and not the names of the linguistic families. Nevertheless, it is practically a map of the linguistic families as determined by the author, and it is believed to be the first attempted for the area represented. Only eleven of the twenty-eight families named in this table appear, and these represent the families with which he was best acquainted. As was to be expected from the early period at which the map was constructed, much of the western part of the United States was left uncolored. Altogether the map illustrates well the state of knowledge of the time.

1840. Bancroft (George).

History of the colonization of the United States, Boston. 1840, vol.3.

In Chapter XXII of this volume the author gives a brief synopsis of the Indian tribes east of the Mississippi, under a linguistic classification, and adds a brief account of the character and methods of Indian languages. A linguistic map of the region is incorporated, which in general corresponds with the one published by Gallatin in 1836. A notable addition to the Gallatin map is the inclusion of the Uchees in their proper locality. Though considered a distinct family by Gallatin, this tribe does not appear upon his map. Moreover, the Choctaws and Muskogees, which appear as separate families upon Gallatin’s map (though believed by that author to belong to the same family), are united upon Bancroft’s map under the term Mobilian.

The linguistic families treated of are, I. Algonquin, II. Sioux or Dahcota, III. Huron-Iroquois, IV. Catawba, V. Cherokee, VI. Uchee, VII. Natchez, VIII. Mobilian.

1841. Scouler (John).

Observations of the indigenous tribes of the northwest coast of America. In Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London. London, 1841, vol.11.

The chapter cited is short, but long enough to enable the author to construct a very curious classification of the tribes of which he treats. In his account Scouler is guided chiefly, to use his own words, “byconsiderations founded on their physical character, manners and customs, and on the affinities of their languages.” As the linguistic considerations are mentioned last, so they appear to be the least weighty of his “considerations.”

Scouler’s definition of a family is very broad indeed, and in his “Northern Family,” which is a branch of his “Insular Group,” he includes such distinct linguistic stocks as “all the Indian tribes in the Russian territory,” the Queen Charlotte Islanders, Koloshes, Ugalentzes, Atnas, Kolchans, KenÁÏes, Tun Ghaase, Haidahs, and Chimmesyans. His Nootka-Columbian family is scarcely less incongruous, and it is evident that the classification indicated is only to a comparatively slight extent linguistic.

1846. Hale (Horatio).

United States exploring expedition, during the years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842, under the command of Charles Wilkes, U.S. Navy, vol. 6, ethnography and philology. Philadelphia, 1846.

In addition to a large amount of ethnographic data derived from the Polynesian Islands, Micronesian Islands, Australia, etc., more than one-half of this important volume is devoted to philology, a large share relating to the tribes of northwestern America.

The vocabularies collected by Hale, and the conclusions derived by him from study of them, added much to the previous knowledge of the languages of these tribes. His conclusions and classification were in the main accepted by Gallatin in his linguistic writings of 1848.

1846. Latham (Robert Gordon).

Miscellaneous contributions to the ethnography of North America. In Proceedings of the Philological Society of London. London, 1816, vol.2.

In this article, which was read before the Philological Society, January 24, 1845, a large number of North American languages are examined and their affinities discussed in support of the two following postulates made at the beginning of the paper: First, “NoAmerican language has an isolated position when compared with the other tongues en masse rather than with the language of any particular class;” second, “The affinities between the language of the New World, as determined by their vocabularies, is not less real than that inferred from the analogies of their grammatical structure.” The author’s conclusions are that both statements are substantiated by the evidence presented. The paper contains no new family names.

1847. Prichard (James Cowles).

Researches into the physical history of mankind (third edition), vol. 5, containing researches into the history of the Oceanic and of the American nations. London, 1847.

It was the purpose of this author, as avowed by himself, to determine whether the races of men are the cooffspring of a single stock or have descended respectively from several original families. Like other authors on this subject, his theory of what should constitute a race was not clearly defined. The scope of the inquiry required the consideration of a great number of subjects and led to the accumulation of a vast body of facts. In volume 5 the author treats of the American Indians, and in connection with the different tribes has something to say of their languages. No attempt at an original classification is made, and in the main the author follows Gallatin’s classification and adopts his conclusions.

1848. Gallatin (Albert).

Hale’s Indians of Northwest America, and vocabularies of North America, with an introduction. In Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, New York, 1848, vol.2.

The introduction consists of a number of chapters, as follows: First, Geographical notices and Indian means of subsistence; second, Ancient semi-civilization of New Mexico, Rio Gila and its vicinity; third, Philology; fourth, Addenda and miscellaneous. In these are brought together much valuable information, and many important deductions are made which illustrate Mr. Gallatin’s great acumen. The classification given is an amplification of that adopted in 1836, and contains changes and additions. The latter mainly result from a consideration of the material supplied by Mr. Hale, or are simply taken from his work.

The groups additional to those contained in the ArchÆologia Americana are:

1.	Arrapahoes.
2.	Jakon.
3.	Kalapuya.
4.	Kitunaha.
5.	Lutuami.
6.	Palainih.
7.	Sahaptin.
8.	Selish (Tsihaili-Selish).
9.	Saste.
10.	Waiilatpu.

1848, Latham (Robert Gordon).

On the languages of the Oregon Territory. In Journal of the Ethnological Society of London, Edinburgh, 1848, vol.1.

This paper was read before the Ethnological Society on the 11th of December. The languages noticed are those that lie between “Russian America and New California,” of which the author aims to give an exhaustive list. He discusses the value of the groups to which these languages have been assigned, viz, Athabascan and Nootka-Columbian, and finds that they have been given too high value, and that they are only equivalent to the primary subdivisions of stocks, like the Gothic, Celtic, and Classical, rather than to the stocks themselves. He further finds that the Athabascan, the Kolooch, the Nootka-Columbian, and the Cadiak groups are subordinate members of one large and important class—the Eskimo.

No new linguistic groups are presented.

1848. Latham (Robert Gordon).

On the ethnography of Russian America. In Journal of the Ethnological Society of London, Edinburgh, 1848, vol.1.

This essay was read before the Ethnological Society February 19, 1845. Brief notices are given of the more important tribes, and the languages are classed in two groups, the Eskimaux and the Kolooch. Each of these groups is found to have affinities—

(1) With the Athabascan tongues, and perhaps equal affinities.

(2) Each has affinities with the Oregon languages, and each perhaps equally.

(3) Each has definite affinities with the languages of New California, and each perhaps equal ones.

(4) Each has miscellaneous affinities with all the other tongues of North and South America.

1848. Berghaus (Heinrich).

Physikalischer Atlas oder Sammlung von Karten, auf denen die hauptsÄchlichsten erscheinungen der anorganischen und organischen Natur nach ihrer geographischen Verbreitung und Vertheilung bildlich dargestellt sind. Zweiter Band, Gotha, 1848.

This, the first edition of this well known atlas, contains, among other maps, an ethnographic map of North America, made in 1845. It is based, as is stated, upon material derived from Gallatin, Humboldt, Clavigero, Hervas, Vater, and others. So far as the eastern part of the United States is concerned it is largely a duplication of Gallatin’s map of 1836, while in the western region a certain amount of new material is incorporated.

1852. In the edition of 1852 the ethnographic map bears date of 1851. Its eastern portion is substantially a copy of the earlier edition, but its western half is materially changed, chiefly in accordance with the knowledge supplied by Hall in 1848.

Map number 72 of the last edition of Berghaus by no means marks an advance upon the edition of 1852. Apparently the number of families is much reduced, but it is very difficult to interpret the meaning of the author, who has attempted on the same map to indicate linguistic divisions and tribal habitats with the result that confusion is made worse confounded.

1853. Gallatin (Albert).

Classification of the Indian Languages; a letter inclosing a table of generic Indian Families of languages. In Information respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States, by Henry E. Schoolcraft. Philadelphia, 1853, vol.3.

This short paper by Gallatin consists of a letter addressed to W. Medill, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, requesting his cooperation in an endeavor to obtain vocabularies to assist in a more complete study of the grammar and structure of the languages of the Indians of North America. It is accompanied by a “Synopsis of Indian Tribes,” giving the families and tribes so far as known. In the main the classification is a repetition of that of 1848, but it differs from that in a number of particulars. Two of the families of 1848 do not appear in this paper, viz, Arapaho and Kinai. Queen Charlotte Island, employed as a family name in 1848, is placed under the Wakash family, while the Skittagete language, upon which the name Queen Charlotte Island was based in 1848, is here given as a family designation for the language spoken at “Sitka, bet. 52 and 59 lat.” The following families appear which are not contained in the list of 1848:

1.	Cumanches.
2.	Gros Ventres.
3.	Kaskaias.
4.	Kiaways.
5.	Natchitoches.
6.	Pani, Towiacks.
7.	Ugaljachmatzi.

1853. Gibbs (George).

Observations on some of the Indian dialects of northern California. In Information respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States, by Henry E. Schoolcraft. Philadelphia, 1853, vol.3.

The “Observations” are introductory to a series of vocabularies collected in northern California, and treat of the method employed in collecting them and of the difficulties encountered. They also contain notes on the tribes speaking the several languages as well as on the area covered. There is comparatively little of a classificatory nature, though in one instance the name Quoratem is proposed as a proper one for the family “should it be held one.”

1854. Latham (Robert Gordon).

On the languages of New California. In Proceedings of the Philological Society of London for 1852 and 1853. London, 1854, vol.6.

Read before the Philological Society, May 13, 1853. A number of languages are examined in this paper for the purpose of determining the stocks to which they belong and the mutual affinities of the latter. Among the languages mentioned are the Saintskla, Umkwa, Lutuami, Paduca, Athabascan, Dieguno, and a number of the Mission languages.

1855. Lane (William Carr).

Letter on affinities of dialects in New Mexico. In Information respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States, by Henry R. Schoolcraft. Philadelphia, 1855, vol.5.

The letter forms half a page of printed matter. The gist of the communication is in effect that the author has heard it said that the Indians of certain pueblos speak three different languages, which he has heard called, respectively, (1)Chu-cha-cas and Kes-whaw-hay; (2)E-nagh-magh; (3)Tay-waugh. This can hardly be called a classification, though the arrangement of the pueblos indicated by Lane is quoted at length by Keane in the Appendix to Stanford’s Compendium.

1856. Latham (Robert Gordon).

On the languages of Northern, Western, and Central America. In Transactions of the Philological Society of London, for 1856. London [1857?].

This paper was read before the Philological Society May 9, 1856, and is stated to be “asupplement to two well known contributions to American philology by the late A.Gallatin.”

So far as classification of North American languages goes, this is perhaps the most important paper of Latham’s, as in it a number of new names are proposed for linguistic groups, such as Copeh for the Sacramento River tribes, Ehnik for the Karok tribes, Mariposa Group and Mendocino Group for the Yokut and Pomo tribes respectively, Moquelumne for the Mutsun, Pujuni for the Meidoo, Weitspek for the Eurocs.

1856. Turner (William Wadden).

Report upon the Indian tribes, by Lieut. A.W. Whipple, Thomas Ewbank, esq., and Prof. William W. Turner, Washington, D.C., 1855. In Reports of Explorations and Surveys to ascertain the most practicable and economical route for a railroad from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean. Washington, 1856, vol. 3. part3.

Chapter V of the above report is headed “Vocabularies of North American Languages,” and is by Turner, as is stated in a foot-note. Though the title page of Part III is dated 1855, the chapter by Turner was not issued till 1856, the date of the full volume, as is stated by Turner on page 84. The following are the vocabularies given, with their arrangement in families:

I.	Delaware.		Algonkin.
II.	Shawnee.		Algonkin.
III.	Choctaw.
IV.	Kichai.	Pawnee?
V.	HuÉco.	Pawnee?
VI.	Caddo.
VII.	Comanche.		Shoshonee.
VIII.	Chemehuevi.
IX.	Cahuillo.
X.	Kioway.
XI.	Navajo.		Apache.
XII.	Pinal LeÑo.		Apache.
XIII.	Kiwomi.	Keres.
XIV.	Cochitemi.
XV.	Acoma.
XVI.	ZuÑi.
XVII.	Pima.
XVIII.	Cuchan.		Yuma.
XIX.	Coco-Maricopa.
XX.	Mojave.
XXI.	Diegeno.

Several of the family names, viz, Keres, Kiowa, Yuma, and ZuÑi, have been adopted under the rules formulated above.

1858. Buschmann (Johann Carl Eduard).

Die VÖlker und Sprachen Neu-Mexiko’s und der Westseite des britischen Nordamerika’s, dargestellt von Hrn. Buschmann. In Abhandlungen (aus dem Jahre 1857) der kÖniglichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Berlin, 1858.

This work contains a historic review of early discoveries in New Mexico and of the tribes living therein, with such vocabularies as were available at the time. On pages 315-414 the tribes of British America, from about latitude 54° to 60°, are similarly treated, the various discoveries being reviewed; also those on the North Pacific coast. Much of the material should have been inserted in the volume of 1859 (which was prepared in 1854), to which cross reference is frequently made, and to which it stands in the nature of a supplement.

1859: Buschmann (Johann Carl Eduard).

Die Spuren der aztekischen Sprache im nÖrdlichen Mexico und hÖheren amerikanischen Norden. Zugleich eine Musterung der VÖlker und Sprachen des nÖrdlichen Mexico’s und der Westseite Nordamerika’s von Guadalaxara an bis zum Eismeer. In Abhandlungen aus dem Jahre 1854 der kÖniglichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Berlin, 1859.

The above, forming a second supplemental volume of the Transactions for 1854, is an extensive compilation of much previous literature treating of the Indian tribes from the Arctic Ocean southward to Guadalajara, and bears specially upon the Aztec language and its traces in the languages of the numerous tribes scattered along the Pacific Ocean and inland to the high plains. A large number of vocabularies and a vast amount of linguistic material are here brought together and arranged in a comprehensive manner to aid in the study attempted. In his classification of the tribes east of the Rocky Mountains, Buschmann largely followed Gallatin. His treatment of those not included in Gallatin’s paper is in the main original. Many of the results obtained may have been considered bold at the time of publication, but recent philological investigations give evidence of the value of many of the author’s conclusions.

1859. Kane (Paul).

Wanderings of an artist among the Indians of North America from Canada to Vancouver’s Island and Oregon through the Hudson’s Bay Company’s territory and back again. London, 1859.

The interesting account of the author’s travels among the Indians, chiefly in the Northwest, and of their habits, is followed by a four page supplement, giving the names, locations, and census of the tribes of the Northwest coast. They are classified by language into Chymseyan, including the Nass, Chymseyans, Skeena and Sabassas Indians, of whom twenty-one tribes are given; Ha-eelb-zuk or Ballabola, including the Milbank Sound Indians, with nine tribes; Klen-ekate, including twenty tribes; Hai-dai, including the Kygargey and Queen Charlotte’s Island Indians, nineteen tribes being enumerated; and Qua-colth, with twenty-nine tribes. No statement of the origin of these tables is given, and they reappear, with no explanation, in Schoolcraft’s Indian Tribes, volume V, pp.487-489.

In his Queen Charlotte Islands, 1870, Dawson publishes the part of this table relating to the Haida, with the statement that he received it from Dr. W.F. Tolmie. The census was made in 1836-’41 by the late Mr. John Work, who doubtless was the author of the more complete tables published by Kane and Schoolcraft.

1862. Latham (Robert Gordon).

Elements of comparative philology. London, 1862.

The object of this volume is, as the author states in his preface, “tolay before the reader the chief facts and the chief trains of reasoning in Comparative Philology.” Among the great mass of material accumulated for the purpose a share is devoted to the languages of North America. The remarks under these are often taken verbatim from the author’s earlier papers, to which reference has been made above, and the family names and classification set forth in them are substantially repeated.

1862. Hayden (Ferdinand Vandeveer).

Contributions to the ethnography and philology of the Indian tribes of the Missouri Valley. Philadelphia, 1862.

This is a valuable contribution to our knowledge of the Missouri River tribes, made at a time when the information concerning them was none too precise. The tribes treated of are classified as follows:

I.	Knisteneaux, or Crees.		Algonkin Group,A.
II.	Blackfeet.
III.	Shyennes.
IV.	Arapohos.	Arapoho Group,B.
V.	Atsinas.	Arapoho Group,B.
VI.	Pawnees.	Pawnee Group,C.
VII.	Arikaras.	Pawnee Group,C.
VIII.	Dakotas.	}	Dakota Group,D.
IX.	Assiniboins.
X.	Crows.
XI.	Minnitarees.
XII.	Mandans.
XIII.	Omahas.
XIV.	Iowas.

1864. Orozco y Berra (Manuel).

GeografÍa de las Lenguas y Carta EtnogrÁfica de MÉxico Precedidas de un ensayo de clasificacion de las mismas lenguas y de apuntes para las inmigraciones de las tribus. Mexico, 1864.

The work is divided into three parts. (1)Tentative classification of the languages of Mexico; (2)notes on the immigration of the tribes of Mexico; (3)geography of the languages of Mexico.

The author states that he has no knowledge whatever of the languages he treats of. All he attempts to do is to summarize the opinions of others. His authorities were (1)writers on native grammars; (2)missionaries; (3)persons who are reputed to be versed in such matters. He professes to have used his own judgment only when these authorities left him free to doso.

His stated method in compiling the ethnographic map was to place before him the map of a certain department, examine all his authorities bearing on that department, and to mark with a distinctive color all localities said to belong to a particular language. When this was done he drew a boundary line around the area of that language. Examination of the map shows that he has partly expressed on it the classification of languages as given in the first part of his text, and partly limited himself to indicating the geographic boundaries of languages, without, however, giving the boundaries of all the languages mentioned in his lists.

1865. Pimentel (Francisco).

Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de las Lenguas IndÍgenas de MÉxico. MÉxico, 1865.

According to the introduction this work is divided into three parts: (1)descriptive; (2)comparative; (3)critical.

The author divides the treatment of each language into (1)its mechanism; (2)its dictionary; (3)its grammar. By “mechanism” he means pronunciation and composition; by “dictionary” he means the commonest or most notable words.

In the case of each language he states the localities where it is spoken, giving a short sketch of its history, the explanation of its etymology, and a list of such writers on that language as he has become acquainted with. Then follows: “mechanism, dictionary, and grammar.” Next he enumerates its dialects if there are any, and compares specimens of them when he is able. He gives the Our Father when he can.

Volume I (1862) contains introduction and twelve languages. Volume II (1865) contains fourteen groups of languages, a vocabulary of the Opata language, and an appendix treating of the Comanche, the Coahuilteco, and various languages of upper California.

Volume III (announced in preface of Volume II) is to contain the “comparative part” (to be treated in the same “mixed” method as the “descriptive part”), and a scientific classification of all the languages spoken in Mexico.

In the “critical part” (apparently dispersed through the other two parts) the author intends to pass judgment on the merits of the languages of Mexico, to point out their good qualities and their defects.

1870. Dall (William Healey).

On the distribution of the native tribes of Alaska and the adjacent territory. In Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. Cambridge, 1870, vol.18.

In this important paper is presented much interesting information concerning the inhabitants of Alaska and adjacent territories. The natives are divided into two groups, the Indians of the interior, and the inhabitants of the coast, or Esquimaux. The latter are designated by the term Orarians, which are composed of three lesser groups, Eskimo, Aleutians, and Tuski. The Orarians are distinguished, first, by their language; second, by their distribution; third, by their habits; fourth, by their physical characteristics.

1870. Dall (William Healey).

Alaska and its Resources. Boston, 1870.

The classification followed is practically the same as is given in the author’s article in the Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science.

1877. Dall (William Healey).

Tribes of the extreme northwest. In Contributions to North American Ethnology (published by United States Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region). Washington, 1877, vol.1.

This is an amplification of the paper published in the Proceedings of the American Association, as above cited. The author states that “numerous additions and corrections, as well as personal observations of much before taken at second hand, have placed it in my power to enlarge and improve my original arrangement.”

In this paper the Orarians are divided into “two well marked groups,” the Innuit, comprising all the so-called Eskimo and Tuskis, and the Aleuts. The paper proper is followed by an appendix by Gibbs and Dall, in which are presented a series of vocabularies from the northwest, including dialects of the Tlinkit and Haida nations, T’sim-si-ans, and others.

1877. Gibbs (George).

Tribes of Western Washington and Northwestern Oregon. In Contributions to North American Ethnology. Washington, 1887, vol.1.

This is a valuable article, and gives many interesting particulars of the tribes of which it treats. References are here and there made to the languages of the several tribes, with, however, no attempt at their classification. A table follows the report, in which is given by Dall, after Gibbs, a classification of the tribes mentioned by Gibbs. Five families are mentioned, viz: Nutka, Sahaptin, Tinneh, Selish, and T’sinuk. The comparative vocabularies follow Part II.

1877. Powers (Stephen).

Tribes of California. In Contributions to North American Ethnology. Washington, 1877, vol.3.

The extended paper on the Californian tribes which makes up the bulk of this volume is the most important contribution to the subject ever made. The author’s unusual opportunities for personal observation among these tribes were improved to the utmost and the result is a comparatively full and comprehensive account of their habits and character.

Here and there are allusions to the languages spoken, with reference to the families to which the tribes belong. No formal classification is presented.

1877. Powell (John Wesley).

Appendix. Linguistics edited by J.W. Powell. In Contributions to North American Ethnology. Washington, 1877, vol.3.

This appendix consists of a series of comparative vocabularies collected by Powers, Gibbs and others, classified into linguistic families, as follows:

	Family.		Family.
1.	KÁ-rok.	8.	Mut´-sun.
2.	YÚ-rok.	9.	Santa Barbara.
3.	Chim-a-rÍ-ko.	10.	YÓ-kuts.
4.	Wish-osk.	11.	Mai´-du.
5.	YÚ-ki.	12.	A-cho-mÂ´-wi.
6.	PÓmo.	13.	Shas-ta.
7.	Win-tun´.

1877. Gatschet (Albert Samuel).

Indian languages of the Pacific States and Territories. In Magazine of American History. New York, 1877, vol.1.

After some remarks concerning the nature of language and of the special characteristics of Indian languages, the author gives a synopsis of the languages of the Pacific region. The families mentioned are:

1.	ShÓshoni.	11.	Pomo.	21.	Yakon.
2.	Yuma.	12.	Wishosk.	22.	Cayuse.
3.	Pima.	13.	Eurok.	23.	Kalapuya.
4.	Santa Barbara.	14.	Weits-pek.	24.	Chinook.
5.	Mutsun.	15.	Cahrok.	25.	Sahaptin.
6.	Yocut.	16.	Tolewa.	26.	Selish.
7.	Meewoc.	17.	Shasta.	27.	Nootka.
8.	Meidoo.	18.	Pit River.	28.	Kootenai.
9.	Wintoon.	19.	Klamath.
10.	Yuka.	20.	TinnÉ.

This is an important paper, and contains notices of several new stocks, derived from a study of the material furnished by Powers.

The author advocates the plan of using a system of nomenclature similar in nature to that employed in zoology in the case of generic and specific names, adding after the name of the tribe the family to which it belongs; thus: Warm Springs, Sahaptin.

1878. Powell (John Wesley).

The nationality of the Pueblos. In the Rocky Mountain Presbyterian. Denver, November, 1878.

This is a half-column article, the object of which is to assign the several Pueblos to their proper stocks. A paragraph is devoted to contradicting the popular belief that the Pueblos are in some way related to the Aztecs. No vocabularies are given or cited, though the classification is stated to be a linguistic one.

1878. Keane (Augustus H).

Appendix. Ethnography and philology of America. In Stanford’s Compendium of Geography and Travel, edited and extended by H.W. Bates. London, 1878.

In the appendix are given, first, some of the more general characteristics and peculiarities of Indian languages, followed by a classification of all the tribes of North America, after which is given an alphabetical list of American tribes and languages, with their habitats and the stock to which they belong.

The classification is compiled from many sources, and although it contains many errors and inconsistencies, it affords on the whole a good general idea of prevalent views on the subject.

1880. Powell (John Wesley).

Pueblo Indians. In the American Naturalist. Philadelphia, 1880, vol.14.

This is a two-page article in which is set forth a classification of the Pueblo Indians from linguistic considerations. The Pueblos are divided into four families or stocks, viz:

1.	ShÍnumo.
2.	Zunian.
3.	KÉran.
4.	TÉwan.

Under the several stocks is given a list of those who have collected vocabularies of these languages and a reference to their publication.

1880. Eells (Myron).

The Twana language of Washington Territory. In the American Antiquarian. Chicago, 1880-’81, vol.3.

This is a brief article—two and a half pages—on the Twana, Clallam, and Chemakum Indians. The author finds, upon a comparison of vocabularies, that the Chemakum language has little in common with its neighbors.

1885. Dall (William Healey).

The native tribes of Alaska. In Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, thirty-fourth meeting, held at Ann Arbor, Mich., August, 1885. Salem, 1886.

This paper is a timely contribution to the subject of the Alaska tribes, and carries it from the point at which the author left it in 1869 to date, briefly summarizing the several recent additions to knowledge. It ends with a geographical classification of the Innuit and Indian tribes of Alaska, with estimates of their numbers.

1885. Bancroft (Hubert Howe).

The works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, vol. 3: the native races, vol. 3, myths and languages. San Francisco, 1882.

Vols. 1-5 collectively are “The Native Races”; vol. 3 is Myths and Languages.

In the chapter on that subject the languages are classified by divisions which appear to correspond to groups, families, tribes, and dialects.

The classification does not, however, follow any consistent plan, and is in parts unintelligible.

1882. Gatschet (Albert Samuel).

Indian languages of the Pacific States and Territories and of the Pueblos of New Mexico. In the Magazine of American History. New York, 1882, vol.8.

This paper is in the nature of a supplement to a previous one in the same magazine above referred to. It enlarges further on several of the stocks there considered, and, as the title indicates, treats also of the Pueblo languages. The families mentioned are:

1.	Chimariko.
2.	Washo.
3.	YÁkona.
4.	SayÚskla.
5.	KÚsa.
6.	Takilma.
7.	Rio Grande Pueblo.
8.	Kera.
9.	ZuÑi.

1883. Hale (Horatio).

Indian migrations, as evidenced by language. In The American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal. Chicago, 1888, vol.5.

In connection with the object of this paper—the study of Indian migrations—several linguistic stocks are mentioned, and the linguistic affinities of a number of tribes are given. The stocks mentioned are:

Huron-Cherokee.
Dakota.
Algonkin.
Chahta-Muskoki.

1885. Tolmie (W. Fraser) and Dawson (GeorgeM.)

Comparative vocabularies of the Indian tribes of British Columbia, with a map illustrating distribution (Geological and Natural History Survey of Canada). Montreal, 1884.

The vocabularies presented constitute an important contribution to linguistic science. They represent “one or more dialects of every Indian language spoken on the Pacific slope from the Columbia River north to the Tshilkat River, and beyond, in Alaska; and from the outermost sea-board to the main continental divide in the Rocky Mountains.” A colored map shows the area occupied by each linguistic family.

LINGUISTIC MAP.

thumbnail of linguistic map In 1836 Gallatin conferred a great boon upon linguistic students by classifying all the existing material relating to this subject. Even in the light of the knowledge of the present day his work is found to rest upon a sound basis. The material of Gallatin’s time, however, was too scanty to permit of more than an outline of the subject. Later writers have contributed to the work, and the names of Latham, Turner, Prichard, Buschmann, Hale, Gatschet, and others are connected with important classificatory results.

The writer’s interest in linguistic work and the inception of a plan for a linguistic classification of Indian languages date back about 20 years, to a time when he was engaged in explorations in the West. Being brought into contact with many tribes, it was possible to collect a large amount of original material. Subsequently, when the Bureau of Ethnology was organized, this store was largely increased through the labors of others. Since then a very large body of literature published in Indian languages has been accumulated, and a great number of vocabularies have been gathered by the Bureau assistants and by collaborators in various parts of the country. The results of a study of all this material, and of much historical data, which necessarily enters largely into work of this character, appear in the accompanying map.

The contributions to the subject during the last fifty years have been so important, and the additions to the material accessible to the student of Gallatin’s time have been so large, that much of the reproach which deservedly attached to American scholars because of the neglect of American linguistics has been removed. The field is a vast one, however, and the workers are comparatively few. Moreover, opportunities for collecting linguistic material are growing fewer day by day, as tribes are consolidated upon reservations, as they become civilized, and as the older Indians, who alone are skilled in their language, die, leaving, it may be, only a few imperfect vocabularies as a basis for future study. History has bequeathed to us the names of many tribes, which became extinct in early colonial times, of whose language not a hint is left and whose linguistic relations must ever remain unknown.

It is vain to grieve over neglected opportunities unless their contemplation stimulates us to utilize those at hand. There are yet many gaps to be filled, even in so elementary a part of the study as the classification of the tribes by language. As to the detailed study of the different linguistic families, the mastery and analysis of the languages composing them, and their comparison with one another and with the languages of other families, only a beginning has been made.

After the above statement it is hardly necessary to add that the accompanying map does not purport to represent final results. On the contrary, it is to be regarded as tentative, setting forth in visible form the results of investigation up to the present time, as a guide and aid to future effort.

Each of the colors or patterns upon the map represents a distinct linguistic family, the total number of families contained in the whole area being fifty-eight. It is believed that the families of languages represented upon the map can not have sprung from a common source; they are as distinct from one another in their vocabularies and apparently in their origin as from the Aryan or the Scythian families. Unquestionably, future and more critical study will result in the fusion of some of these families. As the means for analysis and comparison accumulate, resemblances now hidden will be brought to light, and relationships hitherto unsuspected will be shown to exist. Such a result may be anticipated with the more certainty inasmuch as the present classification has been made upon a conservative plan. Where relationships between families are suspected, but can not be demonstrated by convincing evidence, it has been deemed wiser not to unite them, but to keep them apart until more material shall have accumulated and proof of a more convincing character shall have been brought forward. While some of the families indicated on the map may in future be united to other families, and the number thus be reduced, there seems to be no ground for the belief that the total of the linguistic families of this country will be materially diminished, at least under the present methods of linguistic analysis, for there is little reason to doubt that, as the result of investigation in the field, there will be discovered tribes speaking languages not classifiable under any of the present families; thus the decrease in the total by reason of consolidation may be compensated by a corresponding increase through discovery. It may even be possible that some of the similarities used in combining languages into families may, on further study, prove to be adventitious, and the number may be increased thereby. To which side the numerical balance will fall remains for the future to decide.

As stated above, all the families occupy the same basis of dissimilarity from one another—i.e., none of them are related—and consequently no two of them are either more or less alike than any other two, except in so far as mere coincidences and borrowed material may be said to constitute likeness and relationship. Coincidences in the nature of superficial word resemblances are common in all languages of the world. No matter how widely separated geographically two families of languages may be, no matter how unlike their vocabularies, how distinct their origin, some words may always be found which appear upon superficial examination to indicate relationship. There is not a single Indian linguistic family, for instance, which does not contain words similar in sound, and more rarely similar in both sound and meaning, to words in English, Chinese, Hebrew, and other languages. Not only do such resemblances exist, but they have been discovered and pointed out, not as mere adventitious similarities, but as proof of genetic relationship. Borrowed linguistic material also appears in every family, tempting the unwary investigator into making false analogies and drawing erroneous conclusions. Neither coincidences nor borrowed material, however, can be properly regarded as evidence of cognation.

While occupying the same plane of genetic dissimilarity, the families are by no means alike as regards either the extent of territory occupied, the number of tribes grouped under them respectively, or the number of languages and dialects of which they are composed. Some of them cover wide areas, whose dimensions are stated in terms of latitude and longitude rather than by miles. Others occupy so little space that the colors representing them are hardly discernible upon the map. Some of them contain but a single tribe; others are represented by scores of tribes. In the case of a few, the term “family” is commensurate with language, since there is but one language and no dialects. In the case of others, their tribes spoke several languages, so distinct from one another as to be for the most part mutually unintelligible, and the languages shade into many dialects more or less diverse.

The map, designed primarily for the use of students who are engaged in investigating the Indians of the United States, was at first limited to this area; subsequently its scope was extended to include the whole of North America north of Mexico. Such an extension of its plan was, indeed, almost necessary, since a number of important families, largely represented in the United States, are yet more largely represented in the territory to the north, and no adequate conception of the size and relative importance of such families as the Algonquian, Siouan, Salishan, Athapascan, and others can be had without including extralimital territory.

To the south, also, it happens that several linguistic stocks extend beyond the boundaries of the United States. Three families are, indeed, mainly extralimital in their position, viz: Yuman, the great body of the tribes of which family inhabited the peninsula of Lower California; Piman, which has only a small representation in southern Arizona; and the Coahuiltecan, which intrudes into southwestern Texas. The Athapascan family is represented in Arizona and New Mexico by the well known Apache and Navajo, the former of whom have gained a strong foothold in northern Mexico, while the TaÑoan, a Pueblo family of the upper Rio Grande, has established a few pueblos lower down the river in Mexico. For the purpose of necessary comparison, therefore, the map is made to include all of North America north of Mexico, the entire peninsula of Lower California, and so much of Mexico as is necessary to show the range of families common to that country and to the United States. It is left to a future occasion to attempt to indicate the linguistic relations of Mexico and Central America, for which, it may be remarked in passing, much material has been accumulated.

It is apparent that a single map can not be made to show the locations of the several linguistic families at different epochs; nor can a single map be made to represent the migrations of the tribes composing the linguistic families. In order to make a clear presentation of the latter subject, it would be necessary to prepare a series of maps showing the areas successively occupied by the several tribes as they were disrupted and driven from section to section under the pressure of other tribes or the vastly more potent force of European encroachment. Although the data necessary for a complete representation of tribal migration, even for the period subsequent to the advent of the European, does not exist, still a very large body of material bearing upon the subject is at hand, and exceedingly valuable results in this direction could be presented did not the amount of time and labor and the large expense attendant upon such a project forbid the attempt for the present.

The map undertakes to show the habitat of the linguistic families only, and this is for but a single period in their history, viz, at the time when the tribes composing them first became known to the European, or when they first appear on recorded history. As the dates when the different tribes became known vary, it follows as a matter of course that the periods represented by the colors in one portion of the map are not synchronous with those in other portions. Thus the data for the Columbia River tribes is derived chiefly from the account of the journey of Lewis and Clarke in 1803-’05, long before which period radical changes of location had taken place among the tribes of the eastern United States. Again, not only are the periods represented by the different sections of the map not synchronous, but only in the case of a few of the linguistic families, and these usually the smaller ones, is it possible to make the coloring synchronous for different sections of the same family. Thus our data for the location of some of the northern members of the Shoshonean family goes back to 1804, a date at which absolutely no knowledge had been gained of most of the southern members of the group, our first accounts of whom began about 1850. Again, our knowledge of the eastern Algonquian tribes dates back to about 1600, while no information was had concerning the Atsina, Blackfeet, Cheyenne, and the Arapaho, the westernmost members of the family, until two centuries later.

Notwithstanding these facts, an attempt to fix upon the areas formerly occupied by the several linguistic families, and of the pristine homes of many of the tribes composing them, is by no means hopeless. For instance, concerning the position of the western tribes during the period of early contact of our colonies and its agreement with their position later when they appear in history, it may be inferred that as a rule it was stationary, though positive evidence is lacking. When changes of tribal habitat actually took place they were rarely in the nature of extensive migration, by which a portion of a linguistic family was severed from the main body, but usually in the form of encroachment by a tribe or tribes upon neighboring territory, which resulted simply in the extension of the limits of one linguistic family at the expense of another, the defeated tribes being incorporated or confined within narrower limits. If the above inference be correct, the fact that different chronologic periods are represented upon the map is of comparatively little importance, since, if the Indian tribes were in the main sedentary, and not nomadic, the changes resulting in the course of one or two centuries would not make material differences. Exactly the opposite opinion, however, has been expressed by many writers, viz, that the North American Indian tribes were nomadic. The picture presented by these writers is of a medley of ever-shifting tribes, to-day here, to-morrow there, occupying new territory and founding new homes—if nomads can be said to have homes—only to abandon them. Such a picture, however, is believed to convey an erroneous idea of the former condition of our Indian tribes. As the question has significance in the present connection it must be considered somewhat at length.

INDIAN TRIBES SEDENTARY.

In the first place, the linguistic map, based as it is upon the earliest evidence obtainable, itself offers conclusive proof, not only that the Indian tribes were in the main sedentary at the time history first records their position, but that they had been sedentary for a very long period. In order that this may be made plain, it should be clearly understood, as stated above, that each of the colors or patterns upon the map indicates a distinct linguistic family. It will be noticed that the colors representing the several families are usually in single bodies, i.e., that they represent continuous areas, and that with some exceptions the same color is not scattered here and there over the map in small spots. Yet precisely this last state of things is what would be expected had the tribes representing the families been nomadic to a marked degree. If nomadic tribes occupied North America, instead of spreading out each from a common center, as the colors show that the tribes composing the several families actually did, they would have been dispersed here and there over the whole face of the country. That they are not so dispersed is considered proof that in the main they were sedentary. It has been stated above that more or less extensive migrations of some tribes over the country had taken place prior to European occupancy. This fact is disclosed by a glance at the present map. The great Athapascan family, for instance, occupying the larger part of British America, is known from linguistic evidence to have sent off colonies into Oregon (Wilopah, Tlatskanai, Coquille), California (Smith River tribes, Kenesti or Wailakki tribes, Hupa), and Arizona and New Mexico (Apache, Navajo). How long before European occupancy of this country these migrations took place can not be told, but in the case of most of them it was undoubtedly many years. By the test of language it is seen that the great Siouan family, which we have come to look upon as almost exclusively western, had one offshoot in Virginia (Tutelo), another in North and South Carolina (Catawba), and a third in Mississippi (Biloxi); and the Algonquian family, so important in the early history of this country, while occupying a nearly continuous area in the north and east, had yet secured a foothold, doubtless in very recent times, in Wyoming and Colorado. These and other similar facts sufficiently prove the power of individual tribes or gentes to sunder relations with the great body of their kindred and to remove to distant homes. Tested by linguistic evidence, such instances appear to be exceptional, and the fact remains that in the great majority of cases the tribes composing linguistic families occupy continuous areas, and hence are and have been practically sedentary. Nor is the bond of a common language, strong and enduring as that bond is usually thought to be, entirely sufficient to explain the phenomenon here pointed out. When small in number the linguistic tie would undoubtedly aid in binding together the members of a tribe; but as the people speaking a common language increase in number and come to have conflicting interests, the linguistic tie has often proved to be an insufficient bond of union. In the case of our Indian tribes feuds and internecine conflicts were common between members of the same linguistic family. In fact, it is probable that a very large number of the dialects into which Indian languages are split originated as the result of internecine strife. Factions, divided and separated from the parent body, by contact, intermarriage, and incorporation with foreign tribes, developed distinct dialects or languages.

But linguistic evidence alone need not be relied upon to prove that the North American Indian was not nomadic.

Corroborative proof of the sedentary character of our Indian tribes is to be found in the curious form of kinship system, with mother-right as its chief factor, which prevails. This, as has been pointed out in another place, is not adapted to the necessities of nomadic tribes, which need to be governed by a patriarchal system, and, as well, to be possessed of flocks and herds.

There is also an abundance of historical evidence to show that, when first discovered by Europeans, the Indians of the eastern United States were found living in fixed habitations. This does not necessarily imply that the entire year was spent in one place. Agriculture not being practiced to an extent sufficient to supply the Indian with full subsistence, he was compelled to make occasional changes from his permanent home to the more or less distant waters and forests to procure supplies of food. When furnished with food and skins for clothing, the hunting parties returned to the village which constituted their true home. At longer periods, for several reasons—among which probably the chief were the hostility of stronger tribes, the failure of the fuel supply near the village, and the compulsion exercised by the ever lively superstitious fancies of the Indians—the villages were abandoned and new ones formed to constitute new homes, new focal points from which to set out on their annual hunts and to which to return when these were completed. The tribes of the eastern United States had fixed and definitely bounded habitats, and their wanderings were in the nature of temporary excursions to established points resorted to from time immemorial. As, however, they had not yet entered completely into the agricultural condition, to which they were fast progressing from the hunter state, they may be said to have been nomadic to a very limited extent. The method of life thus sketched was substantially the one which the Indians were found practicing throughout the eastern part of the United States, as also, though to a less degree, in the Pacific States. Upon the Pacific coast proper the tribes were even more sedentary than upon the Atlantic, as the mild climate and the great abundance and permanent supply of fish and shellfish left no cause for a seasonal change of abode.

When, however, the interior portions of the country were first visited by Europeans, a different state of affairs was found to prevail. There the acquisition of the horse and the possession of firearms had wrought very great changes in aboriginal habits. The acquisition of the former enabled the Indian of the treeless plains to travel distances with ease and celerity which before were practically impossible, and the possession of firearms stimulated tribal aggressiveness to the utmost pitch. Firearms were everywhere doubly effective in producing changes in tribal habitats, since the somewhat gradual introduction of trade placed these deadly weapons in the hands of some tribes, and of whole congeries of tribes, long before others could obtain them. Thus the general state of tribal equilibrium which had before prevailed was rudely disturbed. Tribal warfare, which hitherto had been attended with inconsiderable loss of life and slight territorial changes, was now made terribly destructive, and the territorial possessions of whole groups of tribes were augmented at the expense of those less fortunate. The horse made wanderers of many tribes which there is sufficient evidence to show were formerly nearly sedentary. Firearms enforced migration and caused wholesale changes in the habitats of tribes, which, in the natural order of events, it would have taken many centuries to produce. The changes resulting from these combined agencies, great as they were, are, however, slight in comparison with the tremendous effects of the wholesale occupancy of Indian territory by Europeans. As the acquisition of territory by the settlers went on, a wave of migration from east to west was inaugurated which affected tribes far remote from the point of disturbance, ever forcing them within narrower and narrower bounds, and, as time went on, producing greater and greater changes throughout the entire country.

So much of the radical change in tribal habitats as took place in the area remote from European settlements, mainly west of the Mississippi, is chiefly unrecorded, save imperfectly in Indian tradition, and is chiefly to be inferred from linguistic evidence and from the few facts in our possession. As, however, the most important of these changes occurred after, and as a result of, European occupancy, they are noted in history, and thus the map really gives a better idea of the pristine or prehistoric habitat of the tribes than at first might be thought possible.

Before speaking of the method of establishing the boundary lines between the linguistic families, as they appear upon the map, the nature of the Indian claim to land and the manner and extent of its occupation should be clearly set forth.

POPULATION.

As the question of the Indian population of the country has a direct bearing upon the extent to which the land was actually occupied, a few words on the subject will be introduced here, particularly as the area included in the linguistic map is so covered with color that it may convey a false impression of the density of the Indian population. As a result of an investigation of the subject of the early Indian population, Col. Mallery long ago arrived at the conclusion that their settlements were not numerous, and that the population, as compared with the enormous territory occupied, was extremely small.1

Careful examination since the publication of the above tends to corroborate the soundness of the conclusions there first formulated. The subject may be set forth as follows:

The sea shore, the borders of lakes, and the banks of rivers, where fish and shell-fish were to be obtained in large quantities, were naturally the Indians’ chief resort, and at or near such places were to be found their permanent settlements. As the settlements and lines of travel of the early colonists were along the shore, the lakes and the rivers, early estimates of the Indian population were chiefly based upon the numbers congregated along these highways, it being generally assumed that away from the routes of travel a like population existed. Again, over-estimates of population resulted from the fact that the same body of Indians visited different points during the year, and not infrequently were counted two or three times; change of permanent village sites also tended to augment estimates of population.

For these and other reasons a greatly exaggerated idea of the Indian population was obtained, and the impressions so derived have been dissipated only in comparatively recent times.

As will be stated more fully later, the Indian was dependent to no small degree upon natural products for his food supply. Could it be affirmed that the North American Indians had increased to a point where they pressed upon the food supply, it would imply a very much larger population than we are justified in assuming from other considerations. But for various reasons the Malthusian law, whether applicable elsewhere or not, can not be applied to the Indians of this country. Everywhere bountiful nature had provided an unfailing and practically inexhaustible food supply. The rivers teemed with fish and mollusks, and the forests with game, while upon all sides was an abundance of nutritious roots and seeds. All of these sources were known, and to a large extent they were drawn upon by the Indian, but the practical lesson of providing in the season of plenty for the season of scarcity had been but imperfectly learned, or, when learned, was but partially applied. Even when taught by dire experience the necessity of laying up adequate stores, it was the almost universal practice to waste great quantities of food by a constant succession of feasts, in the superstitious observances of which the stores were rapidly wasted and plenty soon gave way to scarcity and even to famine.

Curiously enough, the hospitality which is so marked a trait among our North American Indians had its source in a law, the invariable practice of which has had a marked effect in retarding the acquisition by the Indian of the virtue of providence. As is well known, the basis of the Indian social organization was the kinship system. By its provisions almost all property was possessed in common by the gens or clan. Food, the most important of all, was by no means left to be exclusively enjoyed by the individual or the family obtainingit.

For instance, the distribution of game among the families of a party was variously provided for in different tribes, but the practical effect of the several customs relating thereto was the sharing of the supply. The hungry Indian had but to ask to receive and this no matter how small the supply, or how dark the future prospect. It was not only his privilege to ask, it was his right to demand. Undoubtedly what was originally a right, conferred by kinship connections, ultimately assumed broader proportions, and finally passed into the exercise of an almost indiscriminate hospitality. By reason of this custom, the poor hunter was virtually placed upon equality with the expert one, the lazy with the industrious, the improvident with the more provident. Stories of Indian life abound with instances of individual families or parties being called upon by those less fortunate or provident to share their supplies.

The effect of such a system, admirable as it was in many particulars, practically placed a premium upon idleness. Under such communal rights and privileges a potent spur to industry and thrift is wanting.

There is an obverse side to this problem, which a long and intimate acquaintance with the Indians in their villages has forced upon the writer. The communal ownership of food and the great hospitality practiced by the Indian have had a very much greater influence upon his character than that indicated in the foregoing remarks. The peculiar institutions prevailing in this respect gave to each tribe or clan a profound interest in the skill, ability and industry of each member. He was the most valuable person in the community who supplied it with the most of its necessities. For this reason the successful hunter or fisherman was always held in high honor, and the woman, who gathered great store of seeds, fruits, or roots, or who cultivated a good corn-field, was one who commanded the respect and received the highest approbation of the people. The simple and rude ethics of a tribal people are very important to them, the more so because of their communal institutions; and everywhere throughout the tribes of the United States it is discovered that their rules of conduct were deeply implanted in the minds of the people. An organized system of teaching is always found, as it is the duty of certain officers of the clan to instruct the young in all the industries necessary to their rude life, and simple maxims of industry abound among the tribes and are enforced in diverse and interesting ways. The power of the elder men in the clan over its young members is always very great, and the training of the youth is constant and rigid. Besides this, a moral sentiment exists in favor of primitive virtues which is very effective in molding character. This may be illustrated in two ways.

Marriage among all Indian tribes is primarily by legal appointment, as the young woman receives a husband from some other prescribed clan or clans, and the elders of the clan, with certain exceptions, control these marriages, and personal choice has little to do with the affair. When marriages are proposed, the virtues and industry of the candidates, and more than all, their ability to properly live as married couples and to supply the clan or tribe with a due amount of subsistence, are discussed long and earnestly, and the young man or maiden who fails in this respect may fail in securing an eligible and desirable match. And these motives are constantly presented to the savage youth.

A simple democracy exists among these people, and they have a variety of tribal offices to fill. In this way the men of the tribe are graded, and they pass from grade to grade by a selection practically made by the people. And this leads to a constant discussion of the virtues and abilities of all the male members of the clan, from boyhood to old age. He is most successful in obtaining clan and tribal promotion who is most useful to the clan and the tribe. In this manner all of the ambitious are stimulated, and this incentive to industry is very great.

When brought into close contact with the Indian, and into intimate acquaintance with his language, customs, and religious ideas, there is a curious tendency observable in students to overlook aboriginal vices and to exaggerate aboriginal virtues. It seems to be forgotten that after all the Indian is a savage, with the characteristics of a savage, and he is exalted even above the civilized man. The tendency is exactly the reverse of what it is in the case of those who view the Indian at a distance and with no precise knowledge of any of his characteristics. In the estimation of such persons the Indian’s vices greatly outweigh his virtues; his language is a gibberish, his methods of war cowardly, his ideas of religion utterly puerile.

The above tendencies are accentuated in the attempt to estimate the comparative worth and position of individual tribes. No being is more patriotic than the Indian. He believes himself to be the result of a special creation by a partial deity and holds that his is the one favored race. The name by which the tribes distinguish themselves from other tribes indicates the further conviction that, as the Indian is above all created things, so in like manner each particular tribe is exalted above all others. “Men of men” is the literal translation of one name; “the only men” of another, and so on through the whole category. A long residence with any one tribe frequently inoculates the student with the same patriotic spirit. Bringing to his study of a particular tribe an inadequate conception of Indian attainments and a low impression of their moral and intellectual plane, the constant recital of its virtues, the bravery and prowess of its men in war, their generosity, the chaste conduct and obedience of its women as contrasted with the opposite qualities of all other tribes, speedily tends to partisanship. He discovers many virtues and finds that the moral and intellectual attainments are higher than he supposed; but these advantages he imagines to be possessed solely, or at least to an unusual degree, by the tribe in question. Other tribes are assigned much lower rank in the scale.

Page references in Roman numerals link to the introductory material, included in the present file. Page references in Arabic numerals link to the Powell, Hoffman and Mooney articles in separate files. The two very long lists of Midewiwin songs were not individually linked.

A B C D E F G H I J K L M
N O P Q R S T U V W Y Z

Sge! Ha-NÛⁿdÂgÛ´ⁿyi tsÛl‘dÂ´histi, Gi´‘li Gigage´i, hanÂ´gwa hatÛ´ⁿgani´ga usinuli´yu. Hida´wehi-gÂgÛ´, gahu´sti tsan´ulti nige´sÛⁿna. Ha-diskwÛlti´yÛ ti´nanugagi´, ase´gwÛ nige´sÛⁿna tsagista´‘ti adÛⁿni´ga. Ulsg´eta hÛⁿhihyÛ´ⁿstani´ga. Ha-usdig´iyu-gwÛ ha-e´lawastÛ´ⁿ iytÛ´ⁿta dÛhilÂ´histani´ga.

Sge! Ha-UhÛⁿtsÂ´yi tsÛl‘dÂ´histi Gi´‘li Sa‘ka´ni, hanÂ´gwa hatÛ´ⁿgani´ga usinuli´yu. Hida´wehi-gÂgÛ´, gahu´sti tsanu´lti nige´sÛⁿna. DiskwÛlti´yÛ ti´nanugai´, ase´gwÛ nige´sÛⁿna tsagista´‘ti adÛⁿni´ga. Ulsge´ta hÛⁿhihyÛⁿstani´ga. Ha-usdigi´yu-gwÛ ha-e´lawastÛ´ⁿ iyÛ´ta dÛhitÂ´histani´ga.

Sge! (Ha)-UsÛhi´(-yi) tsÛl‘dÂ´histi, Gi‘l´i GÛⁿnage´i, hanÂ´gwa hatÛ´ⁿgani´ga usinuli´yÛ. Hida´wehi-gÂgÛ´, gahu´sti tsanu´lti nige´sÛ´ⁿna. DiskwÛlti´yÛ tinanugagi´, ase´gwÛ nige´sÛⁿna tsagista´‘ti adÛⁿni´ga. Ulsg´eta hÛⁿhihyÛⁿstani´ga. Ha-usdigi´yu-gwÛ ha-e´lawastÛ´ⁿ iyÛ´ⁿta dÛhitÂ´histani´ga.

Sge! Wa´hala´ tsÛl‘dÂ´histi, Gi´‘li TsÛne´ga, hanÂ´gwa hatÛ´ⁿgani´ga usinuli´yu. Hida´wehi-gÂgÛ´, gahu´sti tsanu´lti nige´sÛⁿna. DiskwÛlti´yÛ ti´nanugagi´, ase´gwÛ nige´sÛⁿna tsagista´‘ti adÛⁿni´ga. Ha-ulsge´ta hÛⁿhihyÛ´ⁿstani´ga. Ha-usdigi´yu-gwÛ e´lawastÛ´ⁿ iyÛ´ⁿta dÛhitÂ´histani´ga.

Sge! Wa´hala tsÛl‘dÂ´histi TÛ´ksi TsÛne´ga, hanÂ´gwa hatÛ´ⁿgani´ga usinuli´yu. Hida´wehi-gÂgÛ´, gahu´sti tsanu´lti nige´sÛⁿna. Ha-kÂ´lÛ gayÛske´ta tsatÛⁿ´neli´ga. Utsina´wa nu´tatanÛ´ⁿta.

(DegÂsisisgÛ´ⁿi.)—TÛksi uhya´ska gÛnsta‘ti´ na´ski igahi´ta gunstÂ´i hi´ski iyuntale´gi tsÛntÛngi´ya. ÛⁿskwÛ´ta kilÛ´ atsÂ´tasti sÂ´gwa iyÛtsÂ´tasti, nÛ´‘ki igÛ´ⁿkta‘ti, naski-gwÛ´ diÛⁿle´niskÂhi´ igÛⁿyi´yi tsale´nihÛ. NÛ´‘kine ÛⁿskwÛ´ta kilÛ´ nÛ´‘ki iyatsÂ´tasti. UhyaskÂ´hi-‘nÛ ade´la degÛ‘la´i ta´li unine´ga-gwÛ´ nÛ´ⁿwÂti-‘nÛ´ higÛnehÂ´i uhyaskÂ´hi usdi´a-gwÛ. Une´lagi-‘nÛ sÂi´ agadÂ´i agadi´di Û´ⁿti-gwÛ´ yiki´ Âsi´yu-gwÛ na´ski-‘nÛ aganÛⁿli´eskÂ´i da´gÛnstanehÛ´ⁿi u‘taÂ´ta. Hia‘-nÛ´ nÛ´ⁿwÂti: YÂ´na-UnatsesdÂ´gi tsana´sehÂ´i sÂ´i-‘nÛ KÂ´ga-AsgÛ´ⁿtage tsana´sehÂ´i, sÂi-‘nÛ´ EgÛ´ⁿli-gwÛ, sÂi-nÛ´ (U)wa´sgili tsigi´ EgÛ´ⁿli Usdi´a tsigi´, nÛⁿyÂ´hi-‘nÛ tsuye‘dÂ´i YÂ´na-UtsesdÂgi naskiyÛ´ tsigi´, usdi´-gwÛ tsigi´. EgÛ´ⁿli (u)wa´sgili tsigi´; sÂ´i WÂ´tige Unas(te´)tsa tsigi´, sÂ´i-‘nÛ Û´ⁿage Tsunaste´tsa, Niga´ta unaste´tsa gesÂ´i.

Sunale´-gwÛ ale´ndi adanÛ´ⁿwÂti; ta´line e´ladi tsitkala´i; tsÂ´ine u´lsaladi´‘satÛ´; nÛ´‘kine igÛ´ ts´kalÂ´i. Yeli´gwÛ´ igesÂ´i. NÛ´lstÂiyanÛ´na gesÂ´i akanÛⁿwi´ski, nasgwÛ´ nulstaiyanÛ´na.

Translation.

FORMULA FOR TREATING THE CRIPPLER (RHEUMATISM).

Listen! Ha! In the Sun Land you repose, O Red Dog, O now you have swiftly drawn near to hearken. O great ada´wehi10, you never fail in anything. O, appear and draw near running, for your prey never escapes. You are now come to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled a very small part of it far off there at the end of the earth.

Listen! Ha! In the Frigid Land you repose, O Blue Dog. O now you have swiftly drawn near to hearken, O great ada´wehi, you never fail in anything. O, appear and draw near running, for your prey never escapes. You are now come to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled a very small part of it far off there at the end of the earth.

Listen! Ha! In the darkening land you repose, O Black Dog. O, now you have swiftly drawn near to hearken. O great ada´wehi, you never fail in anything. O, appear and draw near running, for your prey never escapes. You are now come to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled a very small part of it far off there at the end of the earth.

Listen! On Wa´hala you repose. O White Dog. Oh, now you have swiftly drawn near to hearken. O great ada´wehi, you never fail in anything. Oh, appear and draw near running, for your prey never escapes. You are now come to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled a very small part of it far off there at the end of the earth.

Listen! On Wa´hala, you repose, O White Terrapin. O, now you have swiftly drawn near to hearken. O great ada´wehi, you never fail in anything. Ha! It is for you to loosen its hold on the bone. Belief is accomplished.

(Prescription.)—Lay a terrapin shell upon (the spot) and keep it there while the five kinds (of spirits) listen. On finishing, then blow once. Repeat four times, beginning each time from the start. On finishing the fourth time, then blow four times. Have two white beads lying in the shell, together with a little of the medicine. Don’t interfere with it, but have a good deal boiling in another vessel—a bowl will do very well—and rub it on warm while treating by applying the hands. And this is the medicine: What is called YÂ´na-Utse´sta ("bear’s bed," the Aspidium acrostichoides or Christmas fern); and the other is called KÂ´ga-AsgÛ´ⁿtagi ("crow’s shin," the Adianthum pedatum or Maidenhair fern); and the other is the common EgÛ´ⁿli (another fern); and the other is the Little Soft (-leaved) EgÛ´ⁿli (Osmunda Cinnamonea or cinnamon fern), which grows in the rocks and resembles YÂna-Utse´sta and is a small and soft (-leaved) EgÛ´ⁿli. Another has brown roots and another has black roots. The roots of all should be (used).

Begin doctoring early in the morning; let the second (application) be while the sun is still near the horizon; the third when it has risen to a considerable height (10 a.m.); the fourth when it is above at noon. This is sufficient. (The doctor) must not eat, and the patient also must be fasting.

Explanation.

As this formula is taken from the manuscript of Gahuni, who died nearly thirty years ago, no definite statement of the theory of the disease, or its treatment, can be given, beyond what is contained in the formula itself, which, fortunately, is particularly explicit; most doctors contenting themselves with giving only the words of the prayer, without noting the ceremonies or even the medicine used. There are various theories as to the cause of each disease, the most common idea in regard to rheumatism being that it is caused by the spirits of the slain animals, generally the deer, thirsting for vengeance on the hunter, as has been already explained in the myth of the origin of disease and medicine.

The measuring-worm (Catharis) is also held to cause rheumatism, from the resemblance of its motions to those of a rheumatic patient, and the name of the worm wahhili´ is frequently applied also to the disease.

There are formulas to propitiate the slain animals, but these are a part of the hunting code and can only be noticed here, although it may be mentioned in passing that the hunter, when about to return to the settlement, builds a fire in the path behind him, in order that the deer chief may not be able to follow him to his home.

The disease, figuratively called the intruder (ulsgÉta), is regarded as a living being, and the verbs used in speaking of it show that it is considered to be long, like a snake or fish. It is brought by the deer chief and put into the body, generally the limbs, of the hunter, who at once begins to suffer intense pain. It can be driven out only by some more powerful animal spirit which is the natural enemy of the deer, usually the dog or the Wolf. These animal gods live up above beyond the seventh heaven and are the great prototypes of which the earthly animals are only diminutive copies. They are commonly located at the four cardinal points, each of which has a peculiar formulistic name and a special color which applies to everything in the same connection. Thus the east, north, west, and south are respectively the Sun Land, the Frigid Land, the Darkening Land, and Wa´hala´, while their respective mythologic colors are Red, Blue, Black, and White. WÁhala is said to be a mountain far to the south. The white or red spirits are generally invoked for peace, health, and other blessings, the red alone for the success of an undertaking, the blue spirits to defeat the schemes of an enemy or bring down troubles upon him, and the black to compass his death. The white and red spirits are regarded as the most powerful, and one of these two is generally called upon to accomplish the final result.

In this case the doctor first invokes the Red Dog in the Sun Land, calling him a great adÁwehi, to whom nothing is impossible and who never fails to accomplish his purpose. He is addressed as if out of sight in the distance and is implored to appear running swiftly to the help of the sick man. Then the supplication changes to an assertion and the doctor declares that the Red Dog has already arrived to take the disease and has borne away a small portion of it to the uttermost ends of the earth. In the second, third, and fourth paragraphs the Blue Dog of the Frigid Land, the Black Dog of the Darkening Land, and the White Dog of WÁhala are successively invoked in the same terms and each bears away a portion of the disease and disposes of it in the same way. Finally, in the fifth paragraph, the White Terrapin of WÁhala is invoked. He bears off the remainder of the disease and the doctor declares that relief is accomplished. The connection of the terrapin in this formula is not evident, beyond the fact that he is regarded as having great influence in disease, and in this case the beads and a portion of the medicine are kept in a terrapin shell placed upon the diseased part while the prayer is being recited.

The formulas generally consist of four paragraphs, corresponding to four steps in the medical ceremony. In this case there are five, the last being addressed to the terrapin instead of to a dog. The prayers are recited in an undertone hardly audible at the distance of a few feet, with the exception of the frequent ha, which seems to be used as an interjection to attract attention and is always uttered in a louder tone. The beads—which are here white, symbolic of relief—are of common use in connection with these formulas, and are held between the thumb and finger, placed upon a cloth on the ground, or, as in this case, put into a terrapin shell along with a small portion of the medicine. According to directions, the shell has no other part in the ceremony.

The blowing is also a regular part of the treatment, the doctor either holding the medicine in his mouth and blowing it upon the patient, or, as it seems to be the case here, applying the medicine by rubbing, and blowing his breath upon the spot afterwards. In some formulas the simple blowing of the breath constitutes the whole application. In this instance the doctor probably rubs the medicine upon the affected part while reciting the first paragraph in a whisper, after which he blows once upon the spot. The other paragraphs are recited in the same manner, blowing once after each. In this way the whole formula is repeated four times, with four blows at the end of the final repetition. The directions imply that the doctor blows only at the end of the whole formula, but this is not in accord with the regular mode of procedure and seems to be a mistake.

The medicine consists of a warm decoction of the roots of four varieties of fern, rubbed on with the hand. The awkward description of the species shows how limited is the Indian’s power of botanic classification. The application is repeated four times during the same morning, beginning just at daybreak and ending at noon. Four is the sacred number running through every detail of these formulas, there being commonly four spirits invoked in four paragraphs, four blowings with four final blows, four herbs in the decoction, four applications, and frequently four days’ gaktuⁿ´ta or tabu. In this case no tabu is specified beyond the fact that both doctor and patient must be fasting. The tabu generally extends to salt or lye, hot food and women, while in rheumatism some doctors forbid the patient to eat the foot or leg of any animal, the reason given being that the limbs are generally the seat of the disease. For a similar reason the patient is also forbidden to eat or even to touch a squirrel, a buffalo, a cat, or any animal which “humps” itself. In the same way a scrofulous patient must not eat turkey, as that bird seems to have a scrofulous eruption on its head, while ball players must abstain from eating frogs, because the bones of that animal are brittle and easily broken.

HIA‘-NÛ´ NASGWÛ´ DIDÛⁿLE´SKI ADANÛ´ⁿWÂTI.

Asga´yayÛkanÛ´ⁿwi
Age´‘yaGiagage´iatati´;
age´‘ya-nÛ yÛkanÛ´ⁿwi
Asga´ya Gigage´iatati´.

YÛ! Hige´‘ya Gigage´i tsÛdante´lÛhi gese´i. Ulsge´ta hi´tsanu´y’tani´lei´. Ha-NÛⁿdÂgÛ´ⁿyi nÛnta´tsÛdalenÛ´hi gese´i. GasgilÂ´ gigage´i tsusdi´ga tetsadi´ile´ detsala´sidite-ge´i. HanÂ´gwa usinuli´yu detsaldisi´yÛi.

Utsi(na´)wa nu´tatanÛ´ⁿta. UsÛ´hita nutanÛ´na. Utsina´wa-gwÛ nigÛⁿtisge´sti.

(DegÂ´sisisgÛ´ⁿi)—Hia-gwÛ´ nigaÛ´ kanÂhe´ta. NÛ´‘kiba nagÛ´nkw’tisga´ dagÛ´ⁿstiskÛ´i. SÂ´gwa nÛⁿskwÛ´ta gÛnstÛ´ⁿi agÛnstagi´s-kÂi hÛⁿtsatasgÂ´i nÛ´‘kine-‘nÛ ÛⁿskwÛ´ta nÛ´‘ki nÛⁿtsÂtasgÂ´i. Hia-‘nÛ´ nÛ´ⁿwÂti: EgÛ´ⁿli, YÂ´na-‘nÛ UtsesdÂ´gi, (U)wa´sgili tsigi´ EgÛ´ⁿli, ta´li tsinu´dale´ha, KÂ´ga-‘nÛ AsgÛ´ⁿtage tsiÛⁿnÂ´sehÂ´i, Da´yi-‘nÛ UwÂ´yi tsiÛⁿnÂ´sehÂ´i. Su´tali iyutale´gi unaste´tsa agÂ´ti, uga´nawÛ‘nÛ´ dagÛnsta´‘tisgÂ´i nÛ´ⁿwÂti asÛⁿga‘la´i. UsÛ´hi adanÛ´ⁿwÂti, nu´‘ki tsusÛ´hita dulsi´nisÛ´ⁿ adanÛ´ⁿwÂti. A‘nawa´gi-‘nÛ dilasula´gi gesÛ´ⁿi Ûle´ tsikani´kaga´i gÛw’sdi´-gwÛ utsawa´ta a‘nawa´-gwÛ-nÛ´.

Hia-nÛ´ gaktÛ´ⁿta gÛlkwÂ´gi tsusÛ´hita. GÛ´ⁿwadana´datlahisti´ nige´sÛⁿna—SalÂ´li, gi´‘li-‘nÛ, we´sa-‘nÛ, a´tatsÛ-nÛ´, a´ma-‘nÛ´, anige´‘ya-nÛ. Uda‘li´ ya´kanÛⁿwi´ya nÛ´‘kiha tsusÛ´hita unadana´lÂtsi´-tasti nige´sÛⁿna. GasgilÂ´gi-‘nÛ uwa´suⁿ-gwÛ´ u´skiladi´sti uwa´sÛ nÛ´‘ki tsusÛ´hita´. DisÂ´i-‘nÛ dega´sgilÂ Û´ⁿtsa nÛ‘na´ uwa´‘ti yigesÛi nÛ´‘ki tsusÛ´hita.

Translation.

AND THIS ALSO IS FOR TREATING THE CRIPPLER.

YÛ! O Red Woman, you have caused it. You have put the intruder under him. Ha! now you have come from the Sun Land. You have brought the small red seats, with your feet resting upon them. Ha! now they have swiftly moved away from you. Relief is accomplished. Let it not be for one night alone. Let the relief come at once.

(Prescription)—(corner note at top.) If treating a man one must say Red Woman, and if treating a woman one must say Red Man.

This is just all of the prayer. Repeat it four times while laying on the hands. After saying it over once, with the hands on (the body of the patient), take off the hands and blow once, and at the fourth repetition blow four times. And this is the medicine. EgÛ´ⁿli (a species of fern). YÂ´-na-Utse´sta ("bear’s bed," the Aspidium acrostichoides or Christmas fern), two varieties of the soft-(leaved) EgÛ´ⁿli (one, the small variety, is the Cinnamon fern, Osmunda cinnamonea), and what is called KÂ´ga AsgÛ´ⁿtage ("crow’s shin," the Adiantum pedatum or Maidenhair fern) and what is called Da´yi-UwÂ´yi ("beaver’s paw"—not identified). Boil the roots of the six varieties together and apply the hands warm with the medicine upon them. Doctor in the evening. Doctor four consecutive nights. (The pay) is cloth and moccasins; or, if one does not have them, just a little dressed deerskin and some cloth.

And this is the tabu for seven nights. One must not touch a squirrel, a dog, a cat, the mountain trout, or women. If one is treating a married man they (sic) must not touch his wife for four nights. And he must sit on a seat by himself for four nights, and must not sit on the other seats for four nights.

Explanation.

The treatment and medicine in this formula are nearly the same as in that just given, which is also for rheumatism, both being written by Gahuni. The prayer differs in several respects from any other obtained, but as the doctor has been dead for years it is impossible to give a full explanation of all the points. This is probably the only formula in the collection in which the spirit invoked is the “Red Woman,” but, as explained in the corner note at the top, this is only the form used instead of “Red Man,” when the patient is a man. The Red Man, who is considered perhaps the most powerful god in the Cherokee pantheon, is in some way connected with the thunder, and is invoked in a large number of formulas. The change in the formula, according to the sex of the patient, brings to mind a belief in Irish folk medicine, that in applying certain remedies the doctor and patient must be of opposite sexes. The Red Man lives in the east, in accordance with the regular mythologic color theory, as already explained. The seats also are red, and the form of the verb indicates that the Red Woman is either standing upon them (plural) or sitting with her feet resting upon the rounds. These seats or chairs are frequently mentioned in the formulas, and always correspond in color with the spirit invoked. It is not clear why the Red Woman is held responsible for the disease, which is generally attributed to the revengeful efforts of the game, as already explained. In agreement with the regular form, the disease is said to be put under (not into) the patient. The assertion that the chairs “have swiftly moved away” would seem from analogy to mean that the disease has been placed upon the seats and thus borne away. The verb implies that the seats move by their own volition. Immediately afterward it is declared that relief is accomplished. The expression “usÛ´hita nutanÛ´na” occurs frequently in these formulas, and may mean either “let it not be for one night alone,” or “let it not stay a single night,” according to the context.

The directions specify not only the medicine and the treatment, but also the doctor’s fee. From the form of the verb the tabu, except as regards the seat to be used by the sick person, seems to apply to both doctor and patient. It is not evident why the mountain trout is prohibited, but the dog, squirrel, and cat are tabued, as already explained, from the fact that these animals frequently assume positions resembling the cramped attitude common to persons afflicted by rheumatism. The cat is considered especially uncanny, as coming from the whites. Seven, as well as four, is a sacred number with the tribe, being also the number of their gentes. It will be noted that time is counted by nights instead of by days.

HIÂ´ I´NATÛ YUNISKÛ´LTSA ADANÛ´NWÂTI.

1. DÛnu´wa, dÛnu´wa, dÛnu´wa, dÛnu´wa, dÛnu´wa, dÛnu´wa (song).

Sge! Ha-WalÂ´si-gwÛ tsÛⁿlÛ´ⁿtani´ga.

2. Dayuha, dayuha, dayuha, dayuha dayuha (song).

Sge! Ha-Usugi-gwÛ tsÛⁿ-lÛⁿ´-tani´ga.

(DegÂ´sisisgÛ´ⁿi).—KanÂgi´ta nÂyÂ´ga hia´ dilentisg´Ûⁿi. Ta´li igÛ´nkw’ta‘ti, Ûle´ taline´ tsutanÛ´ⁿna nasgwÛ´ tÂ´li igÛ´nkw’ta‘ti´. TsÂ´la aganÛ´ⁿlieskÂi´ tsÂ´la yikani´gÛⁿgÛ´Âi´ watsi´la-gwÛ ganÛⁿli´yeti uniskÛl‘tsÛ´ⁿi. NÛ´‘ki nagade´stisgÂi´ aganÛⁿli´esgÛⁿi. AkskÛ´ni gadest´a‘ti, nÛÛ‘ki nagade´ sta hÛⁿtsatasgÂ´i. Hia-‘nÛ´ i´natÛ akti´si udestÂ´i yigÛ´n‘ka, naski-‘nÛ´ tsagadÛ´lagisgÂ´i iyu´sti gatgÛ´ⁿi.

Translation.

THIS IS TO TREAT THEM IF THEY ARE BITTEN BY A SNAKE.

1. DÛnu´wa, dÛnu´wa, dÛnu´wa, dÛnu´wa, dÛnu´wa, dÛnu´wa.

Listen! Ha! It is only a common frog which has passed by and put it (the intruder) into you.

2. Dayuha, dayuha, dayuha, dayuha, dayuha.

Listen! Ha! It is only an Usu´‘gi which has passed by and put it into you.

(Prescription.)—Now this at the beginning is a song. One should say it twice and also say the second line twice. Rub tobacco (juice) on the bite for some time, or if there be no tobacco just rub on saliva once. In rubbing it on, one must go around four times. Go around toward the left and blow four times in a circle. This is because in lying down the snake always coils to the right and this is just the same (lit. “means like”) as uncoiling it.

Explanation.

This is also from the manuscript book of Gahuni, deceased, so that no explanation could be obtained from the writer. The formula consists of a song of two verses, each followed by a short recitation. The whole is repeated, according to the directions, so as to make four verses or songs; four, as already stated, being the sacred number running through most of these formulas. Four blowings and four circuits in the rubbing are also specified. The words used in the songs are sometimes composed of unmeaning syllables, but in this case dÛnuwa and dayuha seem to have a meaning, although neither the interpreter nor the shaman consulted could explain them, which may be because the words have become altered in the song, as frequently happens. DÛnu´wa appears to be an old verb, meaning “it has penetrated,” probably referring to the tooth of the reptile. These medicine songs are always sung in a low plaintive tone, somewhat resembling a lullaby. Usu´‘gi also is without explanation, but is probably the name of some small reptile or batrachian.

As in this case the cause of the trouble is evident, the Indians have no theory to account for it. It may be remarked, however, that when one dreams of being bitten, the same treatment and ceremonies must be used as for the actual bite; otherwise, although perhaps years afterward, a similar inflammation will appear on the spot indicated in the dream, and will be followed by the same fatal consequences. The rattlesnake is regarded as a supernatural being or ada´wehi, whose favor must be propitiated, and great pains are taken not to offend him. In consonance with this idea it is never said among the people that a person has been bitten by a snake, but that he has been “scratched by a brier.” In the same way, when an eagle has been shot for a ceremonial dance, it is announced that “a snowbird has been killed,” the purpose being to deceive the rattlesnake or eagle spirits which might be listening.

The assertion that it is “only a common frog” or “only an Usu´‘gi” brings out another characteristic idea of these formulas. Whenever the ailment is of a serious character, or, according to the Indian theory, whenever it is due to the influence of some powerful disease spirit the doctor always endeavors to throw contempt upon the intruder, and convince it of his own superior power by asserting the sickness to be the work of some inferior being, just as a white physician might encourage a patient far gone with consumption by telling him that the illness was only a slight cold. Sometimes there is a regular scale of depreciation, the doctor first ascribing the disease to a rabbit or groundhog or some other weak animal, then in succeeding paragraphs mentioning other still less important animals and finally declaring it to be the work of a mouse, a small fish, or some other insignificant creature. In this instance an ailment caused by the rattlesnake, the most dreaded of the animal spirits, is ascribed to a frog, one of the least importance.

In applying the remedy the song is probably sung while rubbing the tobacco juice around the wound. Then the short recitation is repeated and the doctor blows four times in a circle about the spot. The whole ceremony is repeated four times. The curious directions for uncoiling the snake have parallels in European folk medicine.

GÛⁿWANI´GISTÂ´I ADANU´ⁿWÂTI.

Sge! Ha-tsida´weiyu, gahus´ti aginÚl‘ti nige´sÛⁿna. GÛⁿgwadag´anad‘diyÛ´ tsida´wei´yu. Ha-Wahuhu´-gwÛ hitagu´sgastane‘hei. Ha-nÂ´gwa hu‘kikahÛⁿÛ´ ha-dusu´‘gahi digesÛ´ⁿi, iyÛ´ⁿta wÛⁿ‘kidÂ´histani´ga.

Sge! Ha-tsida´wei´yu, gahu´sti aginu´l‘ti nige´sÛⁿna. GÛⁿgwadaga´nad’diyÛ´ tsida´wei´yu. Ha-Uguku´-gwÛ hitagu´sgastane´hei´ udÂhi´yu tag´u´sgastane´hei´. Ha-na´gwadi´na hÛⁿkikahÛⁿnÛ´. Ha-nÂnÂ´hi digesu´ⁿi iyÛ´ⁿta wÛⁿ‘kidÂ´histani´ga.

Sge! Ha-tsida´wei´yu, gahu´sti aginu´l‘ti nige´sÛⁿna. GÛⁿgwadaga´nad’diyÛ´ tsida´wei´yu. Ha-Tsistu-gwÛ hitagu´sgastane´he´iudÂhi´yu tag´usgastane´hei´. Ha-nÂ´gwadi´na hÛ´ⁿkikahÛ´ⁿnÛ. Ha-sunÛⁿda´si iyÛ´ⁿta kane´skawÂ´dihi digesÛ´ⁿi, wÛⁿ‘kidÂ´histani´ga.

Sge! Ha-tsida´wei´yu, gahu´sti aginu´l‘ti nige´sÛⁿna. GÛⁿgwadaga´nad’di´yÛ tsida´wei´yu. Ha-De´tsata´-gwÛ (hi)tagu´sgastane´hei udÂhi´yu tagu´sgastane´hei. Ha-nÂ´gwadi´na hÛⁿkikahÛ´ⁿa. Ha-udÂ´tale´ta digesÛ´ⁿi, iyÛ´ⁿta wÛⁿ‘kidÂ´histani´ga.

(DegÂ´sisisgÛ´ⁿi)—Hia´-skini´ unsdi´ya dikanÛ´ⁿwÂti tsa‘natsa´yihÂ´i tsaniska´iha´i; gÛⁿwani´gista´i hi´anÛdi´sgai´. Ama´ dÛtsati´stisgÂ´i nÛ´‘ki tsusÛ´hita dikanÛ´ⁿwÂti Ulsinide´na dakanÛ´ⁿwisgÂ´i. U´ⁿtsa iyÛ´ⁿta witunini´dasti yigesÂ´i.

Translation.

TO TREAT THEM WHEN SOMETHING IS CAUSING SOMETHING TO EAT THEM.

Listen! Ha! I am a great ada´wehi, I never fail in anything. I surpass all others—I am a great ada´wehi. Ha! It is a mere screech owl that has frightened him. Ha! now I have put it away in the laurel thickets. There I compel it to remain.

Listen! Ha! I am a great ada´wehi, I never fail in anything. I surpass all others—I am a great ada´wehi. Ha! It is a mere hooting owl that has frightened him. Undoubtedly that has frightened him. Ha! At once I have put it away in the spruce thickets. Ha! There I compel it to remain.

Listen! Ha! I am a great ada´wehi, I never fail in anything. I surpass all others—I am a great ada´wehi. Ha! It is only a rabbit that has frightened him. Undoubtedly that has frightened him. Ha! Instantly I have put it away on the mountain ridge. Ha! There in the broom sage I compel it to remain.

Listen! Ha! I am a great ada´wehi, I never fail in anything. I surpass all others—I am a great ada´wehi. Ha! It is only a mountain sprite that has frightened him. Undoubtedly that has frightened him. Ha! Instantly I have put it away on the bluff. Ha! There I compel it to remain.

(Prescription)—Now this is to treat infants if they are affected by crying and nervous fright. (Then) it is said that something is causing something to eat them. To treat them one may blow water on them for four nights. Doctor them just before dark. Be sure not to carry them about outside the house.

Explanation.

The Cherokee name for this disease is Guⁿwani´gistÂi´, which signifies that “something is causing something to eat,” or gnaw the vitals of the patient. The disease attacks only infants of tender age and the symptoms are nervousness and troubled sleep, from which the child wakes suddenly crying as if frightened. The civilized doctor would regard these as symptoms of the presence of worms, but although the Cherokee name might seem to indicate the same belief, the real theory is very different.

Cherokee mothers sometimes hush crying children, by telling them that the screech owl is listening out in the woods or that the De´tsata—a malicious little dwarf who lives in caves in the river bluffs—will come and get them. This quiets the child for the time and is so far successful, but the animals, or the De´tsata, take offense at being spoken of in this way, and visit their displeasure upon the children born to the mother afterward. This they do by sending an animal into the body of the child to gnaw its vitals. The disease is very common and there are several specialists who devote their attention to it, using various formulas and prescriptions. It is also called atawi´nehi, signifying that it is caused by the “dwellers in the forest,” i.e., the wild game and birds, and some doctors declare that it is caused by the revengeful comrades of the animals, especially birds, killed by the father of the child, the animals tracking the slayer to his home by the blood drops on the leaves. The next formula will throw more light upon this theory.

In this formula the doctor, who is certainly not overburdened with modesty, starts out by asserting that he is a great ada´wehi, who never fails and who surpasses all others. He then declares that the disease is caused by a mere screech owl, which he at once banishes to the laurel thicket. In the succeeding paragraphs he reiterates his former boasting, but asserts in turn that the trouble is caused by a mere hooting owl, a rabbit, or even by the De´tsata, whose greatest exploit is hiding the arrows of the boys, for which the youthful hunters do not hesitate to rate him soundly. These various mischief-makers the doctor banishes to their proper haunts, the hooting owl to the spruce thicket, the rabbit to the broom sage on the mountain side, and the De´tsata to the bluffs along the river bank.

Some doctors use herb decoctions, which are blown upon the body of the child, but in this formula the only remedy prescribed is water, which must be blown upon the body of the little sufferer just before dark for four nights. The regular method is to blow once each at the end of the first, second, and third paragraphs and four times at the end of the fourth or last. In diseases of this kind, which are not supposed to be of a local character, the doctor blows first upon the back of the head, then upon the left shoulder, next upon the right shoulder, and finally upon the breast, the patient being generally sitting, or propped up in bed, facing the east. The child must not be taken out of doors during the four days, because should a bird chance to fly overhead so that its shadow would fall upon the infant, it would fan the disease back into the body of the little one.

GÛⁿWANI´GISTÛ´ⁿI DITANÛⁿWÂTI´YI

YÛ! Sge! Usinu´li hatÛ´ⁿgani´ga, Giya´giya´ Sa‘ka´ni, ew’satÂ´gi tsÛl‘da´histi. Usinu´li hatlasi´ga. Tsis´kwa-gwÛ´ ulsge´ta uwu´tlani‘lei´. Usinuli´yu atsahilu´gisi´ga. Utsina´wa nu´tatanÛ´ⁿta. YÛ!

YÛ! Sge! Usinu´li hatÛ´ⁿgani´ga, Diga´tiski WÂtige´i, galÛ´ⁿlati iyÛ´ⁿta ditsÛl‘dÂ´histi. Ha-nÂ´gwa usinu´li hatlasi´ga. Tsi´skwa-gwÛ ditu´nila´w’itsÛ´hi higese´i. UsinÛli ke‘tati´gÛ‘lahi´ga. Utsina´wa adÛⁿni´ga. YÛ!

Translation.

TO TREAT GÛⁿWANI´GISTÛ´ⁿI—(SECOND).

YÛ! Listen! Quickly you have drawn near to hearken, O Blue Sparrow-Hawk; in the spreading tree tops you are at rest. Quickly you have come down. The intruder is only a bird which has overshadowed him. Swiftly you have swooped down upon it. Relief is accomplished. YÛ!

YÛ! Listen! Quickly you have drawn near to hearken, O Brown Rabbit-Hawk; you are at rest there above. Ha! Swiftly now you have come down. It is only the birds which have come together for a council. Quickly you have come and scattered them. Relief is accomplished. YÛ!

Explanation.

This formula, also for GÛⁿwani´gistÛ´ⁿi or Atawine´hi, was obtained from A‘wan´ita (Young Deer), who wrote down only the prayer and explained the treatment orally. He coincides in the opinion that this disease in children is caused by the birds, but says that it originates from the shadow of a bird flying overhead having fallen upon the pregnant mother. He says further that the disease is easily recognized in children, but that it sometimes does not develop until the child has attained maturity, when it is more difficult to discern the cause of the trouble, although in the latter case dark circles around the eyes are unfailing symptoms.

The prayer—like several others from the same source—seems incomplete, and judging from analogy is evidently incorrect in some respects, but yet exemplifies the disease theory in a striking manner. The disease is declared to have been caused by the birds, it being asserted in the first paragraph that a bird has cast its shadow upon the sufferer, while in the second it is declared that they have gathered in council (in his body). This latter is a favorite expression in these formulas to indicate the great number of the disease animals. Another expression of frequent occurrence is to the effect that the disease animals have formed a settlement or established a townhouse in the patient’s body. The disease animal, being a bird or birds, must be dislodged by something which preys upon birds, and accordingly the Blue Sparrow-Hawk from the tree tops and the Brown Rabbit-Hawk (Diga´tiski—"One who snatches up"), from above are invoked to drive out the intruders. The former is then said to have swooped down upon them as a hawk darts upon its prey, while the latter is declared to have scattered the birds which were holding a council. This being done, relief is accomplished. YÛ! is a meaningless interjection frequently used to introduce or close paragraphs or songs.

The medicine used is a warm decoction of the bark of KÛnstÛ´tsi (Sassafras—Sassafras officinale), KanÛⁿsi´ta (Flowering Dogwood—Cornus florida), UdÂ´lana (Service tree—Amelanchier Canadensis), and Uni´kwa (Black Gum—Nyssa multiflora), with the roots of two species (large and small) of Da´yakali´ski (Wild Rose—Rosa lucida). The bark in every case is taken from the east side of the tree, and the roots selected are also generally, if not always, those growing toward the east. In this case the roots and barks are not bruised, but are simply steeped in warm water for four days. The child is then stripped and bathed all over with the decoction morning and night for four days, no formula being used during the bathing. It is then made to hold up its hands in front of its face with the palms turned out toward the doctor, who takes some of the medicine in his mouth and repeats the prayer mentally, blowing the medicine upon the head and hands of the patient at the final YÛ! of each paragraph. It is probable that the prayer originally consisted of four paragraphs, or else that these two paragraphs were repeated. The child drinks a little of the medicine at the end of each treatment.

The use of salt is prohibited during the four days of the treatment, the word (ama´) being understood to include lye, which enters largely into Cherokee food preparations. No chicken or other feathered animal is allowed to enter the house during the same period, for obvious reasons, and strangers are excluded for reasons already explained.

HIA´ DU´NIYUKWATISGÛ´ⁿÍ KANA´HÈHÛ.

Sge! NÛⁿdÂgÛ´ⁿyi tsÛl‘dÂ´histi, Kanani´ski Gigage. Usinu´li nÛ´ⁿnÂ gi´gage hinÛⁿni´ga. Hida´wehi-gÂgÛ´, asti´ digi´gage usinÛ´li dehikssa´Ûⁿtani´ga. Ulsge´ta kane´ge kayu´‘ga gesÛ´ⁿ, tsgÂ´ya-gwÛ higese´i. Ehisti´ hituwa´saniy’tei´. Usinu´li asti´ digi´gage dehada´Ûⁿtani´ga, adi´na tsÛlstai-yÛ´‘ti-gwÛ higese´i. NÂ´gwa gÂnagi´ta da´tsatane´li. Utsina´wa nu´tatanÛ´ⁿta nÛⁿtÛneli´ga. YÛ!

HigayÛ´ⁿli TsÛne´ga hatÛ´ⁿgani´ga. “A´ya-gÂgÛ´ gatÛ´ⁿgisge´sti tsÛngili´si deagwÛlstawi´stitege´sti,” tsadÛnÛ´hi. Na´ski-gÂgÛ´ itsa´wesÛ´hi nÂ´gwa usinu´li hatu´ⁿgani´ga. Utsina´wa nÚtatanÛ´ta nÛⁿtÛ´neli´ga. YÛ!

Sge! UhyÛⁿtlÂ´yi tsÛl‘dÂ´histi Kanani´ski Sa‘ka´ni. Usinu´li nÛ´ⁿnÂ sa‘ka´ni hinÛⁿni´ga. Hida´wehi-gÂgÛ´, asti´ (di)sa‘ka´ni usinu´li dehiksa´Ûⁿtani´ga. Ulsge´ta kane´ge kayu´‘ga gesÛ´ⁿ, tsgÂ´ya-gwÛ higese´i. Ehisti´ hituwa´saniy‘te(i´). Usinu´li asti´ disa‘ka´nige dehada´Ûⁿtaniga, adi´na tsÛlstai-yÛ´‘ti-gwÛ higese´i. NÂ´gwa tsgÂ´ya gÛnagi´ta tsÛtÛneli´ga. Utsina´wa nu´tatanÛ´ⁿta nÛⁿtÛneli´ga. YÛ!

HigayÛ´ⁿli TsÛne´ga hatÛⁿgani´ga. “A´ya-gÂgÛ´ gatÛ´ⁿgisge´sti tsÛngili´si deagwÛlstawi´stitege´sti,” tsadÛnÛ´hi. Nas´kigÂgÛ´ itsawesÛ´hi nÂ´gwa usinu´li hatÛ´ⁿgani´ga. Utsina´wa nutatanÛ´ⁿta nÛⁿtÛneli´ga. YÛ!

Sge! UsÛhi´yi tsÛl‘dÂ´histi Kanani´ski Û´ⁿnage. Usinu´li nÛ´ⁿnÂ Û´ⁿnage hinÛⁿni´ga. Hida´wehi-gÂgÛ´, asti´ digÛ´ⁿnage usinu´li dehiksa´Ûⁿtani´ga. Ulsge´ta kane´ge kayu´‘ga gesÛ´ⁿ, tsgÂ´ya-gwÛ higese´i. Ehisti´ hituwa´saniy‘tei´. Usinu´li asti´ digÛ´ⁿnage dehada´Ûⁿtani´ga, adi´na tsÛlstai-yÛ´‘ti-gwÛ higese´i. NÂ´gwa tsgÂ´ya gÛnagi´ta tsÛtÛneli´ga. Utsina´wa nutatanÛ´ⁿta nÛⁿtÛneli´ga. YÛ!

HigayÛ´ⁿli TsÛne´ga hatÛⁿgani´ga. “A´ya-gÂgÛ´ gatÛ´ⁿgisge´sti tsÛngili´si deagwÛlstawi´stitege´sti,” tsadÛnÛ´hi. Na´skigÂgÛ´ itsawesÛ´hi nÂ´gwa usinu´li hatÛ´ⁿgani´ga. Utsina´wa nutatanÛ´ⁿta nÛⁿtÛneli´ga. YÛ!

Sge! GalÛ´ⁿlati tsÛl‘dÂ´histi, Kanani´ski TsÛne´ga. Usinu´li nÛ´ⁿnÂ une´ga hinÛⁿni´ga. Hida´wehi-gÂgÛ´, asti´ tsune´ga usinu´li dehiksa´Ûⁿ tani´ga. Ulsge´ta kane´ge kayu´‘ga gesÛ´ⁿ, tsgÂ´ya-gwÛ higese´i. Ehisti´ hituwa´saniy’tei´. Usinu´li asti´ tsune´ga dehada´Ûⁿtani´ga, adi´na tsÛlstai-yÛ´‘ti-gwÛ higese´i. NÂ´gwa tsgÂ´ya gÛnagi´ta tsÛtÛneli´ga. Utsina´wa nu´tatanÛ´ⁿta, nÛⁿtÛneli´ga. YÛ!

HigayÛ´ⁿli TsÛne´ga hatÛ´ⁿgani´ga. “A´ya-gÂgÛ´ gatÛ´ⁿgisge´sti tsÛngili´si deagwÛlstawi´stitege´sti,” tsadÛnÛ´hi. Naski-gÂgÛ´ itsawesÛ´hi nÂ´gwa usinu´li hatÛⁿgani´ga. U´tsina´wa nutatanÛ´ⁿta nÛⁿtÛneli´ga. YÛ!

(Degasi´sisgÛ´ⁿi)—Hia´ duniyukwa´tisgÛ´ⁿi dikanÛ´ⁿwÂti atanÛ´ⁿsida´hi yi´gi. Na´ski digÛ´nstane´‘ti-gwÛ Ûle´ tsitsÂtÛ´ yie´lisÛ. NigÛⁿ´-gwÛ usÛ´na [for usÛnda´na?] gÛ´ⁿtati nayÂ´ga nÛ´ⁿwati unanÛ´ⁿska‘la´i. Kane´ska dalÂ´nige unaste´tla tsi´gi. Se´lu digahÛ‘nÛ´hi tsuni´yahisti´ nÛ´‘ki tsusÛ´hita, kanÂhe´na-‘nÛ naski´ iga´i udanÛ´sti hi´gi nayÂ´ga.

Translation.

THIS TELLS ABOUT MOVING PAINS IN THE TEETH (NEURALGIA?).

Listen! In the Sunland you repose, O Red Spider. Quickly you have brought and laid down the red path. O great ada´wehi, quickly you have brought down the red threads from above. The intruder in the tooth has spoken and it is only a worm. The tormentor has wrapped itself around the root of the tooth. Quickly you have dropped down the red threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for you to pick it up. The relief has been caused to come. YÛ!

O Ancient White, you have drawn near to hearken, for you have said, “When I shall hear my grandchildren, I shall hold up their heads.” Because you have said it, now therefore you have drawn near to listen. The relief has been caused to come. YÛ!

Listen! In the Frigid Land you repose, O Blue Spider. Quickly you have brought and laid down the blue path. O great ada´wehi, quickly you have brought down the blue threads from above. The intruder in the tooth has spoken and it is only a worm. The tormentor has wrapped itself around the root of the tooth. Quickly you have dropped down the blue threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for you to pick it up. The relief has been caused to come. YÛ!

Listen! In the Darkening Land you repose, O Black Spider. Quickly you have brought and laid down the black path. O great ada´wehi, quickly you have brought down the black threads from above. The intruder in the tooth has spoken and it is only a worm. The tormentor has wrapped itself around the root of the tooth. Quickly you have dropped down the black threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for you to pick it up. The relief has been caused to come. YÛ!

Listen! You repose on high, O White Spider. Quickly you have brought and laid down the white path. O great ada´wehi, quickly you have brought down the white threads from above. The intruder in the tooth has spoken and it is only a worm. The tormentor has wrapped itself around the root of the tooth. Quickly you have dropped down the white threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for you to pick it up. The relief has been caused to come. YÛ!

(Prescription)—This is to treat them if there are pains moving about in the teeth. It is only (necessary) to lay on the hands, or to blow, if one should prefer. One may use any kind of a tube, but usually they have the medicine in the mouth. It is the Yellow-rooted Grass (kane´ ska dalÂ´nige unaste´tla; not identified.) One must abstain four nights from cooked corn (hominy), and kanÂhe´na (fermented corn gruel) is especially forbidden during the same period.

Explanation.

This formula is taken from the manuscript book of Gatigwanasti, now dead, and must therefore be explained from general analogy. The ailment is described as “pains moving about in the teeth”—that is, affecting several teeth simultaneously—and appears to be neuralgia. The disease spirit is called “the intruder” and “the tormentor” and is declared to be a mere worm (tsgÂ´ya), which has wrapped itself around the base of the tooth. This is the regular toothache theory. The doctor then calls upon the Red Spider of the Sunland to let down the red threads from above, along the red path, and to take up the intruder, which is just what the spider eats. The same prayer is addressed in turn to the Blue Spider in the north, the Black Spider in the west and the White Spider above (galÛⁿ´lati). It may be stated here that all these spirits are supposed to dwell above, but when no point of the compass is assigned, galÛⁿ´lati is understood to mean directly overhead, but far above everything of earth. The dweller in this overhead galÛⁿ´lati may be red, white, or brown in color. In this formula it is white, the ordinary color assigned spirits dwelling in the south. In another toothache formula the Squirrel is implored to take the worm and put it between the forking limbs of a tree on the north side of the mountain.

Following each supplication to the spider is another addressed to the Ancient White, the formulistic name for fire. The name refers to its antiquity and light-giving properties and perhaps also to the fact that when dead it is covered with a coat of white ashes. In those formulas in which the hunter draws omens from the live coals it is frequently addressed as the Ancient Red.

The directions are not explicit and must be interpreted from analogy. “Laying on the hands” refers to pressing the thumb against the jaw over the aching tooth, the hand having been previously warmed over the fire, this being a common method of treating toothache. The other method suggested is to blow upon the spot (tooth or outside of jaw?) a decoction of an herb described rather vaguely as “yellow-rooted grass” either through a tube or from the mouth of the operator. Igawi´, a toothache specialist, treats this ailment either by pressure with the warm thumb, or by blowing tobacco smoke from a pipe placed directly against the tooth. Hominy and fermented corn gruel (kanÂhe´na) are prohibited for the regular term of four nights, or, as we are accustomed to say, four days, and special emphasis is laid upon the gruel tabu.

The prayer to the Spider is probably repeated while the doctor is warming his hands over the fire, and the following paragraph to the Ancient White (the Fire) while holding the warm thumb upon the aching spot. This reverses the usual order, which is to address the fire while warming the hands. In this connection it must be noted that the fire used by the doctor is never the ordinary fire on the hearth, but comes from four burning chips taken from the hearth fire and generally placed in an earthen vessel by the side of the patient. In some cases the decoction is heated by putting into it seven live coals taken from the fire on the hearth.

UNAWA STÎ EGWA (ADANÛⁿWÂTÏ).

	(2)	(3)	(4)	(5)	(6)
Sge! GalÛ´ⁿlati´	hinehi´	hinehi´yÛ	hinida´we,	utsinÂ´wa	adÛⁿniga
	12 12 22 34 33 566—Hayi´!

	(1)	(2)	(3)	(4)	(5)	(6)
Sge!	UⁿwadÂ´hi	hinehi´,	hinehi´yÛ	hinida´we,	utsinÂ´wa	adÛⁿni´ga
		12 12 22 34 33 566—Hayi´!

	(1)	(2)	(3)	(4)	(5)	(6)
Sge!	NÂtsihi´	hinehi´	hinehi´yÛ	hinida´we	utsinÂ´wa	adÛⁿni´ga
		12 12 22 34 33 566—Hayi´!

	(1)	(2)	(3)	(4)	(5)	(6)
Sge!	AmÂyi´	hinehi´,	hinehi´yÛ	hinida´we	utsinÂ´wa	adÛⁿni´ga
		12 12 22 33 33 566—Hayi´!

A B C D E F G H I J K L M
N O P Q R S T U V W Y Z

The above is peculiarly true of the student of language. He who studies only one Indian language and learns its manifold curious grammatic devices, its wealth of words, its capacity of expression, is speedily convinced of its superiority to all other Indian tongues, and not infrequently to all languages by whomsoever spoken.

If like admirable characteristics are asserted for other tongues he is apt to view them but as derivatives from one original. Thus he is led to overlook the great truth that the mind of man is everywhere practically the same, and that the innumerable differences of its products are indices merely of different stages of growth or are the results of different conditions of environment. In its development the human mind is limited by no boundaries of tribe or race.

Again, a long acquaintance with many tribes in their homes leads to the belief that savage people do not lack industry so much as wisdom. They are capable of performing, and often do perform, great and continuous labor. The men and women alike toil from day to day and from year to year, engaged in those tasks that are presented with the recurring seasons. In civilization, hunting and fishing are often considered sports, but in savagery they are labors, and call for endurance, patience, and sagacity. And these are exercised to a reasonable degree among all savage peoples.

It is probable that the real difficulty of purchasing quantities of food from Indians has, in most cases, not been properly understood. Unless the alien is present at a time of great abundance, when there is more on hand or easily obtainable than sufficient to supply the wants of the people, food can not be bought of the Indians. This arises from the fact that the tribal tenure is communal, and to get food by purchase requires a treaty at which all the leading members of the tribe are present and give consent.

As an illustration of the improvidence of the Indians generally, the habits of the tribes along the Columbia River may be cited. The Columbia River has often been pointed to as the probable source of a great part of the Indian population of this country, because of the enormous supply of salmon furnished by it and its tributaries. If an abundant and readily obtained supply of food was all that was necessary to insure a large population, and if population always increased up to the limit of food supply, unquestionably the theory of repeated migratory waves of surplus population from the Columbia Valley would be plausible enough. It is only necessary, however, to turn to the accounts of the earlier explorers of this region, Lewis and Clarke, for example, to refute the idea, so far at least as the Columbia Valley is concerned, although a study of the many diverse languages spread over the United States would seem sufficiently to prove that the tribes speaking them could not have originated at a common center, unless, indeed, at a period anterior to the formation of organized language.

The Indians inhabiting the Columbia Valley were divided into many tribes, belonging to several distinct linguistic families. They all were in the same culture status, however, and differed in habits and arts only in minor particulars. All of them had recourse to the salmon of the Columbia for the main part of their subsistence, and all practiced similar crude methods of curing fish and storing it away for the winter. Without exception, judging from the accounts of the above mentioned and of more recent authors, all the tribes suffered periodically more or less from insufficient food supply, although, with the exercise of due forethought and economy, even with their rude methods of catching and curing salmon, enough might here have been cured annually to suffice for the wants of the Indian population of the entire Northwest for several years.

In their ascent of the river in spring, before the salmon run, it was only with great difficulty that Lewis and Clarke were able to provide themselves by purchase with enough food to keep themselves from starving. Several parties of Indians from the vicinity of the Dalles, the best fishing station on the river, were met on their way down in quest of food, their supply of dried salmon having been entirely exhausted.

Nor is there anything in the accounts of any of the early visitors to the Columbia Valley to authorize the belief that the population there was a very large one. As was the case with all fish-stocked streams, the Columbia was resorted to in the fishing season by many tribes living at considerable distance from it; but there is no evidence tending to show that the settled population of its banks or of any part of its drainage basin was or ever had been by any means excessive.

The Dalles, as stated above, was the best fishing station on the river, and the settled population there may be taken as a fair index of that of other favorable locations. The Dalles was visited by Ross in July, 1811, and the following is his statement in regard to the population:

The main camp of the Indians is situated at the head of the narrows, and may contain, during the salmon season, 3,000 souls, or more; but the constant inhabitants of the place do not exceed 100 persons, and are called Wy-am-pams; the rest are all foreigners from different tribes throughout the country, who resort hither, not for the purpose of catching salmon, but chiefly for gambling and speculation.2

And as it was on the Columbia with its enormous supply of fish, so was it elsewhere in the United States.

Even the practice of agriculture, with its result of providing a more certain and bountiful food supply, seems not to have had the effect of materially augmenting the Indian population. At all events, it is in California and Oregon, a region where agriculture was scarcely practiced at all, that the most dense aboriginal population lived. There is no reason to believe that there ever existed within the limits of the region included in the map, with the possible exception of certain areas in California, a population equal to the natural food supply. On the contrary, there is every reason for believing that the population at the time of the discovery might have been many times more than what it actually was had a wise economy been practised.

The effect of wars in decimating the people has often been greatly exaggerated. Since the advent of the white man on the continent, wars have prevailed to a degree far beyond that existing at an earlier time. From the contest which necessarily arose between the native tribes and invading nations many wars resulted, and their history is well known. Again, tribes driven from their ancestral homes often retreated to lands previously occupied by other tribes, and intertribal wars resulted therefrom. The acquisition of firearms and horses, through the agency of white men, also had its influence, and when a commercial value was given to furs and skins, the Indian abandoned agriculture to pursue hunting and traffic, and sought new fields for such enterprises, and many new contests arose from this cause. Altogether the character of the Indian since the discovery of Columbus has been greatly changed, and he has become far more warlike and predatory. Prior to that time, and far away in the wilderness beyond such influence since that time, Indian tribes seem to have lived together in comparative peace and to have settled their difficulties by treaty methods. A few of the tribes had distinct organizations for purposes of war; all recognized it to a greater or less extent in their tribal organization; but from such study as has been given the subject, and from the many facts collected from time to time relating to the intercourse existing between tribes, it appears that the Indians lived in comparative peace. Their accumulations were not so great as to be tempting, and their modes of warfare were not excessively destructive. Armed with clubs and spears and bows and arrows, war could be prosecuted only by hand-to-hand conflict, and depended largely upon individual prowess, while battle for plunder, tribute, and conquest was almost unknown. Such intertribal wars as occurred originated from other causes, such as infraction of rights relating to hunting grounds and fisheries, and still oftener prejudices growing out of their superstitions.

That which kept the Indian population down sprang from another source, which has sometimes been neglected. The Indians had no reasonable or efficacious system of medicine. They believed that diseases were caused by unseen evil beings and by witchcraft, and every cough, every toothache, every headache, every chill, every fever, every boil, and every wound, in fact, all their ailments, were attributed to such cause. Their so-called medicine practice was a horrible system of sorcery, and to such superstition human life was sacrificed on an enormous scale. The sufferers were given over to priest doctors to be tormented, bedeviled, and destroyed; and a universal and profound belief in witchcraft made them suspicious, and led to the killing of all suspected and obnoxious people, and engendered blood feuds on a gigantic scale. It may be safely said that while famine, pestilence, disease, and war may have killed many, superstition killed more; in fact, a natural death in a savage tent is a comparatively rare phenomenon; but death by sorcery, medicine, and blood feud arising from a belief in witchcraft is exceedingly common.

Scanty as was the population compared with the vast area teeming with natural products capable of supporting human life, it may be safely said that at the time of the discovery, and long prior thereto, practically the whole of the area included in the present map was claimed and to some extent occupied by Indian tribes; but the possession of land by the Indian by no means implies occupancy in the modern or civilized sense of the term. In the latter sense occupation means to a great extent individual control and ownership. Very different was it with the Indians. Individual ownership of land was, as a rule, a thing entirely foreign to the Indian mind, and quite unknown in the culture stage to which he belonged. All land, of whatever character or however utilized, was held in common by the tribe, or in a few instances by the clan. Apparently an exception to this broad statement is to be made in the case of the Haida of the northwest coast, who have been studied by Dawson. According to him3 the land is divided among the different families and is held as strictly personal property, with hereditary rights or possessions descending from one generation to another. “The lands may be bartered or given away. The larger salmon streams are, however, often the property jointly of a number of families.” The tendency in this case is toward personal right in land.

TRIBAL LAND.

For convenience of discussion, Indian tribal land may be divided into three classes: First, the land occupied by the villages; second, the land actually employed in agriculture; third, the land claimed by the tribe but not occupied, except as a hunting ground.Village sites.—The amount of land taken up as village sites varied considerably in different parts of the country. It varied also in the same tribe at different times. As a rule, the North American Indians lived in communal houses of sufficient size to accommodate several families. In such cases the village consisted of a few large structures closely grouped together, so that it covered very little ground. When territory was occupied by warlike tribes, the construction of rude palisades around the villages and the necessities of defense generally tended to compel the grouping of houses, and the permanent village sites of even the more populous tribes covered only a very small area. In the case of confederated tribes and in the time of peace the tendency was for one or more families to establish more or less permanent settlements away from the main village, where a livelihood was more readily obtainable. Hence, in territory which had enjoyed a considerable interval of peace the settlements were in the nature of small agricultural communities, established at short distances from each other and extending in the aggregate over a considerable extent of country. In the case of populous tribes the villages were probably of the character of the Choctaw towns described by Adair.4 “The barrier towns, which are next to the Muskohge and Chikkasah countries, are compactly settled for social defense, according to the general method of other savage nations; but the rest, both in the center and toward the Mississippi, are only scattered plantations, as best suits a separate easy way of living. A stranger might be in the middle of one of their populous, extensive towns without seeing half a dozen houses in the direct course of his path.” More closely grouped settlements are described by Wayne in American State Papers, 1793, in his account of an expedition down the Maumee Valley, where he states that “The margins of the Miamis of the Lake and the Au Glaize appear like one continuous village for a number of miles, nor have I ever beheld such immense fields of corn in any part of America from Canada to Florida.” Such a chain of villages as this was probably highly exceptional; but even under such circumstances the village sites proper formed but a very small part of the total area occupied.

From the foregoing considerations it will be seen that the amount of land occupied as village sites under any circumstances was inconsiderable.Agricultural land.—It is practically impossible to make an accurate estimate of the relative amount of land devoted to agricultural purposes by any one tribe or by any family of tribes. None of the factors which enter into the problem are known to us with sufficient accuracy to enable reliable estimates to be made of the amount of land tilled or of the products derived from the tillage; and only in few cases have we trustworthy estimates of the population of the tribe or tribes practicing agriculture. Only a rough approximation of the truth can be reached from the scanty data available and from a general knowledge of Indian methods of subsistence.

The practice of agriculture was chiefly limited to the region south of the St. Lawrence and east of the Mississippi. In this region it was far more general and its results were far more important than is commonly supposed. To the west of the Mississippi only comparatively small areas were occupied by agricultural tribes and these lay chiefly in New Mexico and Arizona and along the Arkansas, Platte, and Missouri Rivers. The rest of that region was tenanted by non-agricultural tribes—unless indeed the slight attention paid to the cultivation of tobacco by a few of the west coast tribes, notably the Haida, may be considered agriculture. Within the first mentioned area most of the tribes, perhaps all, practiced agriculture to a greater or less extent, though unquestionably the degree of reliance placed upon it as a means of support differed much with different tribes and localities.

Among many tribes agriculture was relied upon to supply an important—and perhaps in the case of a few tribes, the most important—part of the food supply. The accounts of some of the early explorers in the southern United States, where probably agriculture was more systematized than elsewhere, mention corn fields of great extent, and later knowledge of some northern tribes, as the Iroquois and some of the Ohio Valley tribes, shows that they also raised corn in great quantities. The practice of agriculture to a point where it shall prove the main and constant supply of a people, however, implies a degree of sedentariness to which our Indians as a rule had not attained and an amount of steady labor without immediate return which was peculiarly irksome to them. Moreover, the imperfect methods pursued in clearing, planting, and cultivating sufficiently prove that the Indians, though agriculturists, were in the early stages of development as such—a fact also attested by the imperfect and one-sided division of labor between the sexes, the men as a rule taking but small share of the burdensome tasks of clearing land, planting, and harvesting.

It is certain that by no tribe of the United States was agriculture pursued to such an extent as to free its members from the practice of the hunter’s or fisher’s art. Admitting the most that can be claimed for the Indian as an agriculturist, it may be stated that, whether because of the small population or because of the crude manner in which his operations were carried on, the amount of land devoted to agriculture within the area in question was infinitesimally small as compared with the total. Upon a map colored to show only the village sites and agricultural land, the colors would appear in small spots, while by far the greater part of the map would remain uncolored.Hunting claims.—The great body of the land within the area mapped which was occupied by agricultural tribes, and all the land outside it, was held as a common hunting ground, and the tribal claim to territory, independent of village sites and corn fields, amounted practically to little else than hunting claims. The community of possession in the tribe to the hunting ground was established and practically enforced by hunting laws, which dealt with the divisions of game among the village, or among the families of the hunters actually taking part in any particular hunt. As a rule, such natural landmarks as rivers, lakes, hills, and mountain chains served to mark with sufficient accuracy the territorial tribal limits. In California, and among the Haida and perhaps other tribes of the northwest coast, the value of certain hunting and fishing claims led to their definition by artificial boundaries, as by sticks or stones.5

Such precautions imply a large population, and in such regions as California the killing of game upon the land of adjoining tribes was rigidly prohibited and sternly punished.

As stated above, every part of the vast area included in the present map is to be regarded as belonging, according to Indian ideas of land title, to one or another of the Indian tribes. To determine the several tribal possessions and to indicate the proper boundary lines between individual tribes and linguistic families is a work of great difficulty. This is due more to the imperfection and scantiness of available data concerning tribal claims than to the absence of claimants or to any ambiguity in the minds of the Indians as to the boundaries of their several possessions.

Not only is precise data wanting respecting the limits of land actually held or claimed by many tribes, but there are other tribes, which disappeared early in the history of our country, the boundaries to whose habitat is to be determined only in the most general way. Concerning some of these, our information is so vague that the very linguistic family they belonged to is in doubt. In the case of probably no one family are the data sufficient in amount and accuracy to determine positively the exact areas definitely claimed or actually held by the tribes. Even in respect of the territory of many of the tribes of the eastern United States, much of whose land was ceded by actual treaty with the Government, doubt exists. The fixation of the boundary points, when these are specifically mentioned in the treaty, as was the rule, is often extremely difficult, owing to the frequent changes of geographic names and the consequent disagreement of present with ancient maps. Moreover, when the Indian’s claim to his land had been admitted by Government, and the latter sought to acquire a title through voluntary cession by actual purchase, land assumed a value to the Indian never attaching to it before.

Under these circumstances, either under plea of immemorial occupancy or of possession by right of conquest, the land was often claimed, and the claims urged with more or less plausibility by several tribes, sometimes of the same linguistic family, sometimes of different families.

It was often found by the Government to be utterly impracticable to decide between conflicting claims, and not infrequently the only way out of the difficulty lay in admitting the claim of both parties, and in paying for the land twice or thrice. It was customary for a number of different tribes to take part in such treaties, and not infrequently several linguistic families were represented. It was the rule for each tribe, through its representatives, to cede its share of a certain territory, the natural boundaries of which as a whole are usually recorded with sufficient accuracy. The main purpose of the Government in treaty-making being to obtain possession of the land, comparatively little attention was bestowed to defining the exact areas occupied by the several tribes taking part in a treaty, except in so far as the matter was pressed upon attention by disputing claimants. Hence the territory claimed by each tribe taking part in the treaty is rarely described, and occasionally not all the tribes interested in the proposed cession are even mentioned categorically. The latter statement applies more particularly to the territory west of the Mississippi, the data for determining ownership to which is much less precise, and the doubt and confusion respecting tribal boundary lines correspondingly greater than in the country east of that river. Under the above circumstances, it will be readily understood that to determine tribal boundaries within accurately drawn lines is in the vast majority of cases quite impossible.

Imperfect and defective as the terms of the treaties frequently are as regards the definition of tribal boundaries, they are by far the most accurate and important of the means at our command for fixing boundary lines upon the present map. By their aid the territorial possessions of a considerable number of tribes have been determined with desirable precision, and such areas definitely established have served as checks upon the boundaries of other tribes, concerning the location and extent of whose possessions little is known.

For establishing the boundaries of such tribes as are not mentioned in treaties, and of those whose territorial possessions are not given with sufficient minuteness, early historical accounts are all important. Such accounts, of course, rarely indicate the territorial possessions of the tribes with great precision. In many cases, however, the sites of villages are accurately given. In others the source of information concerning a tribe is contained in a general statement of the occupancy of certain valleys or mountain ranges or areas at the heads of certain rivers, no limiting lines whatever being assigned. In others, still, the notice of a tribe is limited to a brief mention of the presence in a certain locality of hunting or war parties.

Data of this loose character would of course be worthless in an attempt to fix boundary lines in accordance with the ideas of the modern surveyor. The relative positions of the families and the relative size of the areas occupied by them, however, and not their exact boundaries, are the chief concern in a linguistic map, and for the purpose of establishing these, and, in a rough way, the boundaries of the territory held by the tribes composing them, these data are very important, and when compared with one another and corrected by more definite data, when such are at hand, they have usually been found to be sufficient for the purpose.

SUMMARY OF DEDUCTIONS.

In conclusion, the more important deductions derivable from the data upon which the linguistic map is based, or that are suggested by it, may be summarized as follows:

First, the North American Indian tribes, instead of speaking related dialects, originating in a single parent language, in reality speak many languages belonging to distinct families, which have no apparent unity of origin.

Second, the Indian population of North America was greatly exaggerated by early writers, and instead of being large was in reality small as compared with the vast territory occupied and the abundant food supply; and furthermore, the population had nowhere augmented sufficiently, except possibly in California, to press upon the food supply.

Third, although representing a small population, the numerous tribes had overspread North America and had possessed themselves of all the territory, which, in the case of a great majority of tribes, was owned in common by the tribe.

Fourth, prior to the advent of the European, the tribes were probably nearly in a state of equilibrium, and were in the main sedentary, and those tribes which can be said with propriety to have been nomadic became so only after the advent of the European, and largely as the direct result of the acquisition of the horse and the introduction of firearms.

Fifth, while agriculture was general among the tribes of the eastern United States, and while it was spreading among western tribes, its products were nowhere sufficient wholly to emancipate the Indian from the hunter state.

LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

Within the area covered by the map there are recognized fifty-eight distinct linguistic families.

These are enumerated in alphabetical order and each is accompanied by a table of the synonyms of the family name, together with a brief statement of the geographical area occupied by each family, so far as it is known. A list of the principal tribes of each family also is given.

ADAIZAN FAMILY.

= Adaize, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116, 306, 1836. Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc., Lond., II, 31-59, 1846. Latham, Opuscula, 293, 1860. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, xcix, 1848. Gallatin in Schoolcraft Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853. Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 477, 1862 (referred to as one of the most isolated languages of N.A.). Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 478, 1878 (or Adees).

= Adaizi, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 406, 1847.

= Adaise, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848.

= Adahi, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 342, 1850. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 103, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 366, 368, 1860. Latham, Elements Comp., Phil., 473, 477, 1863 (same as his Adaize above).

= Adaes, Buschmann, Spuren der aztekischen Sprache, 424, 1859.

= Adees. Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.) 478, 1878 (same as his Adaize).

= AdÁi, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., 41, 1884.

Derivation: From a Caddo word hadai, sig. “brush wood.”

This family was based upon the language spoken by a single tribe who, according to Dr. Sibley, lived about the year 1800 near the old Spanish fort or mission of Adaize, “about 40 miles from Natchitoches, below the Yattassees, on a lake called Lac Macdon, which communicates with the division of Red River that passes by Bayau Pierre.”6 A vocabulary of about two hundred and fifty words is all that remains to us of their language, which according to the collector, Dr. Sibley, “differs from all others, and is so difficult to speak or understand that no nation can speak ten words ofit.”

It was from an examination of Sibley’s vocabulary that Gallatin reached the conclusion of the distinctness of this language from any other known, an opinion accepted by most later authorities. A recent comparison of this vocabulary by Mr. Gatschet, with several Caddoan dialects, has led to the discovery that a considerable percentage of the AdÁi words have a more or less remote affinity with Caddoan, and he regards it as a Caddoan dialect. The amount of material, however, necessary to establish its relationship to Caddoan is not at present forthcoming, and it may be doubted if it ever will be, as recent inquiry has failed to reveal the existence of a single member of the tribe, or of any individual of the tribes once surrounding the AdÁi who remembers a word of the language.

Mr. Gatschet found that some of the older Caddo in the Indian Territory remembered the AdÁi as one of the tribes formerly belonging to the Caddo Confederacy. More than this he was unable to learn from them.

Owing to their small numbers, their remoteness from lines of travel, and their unwarlike character the AdÁi have cut but a small figure in history, and accordingly the known facts regarding them are very meager. The first historical mention of them appears to be by CabeÇa de Vaca, who in his “Naufragios,” referring to his stay in Texas, about 1530, calls them Atayos. Mention is also made of them by several of the early French explorers of the Mississippi, as d’Iberville and Joutel.

The Mission of Adayes, so called from its proximity to the home of the tribe, was established in 1715. In 1792 there was a partial emigration of the AdÁi to the number of fourteen families to a site south of San Antonio de Bejar, southwest Texas, where apparently they amalgamated with the surrounding Indian population and were lost sight of. (From documents preserved at the City Hall, San Antonio, and examined by Mr. Gatschet in December, 1886.) The AdÁi who were left in their old homes numbered one hundred in 1802, according to Baudry de Lozieres. According to Sibley, in 1809 there were only “twenty men of them remaining, but more women.” In 1820 Morse mentions only thirty survivors.

ALGONQUIAN FAMILY.

> Algonkin-Lenape, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 23, 305, 1836. Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid, 1852.

> Algonquin, Bancroft, Hist. U. S., III, 337, 1840. Prichard Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 381, 1847 (follows Gallatin).

> Algonkins, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Gallatin in Schoolcraft Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853.

> Algonkin, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rept., III, pt. 3, 55, 1856 (gives Delaware and Shawnee vocabs.). Hayden, Cont. Eth. and Phil. Missouri Inds., 232, 1862 (treats only of Crees, Blackfeet, Shyennes). Hale in Am. Antiq., 112, April, 1883 (treated with reference to migration).

< Algonkin, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 1856 (adds to Gallatin’s list of 1836 the Bethuck, Shyenne, Blackfoot, and Arrapaho). Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860 (as in preceding). Latham, Elements Comp. Phil, 447, 1862.

< Algonquin, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp., (Cent. and S. Am.), 460, 465, 1878 (list includes the Maquas, an Iroquois tribe).

> Saskatschawiner, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848 (probably designates the Arapaho).

> Arapahoes, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

X Algonkin und Beothuk, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.

Derivation: Contracted from Algomequin, an Algonkin word, signifying “those on the other side of the river,” i.e., the St. Lawrence River.

ALGONQUIAN AREA.

The area formerly occupied by the Algonquian family was more extensive than that of any other linguistic stock in North America, their territory reaching from Labrador to the Rocky Mountains, and from Churchill River of Hudson Bay as far south at least as Pamlico Sound of North Carolina. In the eastern part of this territory was an area occupied by Iroquoian tribes, surrounded on almost all sides by their Algonquian neighbors. On the south the Algonquian tribes were bordered by those of Iroquoian and Siouan (Catawba) stock, on the southwest and west by the Muskhogean and Siouan tribes, and on the northwest by the Kitunahan and the great Athapascan families, while along the coast of Labrador and the eastern shore of Hudson Bay they came in contact with the Eskimo, who were gradually retreating before them to the north. In Newfoundland they encountered the Beothukan family, consisting of but a single tribe. A portion of the Shawnee at some early period had separated from the main body of the tribe in central Tennessee and pushed their way down to the Savannah River in South Carolina, where, known as Savannahs, they carried on destructive wars with the surrounding tribes until about the beginning of the eighteenth century they were finally driven out and joined the Delaware in the north. Soon afterwards the rest of the tribe was expelled by the Cherokee and Chicasa, who thenceforward claimed all the country stretching north to the Ohio River.

The Cheyenne and Arapaho, two allied tribes of this stock, had become separated from their kindred on the north and had forced their way through hostile tribes across the Missouri to the Black Hills country of South Dakota, and more recently into Wyoming and Colorado, thus forming the advance guard of the Algonquian stock in that direction, having the Siouan tribes behind them and those of the Shoshonean family in front.

PRINCIPAL ALGONQUINIAN TRIBES.

Abnaki.
Algonquin.
Arapaho.
Cheyenne.
Conoy.
Cree.
Delaware.
Fox.
Illinois.
Kickapoo.
Mahican.
Massachuset.

Menominee.
Miami.
Micmac.
Mohegan.
Montagnais.
Montauk.
Munsee.
Nanticoke.
Narraganset.
Nauset.
Nipmuc.
Ojibwa.

Ottawa.
Pamlico.
Pennacook.
Pequot.
Piankishaw.
Pottawotomi.
Powhatan.
Sac.
Shawnee.
Siksika.
Wampanoag.
Wappinger.

Population.—The present number of the Algonquian stock is about 95,600, of whom about 60,000 are in Canada and the remainder in the United States. Below is given the population of the tribes officially recognized, compiled chiefly from the United States Indian Commissioner’s report for 1889 and the Canadian Indian report for 1888. It is impossible to give exact figures, owing to the fact that in many instances two or more tribes are enumerated together, while many individuals are living with other tribes or amongst the whites:

Abnaki:
“Oldtown Indians,” Maine	410
Passamaquoddy Indians, Maine	215?
Abenakis of St. Francis and BÉcancour, Quebec	369
“Amalecites” of TÉmiscouata and Viger, Quebec	198
“Amalecites” of Madawaska, etc., New Brunswick	683
		1,874?
Algonquin:
Of Renfrew, Golden Lake and Carleton, Ontario	797
With Iroquois (total 131) at Gibson, Ontario	31?
With Iroquois at Lake of Two Mountains, Quebec	30
Quebec Province	3,909
		4,767?
Arapaho:
Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian Territory	1,272
Shoshone Agency, Wyoming (Northern Arapaho)	885
Carlisle school, Pennsylvania, and Lawrence school, Kansas	55
		2,212
Cheyenne:
Pine Ridge Agency, South Dakota (Northern Cheyenne)	517
Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian Territory	2,091
Carlisle school, Pennsylvania, and Lawrence school, Kansas	153
Tongue River Agency, Montana (Northern Cheyenne)	865
		3,626
Cree:
With Salteau in Manitoba, etc., British America (treaties Nos. 1, 2, and 5: total, 6,066)	3,066?
Plain and Wood Cree, treaty No. 6, Manitoba, etc.	5,790
Cree (with Salteau, etc.), treaty No. 4, Manitoba, etc.	8,530
		17,386?
Delaware, etc.:
Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Agency, Indian Territory	95
Incorporated with Cherokee, Indian Territory	1,000?
Delaware with the Seneca in New York	3
Hampton and Lawrence schools	3
Muncie in New York, principally with Onondaga and Seneca	36
Munsee with Stockbridge (total 133), Green Bay Agency, Wis.	23?
Munsee with Chippewa at Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas (total75)	37?
Munsee with Chippewa on the Thames, Ontario	131
“Moravians” of the Thames, Ontario	288
Delaware with Six Nations on Grand River, Ontario	134
		1,750?
Kickapoo:
Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory	325
Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas	237
In Mexico	200?
		762?
Menominee:
Green Bay Agency, Wisconsin	1,311
Carlisle school	1
		1,312
Miami:
Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory	67
Indiana, no agency	300?
Lawrence and Carlisle schools	7
		374?
Micmac:
Restigouche, Maria, and GaspÉ, Quebec	732
In Nova Scotia	2,145
New Brunswick	912
Prince Edward Island	319
		4,108
Misisauga:
Alnwick, New Credit, etc., Ontario		774
Monsoni, Maskegon, etc.:
Eastern Rupert’s Land, British America		4,016
Montagnais:
Betsiamits, Lake St. John, Grand Romaine, etc., Quebec	1,607
Seven Islands, Quebec	312
		1,919
Nascapee:
Lower St. Lawrence, Quebec		2,860
Ojibwa:
White Earth Agency, Minnesota	6,263
La Pointe Agency, Wisconsin	4,778
Mackinac Agency, Michigan (about one-third of 5,563 Ottawa and Chippewa)	1,854?
Mackinac Agency, Michigan (Chippewa alone)	1,351
Devil’s Lake Agency, North Dakota (Turtle Mountain Chippewa)	1,340
Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas (one-half of 75 Chippewa and Muncie)	38?
Lawrence and Carlisle schools	15
“Ojibbewas” of Lake Superior and Lake Huron, Ontario	5,201
“Chippewas” of Sarnia, etc., Ontario	1,956
“Chippewas” with Munsees on Thames, Ontario	454
“Chippewas” with Pottawatomies on Walpole Island, Ontario	658
“Ojibbewas” with Ottawas (total 1,856) on Manitoulin and Cockburn Islands, Ontario	928?
“Salteaux” of treaty Nos. 3 and 4, etc., Manitoba, etc.	4,092
“Chippewas” with Crees in Manitoba, etc., treaties Nos. 1, 2, and 5 (total Chippewa and Cree, 6,066)	3,000?
		31,928?
Ottawa:
Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory	137
Mackinac Agency, Michigan (5,563 Ottawa and Chippewa)	3,709?
Lawrence and Carlisle schools	20
With “Ojibbewas” on Manitoulin and Cockburn Islands, Ontario	928
		4,794?
Peoria, etc.:
Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory	160
Lawrence and Carlisle schools	5
		165
Pottawatomie:
Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory	480
Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas	462
Mackinac Agency, Michigan	77
Prairie band, Wisconsin	280
Carlisle, Lawrence and Hampton schools	117
With Chippewa on Walpole Island, Ontario	166
		1,582
Sac and Fox:
Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory	515
Sac and Fox Agency, Iowa	381
Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas	77
Lawrence, Hampton, and Carlisle schools	8
		981
Shawnee:
Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory	79
Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory	640
Incorporated with Cherokee, Indian Territory	800?
Lawrence, Carlisle, and Hampton schools	40
		1,559?
Siksika:
Blackfoot Agency, Montana. (Blackfoot, Blood, Piegan)	1,811
Blackfoot reserves in Alberta, British America (with Sarcee and Assiniboine)	4,932
		6,743
Stockbridge (Mahican):
Green Bay Agency, Wisconsin	110
In New York (with Tuscarora and Seneca)	7
Carlisle school	4
		121

ATHAPASCAN FAMILY.

Sge! Ha-nÂ´gwa hatÛ´ⁿngani´ga, Agalu´ga TsÛsdi´ga, hida´wehi, Â´tali tsusdiga´hi duda´w‘satÛ´ⁿ ditsÛldÂ´histi. (Hida´wehi, gahu´sti tsanu´lÛⁿhÛⁿsgi´ nige´sÛⁿna.) Ha-nÂ´gwa da´tÛlehÛⁿgÛ´. Usdi´gi(yu) utiya´stanÛⁿ´(hi) (higese´i). (HÛⁿ)hiyala´gistani´ga igÂ´ti usdigÂ´hi usa´hilagi´ IgÂtu´lti nÛⁿnÂ´hi wite´tsatanÛⁿ´Ûⁿsi´. A´ne´tsÂge´ta getsatÛnehi nÛⁿgÛlstani´ga igÛⁿ´wÛlstanita´sti-gwÛ. Ati´gale´yata tsÛtÛ´neli´ga. UtsinÂ´wa 11 nigÛⁿtisge´sti.

Sge! Ha-nÂ´gwa hÛⁿhatÛ´ⁿgani´ga, Agalu´ga HegwahigwÛ´. Â´tali tsegwÂ´hi duda´w‘satÛⁿ iyÛⁿta ditsÛldÂ´histi. Agalu´ga He´gwa, hausinu´li da´tÛlehÛⁿgÛ. Usdi´giyu utiya´stanÛ´ⁿhi. Hiyala´gistani´ga ulsge´ta igÂ´t-egwÂ´hi) usa´hilagi´. (Igat-(egwÂ´hi iyÛⁿ´ta nÛⁿnÂ´hi witetsatanÛ´ⁿÛⁿsi´. A´ne´tsÂge´ta getsatÛne´litise´sti igÛⁿ´wÛlstanita´sti-gwÛ. UtsinÂ´wa-gwÛ nutatanÛⁿta. Nigagi´ YÛ!

(DegÂsi´sisgÛ´ⁿi)—Unawa´sti e´gwa u´nitlÛⁿgÂ´i. Ta´ya gÛ´ⁿtati, ditsa´tista´‘ti. TsÂ´l-agayÛ´ⁿli ya´ha ulÛ´ⁿkwati-gwÛ nasgwÛ´.

Translation.

TO TREAT THE GREAT CHILL.

Listen! On high you dwell, On high you dwell—you dwell, you dwell. Forever you dwell, you anida´we, forever you dwell, forever you dwell. Relief has come—has come. Hayi!

Listen! On ÛⁿwadÂ´hi you dwell, On ÛⁿwadÂhi you dwell—you dwell, you dwell. Forever you dwell, you anida´we, forever you dwell, forever you dwell. Relief has come—has come. Hayi!

Listen! In the pines you dwell, In the pines you dwell—you dwell, you dwell. Forever you dwell, you anida´we, forever you dwell, forever you dwell. Relief has come—has come. Hayi!

Listen! In the water you dwell, In the water you dwell, you dwell, you dwell. Forever you dwell, you anida´we, forever you dwell, forever you dwell. Relief has come—has come. Hayii!

Listen! O now you have drawn near to hearken, O Little Whirlwind, O ada´wehi, in the leafy shelter of the lower mountain, there you repose. O ada´wehi, you can never fail in anything. Ha! Now rise up. A very small portion [of the disease] remains. You have come to sweep it away into the small swamp on the upland. You have laid down your paths near the swamp. It is ordained that you shall scatter it as in play, so that it shall utterly disappear. By you it must be scattered. So shall there be relief.

Listen! O now again you have drawn near to hearken, O Whirlwind, surpassingly great. In the leafy shelter of the great mountain there you repose. O Great Whirlwind, arise quickly. A very small part [of the disease] remains. You have come to sweep the intruder into the great swamp on the upland. You have laid down your paths toward the great swamp. You shall scatter it as in play so that it shall utterly disappear. And now relief has come. All is done. YÛ!

(Prescription.)—(This is to use) when they are sick with the great chill. Take a decoction of wild cherry to blow upon them. If you have TsÂ´l-agayÛ´ⁿli ("old tobacco"—Nicotiana rustica) it also is very effective.

Explanation.

Unawa´sti, “that which chills one,” is a generic name for intermittent fever, otherwise known as fever and ague. It is much dreaded by the Indian doctors, who recognize several varieties of the disease, and have various theories to account for them. The above formula was obtained from A‘yÛ´ⁿni (Swimmer), who described the symptoms of this variety, the “Great Chill,” as blackness in the face, with alternate high fever and shaking chills. The disease generally appeared in spring or summer, and might return year after year. In the first stages the chill usually came on early in the morning, but came on later in the day as the disease progressed. There might be more than one chill during the day. There was no rule as to appetite, but the fever always produced an excessive thirst. In one instance the patient fainted from the heat and would even lie down in a stream to cool himself. The doctor believed the disease was caused by malicious tsgÂ´ya, a general name for all small insects and worms, excepting intestinal worms. These tsgÂ´ya—that is, the disease tsgÂ´ya, not the real insects and worms—are held responsible for a large number of diseases, and in fact the tsgÂ´ya doctrine is to the Cherokee practitioner what the microbe theory is to some modern scientists. The tsgÂ´ya live in the earth, in the water, in the air, in the foliage of trees, in decaying wood, or wherever else insects lodge, and as they are constantly being crushed, burned or otherwise destroyed through the unthinking carelessness of the human race, they are continually actuated by a spirit of revenge. To accomplish their vengeance, according to the doctors, they “establish towns” under the skin of their victims, thus producing an irritation which results in fevers, boils, scrofula and other diseases.

The formula begins with a song of four verses, in which the doctor invokes in succession the spirits of the air, of the mountain, of the forest, and of the water. GalÛⁿlati, the word used in the first verse, signifies, as has been already explained, “on high” or “above everything,” and has been used by translators to mean heaven. ÛⁿwadÂ´hi in the second verse is the name of a bald mountain east of Webster, North Carolina, and is used figuratively to denote any mountains of bold outline. The Cherokees have a tradition to account for the name, which is derived from ÛⁿwadÂ´li, “provision house.” NÂ´tsihi´ in the third verse signifies “pinery,” from nÂ´‘tsi, “pine,” but is figuratively used to denote a forest of any kind.

In the recitation which follows the song, but is used only in serious cases, the doctor prays to the whirlwind, which is considered to dwell among the trees on the mountain side, where the trembling of the leaves always gives the first intimation of its presence. He declares that a small portion of the disease still remains, the spirits invoked in the song having already taken the rest, and calls upon the whirlwind to lay down a path for it and sweep it away into the swamp on the upland, referring to grassy marshes common in the small coves of the higher mountains, which, being remote from the settlements, are convenient places to which to banish the disease. Not satisfied with this, he goes on to direct the whirlwind to scatter the disease as it scatters the leaves of the forest, so that it shall utterly disappear. In the Cherokee formula the verb a‘ne´tsÂge´ta means literally “to play,” and is generally understood to refer to the ball play, a´ne´tsÂ, so that to a Cherokee the expression conveys the idea of catching up the disease and driving it onward as a player seizes the ball and sends it spinning through the air from between his ball sticks. Niga´gi is a solemn expression about equivalent to the Latin consummatum est.

The doctor beats up some bark from the trunk of the wild cherry and puts it into water together with seven coals of fire, the latter being intended to warm the decoction. The leaves of TsÂl-agayÛ´ⁿli (Indian tobacco—Nicotiana rustica) are sometimes used in place of the wild cherry bark. The patient is placed facing the sunrise, and the doctor, taking the medicine in his mouth, blows it over the body of the sick man. First, standing between the patient and the sunrise and holding the medicine cup in his hand, he sings the first verse in a low tone. Then, taking some of the liquid in his mouth, he advances and blows it successively upon the top of the head, the right shoulder, left shoulder, and breast or back of the patient, making four blowings in all. He repeats the same ceremony with the second, third, and fourth verse, returning each time to his original position. The ceremony takes place in the morning, and if necessary is repeated in the evening. It is sometimes necessary also to repeat the treatment for several—generally four—consecutive days.

The recitation is not used excepting in the most serious cases, when, according to the formula, “a very small portion” of the disease still lingers. It is accompanied by blowing of the breath alone, without medicine, probably in this case typical of the action of the whirlwind. After repeating the whole ceremony accompanying the song, as above described, the doctor returns to his position in front of the patient and recites in a whisper the first paragraph to the Little Whirlwind, after which he advances and blows his breath upon the patient four times as he has already blown the medicine upon him. Then going around to the north he recites the second paragraph to the Great Whirlwind, and at its conclusion blows in the same manner. Then moving around to the west—behind the patient—he again prays to the Little Whirlwind with the same ceremonies, and finally moving around to the south side he closes with the prayer to the Great Whirlwind, blowing four times at its conclusion. The medicine must be prepared anew by the doctor at the house of the patient at each application morning or evening. Only as much as will be needed is made at a time, and the patient always drinks what remains after the blowing. Connected with the preparation and care of the medicine are a number of ceremonies which need not be detailed here. The wild cherry bark must always be procured fresh; but the TsÂl-agayÛ´ⁿli ("Old Tobacco") leaves may be dry. When the latter plant is used four leaves are taken and steeped in warm water with the fire coals, as above described.

HIA´ TSUNSDI´GA DIL‘TADI´NATANTI´YI. I.

Sge! Hisga´ya Ts‘sdi´ga ha-nÂ´gwa da´tÛlehÛⁿgÛ´ kilÛ-gwÛ´. IyÛ´ⁿta agayÛ´ⁿlinasi´ taya´i. Eska´niyu unaye´histi´ nÛⁿta-yu´tanati´. Sge´! tinÛ´litgi´! Tleki´yu tsÛtsestÂ´gi hwinagi´. YÛ!

Sge! Hige´cya ts‘sdi´ga ha-nÂ´gwa da´tÛlehÛⁿgÛ´ kilÛ-gwÛ´. IyÛⁿ´ta tsÛtu´tunasi´ taya´i. Eska´niyu unaye´histi nÛⁿtayu´tanati´. Sge! tinÛ´litgi´! Tleki´yu tsÛtsestÂ´ hwinagi´. YÛ!

Translation.

THIS IS TO MAKE CHILDREN JUMP DOWN.

Listen! You little man, get up now at once. There comes an old woman. The horrible [old thing] is coming, only a little way off. Listen! Quick! Get your bed and let us run away. YÛ!

Listen! You little woman, get up now at once. There comes your grandfather. The horrible old fellow is coming only a little way off. Listen! Quick! Get your bed and let us run away. YÛ!

Explanation.

In this formula for childbirth the idea is to frighten the child and coax it to come, by telling it, if a boy, that an ugly old woman is coming, or if a girl, that her grandfather is coming only a short distance away. The reason of this lies in the fact that an old woman is the terror of all the little boys of the neighborhood, constantly teasing and frightening them by declaring that she means to live until they grow up and then compel one of them to marry her, old and shriveled as she is. For the same reason the maternal grandfather, who is always a privileged character in the family, is especially dreaded by the little girls, and nothing will send a group of children running into the house more quickly than the announcement that an old “granny,” of either sex is in sight.

As the sex is an uncertain quantity, the possible boy is always first addressed in the formulas, and if no result seems to follow, the doctor then concludes that the child is a girl and addresses her in similar tones. In some cases an additional formula with the beads is used to determine whether the child will be born alive or dead. In most instances the formulas were formerly repeated with the appropriate ceremonies by some old female relative of the mother, but they are now the property of the ordinary doctors, men as well as women.

This formula was obtained from the manuscript book of A‘yÛ´ⁿini, who stated that the medicine used was a warm decoction of a plant called DalÂ´nige Unaste´tsi ("yellow root"—not identified), which was blown successively upon the top of the mother’s head, upon the breast, and upon the palm of each hand. The doctor stands beside the woman, who is propped up in a sitting position, while repeating the first paragraph and then blows. If this produces no result he then recites the paragraph addressed to the girl and again blows. A part of the liquid is also given to the woman to drink. A‘yÛ´ⁿini claimed this was always effectual.

(HIA´ TSUNSDI´GA DIL‘TADI´NATANTI´YI. II.)

Hitsutsa, hitsu´tsa, tleki´yu, tleki´yu, e´hinugÂ´i, e´hinugÂ´i! Hi´tsu´tsa, tleki´yu, gÛltsÛ´ti, gÛltsÛ´ti, tinagÂ´na, tinagÂ´na!

Hige‘yu´tsa, hige‘yu´tsa, tleki´yu, tleki´yu, e´hinugÂ´i, e´hinugÂ´i! Hige‘yu´tsa, tleki´yu, gÛⁿgu´sti, gÛⁿgu´sti, tinagÂ´na, tinagÂ´na!

Translation.

THIS IS TO MAKE CHILDREN JUMP DOWN.

Little boy, little boy, hurry, hurry, come out, come out! Little boy, hurry; a bow, a bow; let’s see who’ll get it, let’s see who’ll get it!

Little girl, little girl, hurry, hurry, come out, come out. Little girl, hurry; a sifter, a sifter; let’s see who’ll get it, let’s see who’ll get it!

Explanation.

This formula was obtained from Takwati´hi, as given to him by a specialist in this line. Takwatihi himself knew nothing of the treatment involved, but a decoction is probably blown upon the patient as described in the preceding formula. In many cases the medicine used is simply cold water, the idea being to cause a sudden muscular action by the chilling contact. In this formula the possible boy or girl is coaxed out by the promise of a bow or a meal-sifter to the one who can get it first. Among the Cherokees it is common, in asking about the sex of a new arrival, to inquire, “Is it a bow or a sifter?” or “Is it ball sticks or bread?”

DALÂ´NI ÛⁿNAGE´I ADANÛ´ⁿWÂTI.

Yuha´ahi´, (yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´,)

Yuha´ahi´, (yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´), YÛ!

Sge! Ûⁿtal-e´gwÂhi´ didultÂ´histi ulsge´ta. Usinu´li dÂtitu´lene´i. Usinu´li dunu´y‘tani´lei´.

Sge! Ha-nÂ´gwa statÛ´ⁿgani´ga, nÛⁿdÂ´yi distul‘tÂ´histi, Stisga´ya Dist‘sdi´ga, stida´wehi-gÂgÛ. Ûⁿtal-e´gwa dÂtitulene´(i) ulsge´ta. Usinu´li detistÛ´l‘tani´ga ulsge´ta. Ditu´talenÛ´ⁿitsa nÛⁿna´hi ^wi´de´tutanÛ´ⁿtasi´, nÛⁿtadu´ktahÛ´ⁿsti nige´sÛⁿna. NÛ´‘gi iyayÛ´ⁿlatagi´ ayÂwe´sÂlÛ´ⁿta de´dudÛneli´sesti´, GÛ´ⁿtsatÂtagi´yÛ tistadi´gÛlahi´sesti. Tiduda´le‘nÛ´(i) Û´ⁿtale´gwÂ ^wⁱti´stÛl‘tati´nÛⁿtani´ga. Na´‘na witÛl‘tÂ´histani´ga, tadu´ktahÛ´ⁿsti nige´sÛⁿna. Ha-na´‘na ^wⁱd´ultÂhiste´sti. (YÛ!)

(DegasisisgÛ´ⁿi)—Hia´ anine´tsi ga´‘tiski adanÛ´ⁿwÂti. U´ⁿtla atsi´la ti´‘ti yi´gi.

Translation.

TO TREAT THE BLACK YELLOWNESS.

Yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´,

Yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´ YÛ!

Listen! In the great lake the intruder reposes. Quickly he has risen up there. Swiftly he has come and stealthily put himself (under the sick man).

Listen! Ha! Now you two have drawn near to hearken, there in the Sun Land you repose, O Little Men, O great anida´wehi! The intruder has risen up there in the great lake. Quickly you two have lifted up the intruder. His paths have laid themselves down toward the direction whence he came. Let him never look back (toward us). When he stops to rest at the four gaps you will drive him roughly along. Now he has plunged into the great lake from which he came. There he is compelled to remain, never to look back. Ha! there let him rest. (YÛ!)

(Directions.)—This is to treat them when their breast swells. Fire (coals) is not put down.

Explanation.

This formula, from A‘yÛⁿini’s manuscript, is used in treating a disease known as DalÂni, literally, “yellow.” From the vague description of symptoms given by the doctors, it appears to be an aggravated form of biliousness, probably induced by late suppers and bad food. According to the Indian theory it is caused by revengeful animals, especially by the terrapin and its cousin, the turtle.

The doctors recognize several forms of the disease, this variety being distinguished as the “black dalÂni” (DalÂni Ûⁿnage´i) and considered the most dangerous. In this form of dalÂni, according to their account, the navel and abdomen of the patient swell, the ends of his fingers become black, dark circles appear about his eyes, and the throat contracts spasmodically and causes him to fall down suddenly insensible. A‘yÛⁿini’s method of treatment is to rub the breast and abdomen of the patient with the hands, which have been previously rubbed together in the warm infusion of wild cherry (ta´ya) bark. The song is sung while rubbing the hands together in the liquid, and the prayer is repeated while rubbing the swollen abdomen of the patient. The operation may be repeated several times on successive days.

The song at the beginning has no meaning and is sung in a low plaintive lullaby tone, ending with a sharp Yu! The prayer possesses a special interest, as it brings out several new points in the Cherokee mythologic theory of medicine. The “intruder,” which is held to be some amphibious animal—as a terrapin, turtle, or snake—is declared to have risen up from his dwelling place in the great lake, situated toward the sunset, and to have come by stealth under the sick man. The verb implies that the disease spirit creeps under as a snake might crawl under the coverlet of a bed.

The two Little Men in the Sun Land are now invoked to drive out the disease. Who these Little Men are is not clear, although they are regarded as most powerful spirits and are frequently invoked in the formulas. They are probably the two Thunder Boys, sons of Kanati.

The Little Men come instantly when summoned by the shaman, pull out the intruder from the body of the patient, turn his face toward the sunset, and begin to drive him on by threats and blows (expressed in the word gÛ´ⁿtsatatagi´yÛ) to the great lake from which he came. On the road there are four gaps in the mountains, at each of which the disease spirit halts to rest, but is continually forced onward by his two pursuers, who finally drive him into the lake, where he is compelled to remain, without being permitted even to look back again. The four gaps are mentioned also in other formulas for medicine and the ball play and sometimes correspond with the four stages of the treatment. The direction “No fire (coals) is put down” indicates that no live coals are put into the decoction, the doctor probably using water warmed in the ordinary manner.

Takwati´hi uses for this disease a decoction of four herbs applied in the same manner. He agrees with A‘yÛⁿini in regard to the general theory and says also that the disease may be contracted by neglecting to wash the hands after handling terrapin shells, as, for instance, the shell rattles used by women in the dance. The turtle or water tortoise (seligu´gi) is considered as an inferior being, with but little capacity for mischief, and is feared chiefly on account of its relationship to the dreaded terrapin or land tortoise (tÛksi´). In Takwatihi’s formula he prays to the Ancient White (the fire), of which these cold-blooded animals are supposed to be afraid, to put the fish into the water, the turtle into the mud, and to send the terrapin and snake to the hillside.

TSUNDAYE´LIGAKTANÛ´HI ADANÛ´ⁿWÂTI.

Sge! HanÂ´gwa hatÛ´ⁿganiga, galÛ´ⁿlati hetsadÂ´histi, KÂ´lanÛ Û´ⁿnage, gahu´sti tsanu´lahÛ´ⁿsgi nige´sÛⁿna. Ha-nÂ´gwa (hetsatsa´Ûⁿtani´ga. HanigÛ´ⁿwatÛⁿnigwalÂe´stigwÛ tsalÂsÛ´ⁿi. Asgin-u´danÛ higes´ei. Sanigala´gi gesÛ´ⁿi hastigÛ´‘lani´ga, duwÂlu´wa´tÛ´ti nige´sÛⁿna, nitÛ´neli´ga. Ha-UsÛhi´yi wititÂ´histani´ga. Dadu´satahÛ´ⁿsti nige´sÛⁿna nitÛ´neli´ga. Utsina´wa nu´tatanÛ´ⁿta.

Sge! Ha-nÂ´gwa hatÛ´ⁿgani´ga, KÂ´lanÛ Gigage´i, hidawehi´yu. Ha-gahu´sti tsanu´lahÛ´ⁿsgi nige´sÛⁿna, etsanetse´lÛhi, Ha-galÛⁿlati´tsa hetsatÂ´histi. NÂ´gwa hetsatsÂ´Ûⁿtani´ga. NigÛ´ⁿwatÛ´ⁿnigwalÂe´sti-gwÛ tsalÂsÛ´ⁿi. Asgin-udanÛ´hi-gwÛ higese´i. Ha-SanigalÂgi gesÛ´ⁿ hÂstigÛ´‘lani´ga ulsge´ta, ha-utsina´wa-gwÛ´ nigÛ´ⁿtisge´sti. UsÛhi´yi wintÛne´dÛ. UsÛhi´yi wititÂ´histani´ga. Utsina´wa adÛⁿni´ga.

Sge! Ha-nÂ´gwa hatÛ´ⁿgani´ga, KÂ´lanÛ Sa´ka´ni; galÛ´lati hetsadÂ´histi, hida´wehi. Gahu´sti tsanu´lahÛ´ⁿsgi nige´sÛⁿna, etsanetse´lÛhi. Ha-nÂ´gwa hetsatsÂ´Ûⁿtani´ga. NigÛ´ⁿwatÛ´ⁿnigwalÂe´sti-gwÛ tsalÂsÛ´ⁿi. SanigalÂ´gi gesu´ⁿ hastigÛ´‘lani´ga ulsge´ta. DuwÂlu´watÛ´ti nige´sÛⁿna, nitÛ´neli´ga. UsÛhi´yi wititÂ´histani´ga, dadu´satahÛ´ⁿsti nige´sÛⁿna nitÛ´neli´ga. Utsina´wa adÛⁿni´ga.

Sge! Ha-nÂ´gwa hatÛ´ⁿgani´ga, Wa´hili galÛⁿlti´tsa hetsadÂ´histi, KÂ´lanÛ TsÛne´ga, hida´wehi. Gahu´sti tsanu´l‘ti nige´sÛⁿna. HanÂ´gwa hetsatsÂ´Ûⁿtani´ga. NigÛ´ⁿwatÛ´ⁿnigwalÂe´sti-gwÛ tsalÂsÛ´ⁿi. Ha-nÂ´gwa detal‘tani´ga. SanigalÂ´gi gesÛ´ⁿ hastig´Û‘lani´ga ulsge´ta, duwÂlu´watÛ´‘ti nige´sÛⁿna nitÛ´neli´ga. UsÛhi´yi wititÂ´histani´ga. Dadu´satahÛ´ⁿsti nige´sÛⁿna nitÛ´neli´ga. Utsina´wa adÛⁿni´ga.

(Dega´sisisgÛ´ⁿi)—Hia´agi‘li´ya unitlÛⁿgÛ´ⁿi adanÛ´wÂti. Askwanu´tsasti´. TsÂ´l(a) AgayÛ´ⁿliunitsi´lÛⁿnÛ´higÛ´ⁿtati, anÛ´ⁿsga‘lÂ´-gwÛ; KanasÂ´la-‘nÛ unali´gÂhÛ, ade´la´-‘nÛ nÛ´‘gi-gwÛ ani´gage´i dahÂ´i, TsÂliyu´sti-‘nÛ Usdi´ga. Gahu´sti-´‘nu yuta´suyÛ´ⁿna sÂwatu´hi-gwÛ ati´ dawÂ´hila-gwÛ iyÛ´ⁿta.

Translation.

TO TREAT FOR ORDEAL DISEASES.

Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken and are resting directly overhead. O Black Raven, you never fail in anything. Ha! Now you are brought down. Ha! There shall be left no more than a trace upon the ground where you have been. It is an evolute ghost. You have now put it into a crevice in Sanigalagi, that it may never find the way back. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land, so that it may never return. Let relief come.

Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken, O Red Raven, most powerful ada´wehi. Ha! You never fail in anything, for so it was ordained of you. Ha! You are resting directly overhead. Ha! Now you are brought down. There shall remain but a trace upon the ground where you have been. It is an evolute ghost. Ha! You have put the Intruder into a crevice of Sanigalagi and now the relief shall come. It (the Intruder) is sent to the Darkening Land. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land. Let the relief come.

Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken, O Blue Raven; you are resting directly overhead, ada´wehi. You never fail in anything, for so it was ordained of you. Ha! Now you are brought down. There shall be left but a trace upon the ground where you have been. You have put the Intruder into a crevice in Sanigalagi, that it may never find the way back. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land, so that it may never return. Let the relief come.

Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken; you repose on high on Wa´hili, O White Raven, ada´wehi. You never fail in anything. Ha! Now you are brought down. There shall be left but a trace upon the ground where you have been. Ha! Now you have taken it up. You have put the Intruder into a crevice in Sanigalagi, that it may never find the way back. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land, never to return. Let the relief come.

(Directions)—This is to treat them for a painful sickness. One must suck. Use TsÂ´lagayÛⁿ´-li ("Old Tobacco"—Nicotiana rustica), blossoms, and just have them in the mouth, and KanasÂ´la (Wild Parsnip), goes with it, and four red beads also must lie there, and TsÂliyu´sti Usdi´ga ("Little (plant) Like Tobacco"—Indian Tobacco—Lobelia inflata.) And if there should be anything mixed with it (i.e., after sucking the place), just put it about a hand’s-length into the mud.

Explanation.

The Cherokee name for this disease gives no idea whatever of its serious nature. The technical term, Tsundaye´liga´ktanÛ´hi, really refers to the enthusiastic outburst of sociability that ensues when two old friends meet. In this instance it might be rendered “an ordeal.” The application of such a name to what is considered a serious illness is in accordance with the regular formulistic practice of making light of a dangerous malady in order to convey to the disease spirit the impression that the shaman is not afraid of him. A‘yÛⁿini, from whom the formula was obtained, states also that the disease is sometimes sent to a man by a friend or even by his parents, in order to test his endurance and knowledge of counter spells.

As with most diseases, the name simply indicates the shaman’s theory of the occult cause of the trouble, and is no clue to the symptoms, which may be those usually attendant upon fevers, indigestion, or almost any other ailment.

In some cases the disease is caused by the conjurations of an enemy, through which the patient becomes subject to an inordinate appetite, causing him to eat until his abdomen is unnaturally distended. By the same magic spells tobacco may be conveyed into the man’s body, causing him to be affected by faintness and languor. The enemy, if bitterly revengeful, may even put into the body of his victim a worm or insect (tsgÂya), or a sharpened stick of black locust or “fat” pine, which will result in death if not removed by a good doctor. Sometimes a weed stalk is in some occult manner conveyed into the patient’s stomach, where it is transformed into a worm. As this disease is very common, owing to constant quarrels and rival jealousies, there are a number of specialists who devote their attention to it.

The prayer is addressed to the Black, Red, Blue, and White Ravens, their location at the four cardinal points not being specified, excepting in the case of the white raven of Wa´hili, which, as already stated, is said to be a mountain in the south, and hence is used figuratively to mean the south. The ravens are each in turn declared to have put the disease into a crevice in Sanigala´gi—the Cherokee name of Whiteside Mountain, at the head of Tuckasegee River, in North Carolina, and used figuratively for any high precipitous mountain—and to have left no more than a trace upon the ground where it has been. The adjective translated “evolute” (udanÛhi) is of frequent occurrence in the formulas, but has no exact equivalent in English. It signifies springing into being or life from an embryonic condition. In this instance it would imply that whatever object the enemy has put into the body of the sick man has there developed into a ghost to trouble him.

The directions are expressed in a rather vague manner, as is the case with most of A‘yÛⁿini’s attempts at original composition. The disease is here called by another name, agi‘li´ya unitlÛⁿgÛ´ⁿi, signifying “when they are painfully sick.” The treatment consists in sucking the part most affected, the doctor having in his mouth during the operation the blossoms of TsÂ´l-agayÛ´ⁿli (Nicotiana rustica), KanasÂ´la (wild parsnip,) and TsÂliyusti Usdiga (Lobelia inflata.) The first and last of these names signify “tobacco” and “tobacco-like,” while the other seems to contain the same word, tsÂ´la, and the original idea may have been to counteract the witchcraft by the use of the various species of “tobacco,” the herb commonly used to drive away a witch or wizard. During the sucking process four red beads lie near upon a piece of (white) cloth, which afterward becomes the perquisite of the doctor. Though not explicitly stated, it is probable that the doctor holds in his mouth a decoction of the blossoms named, rather than the blossoms themselves. On withdrawing his mouth from the spot and ejecting the liquid into a bowl, it is expected that there will be found “mixed” with it a small stick, a pebble, an insect, or something of the kind, and this the shaman then holds up to view as the cause of the disease. It is afterward buried a “hand’s length” (awÂ´hilÛ)12 deep in the mud. No directions were given as to diet or tabu.

HUNTING.

GÛNÂ´HILÛ´ⁿTA UGÛ´ⁿWA‘LI.

Una´lelu´ eskiska´l‘tasi´. Iskwa´lelu eskiska´l‘tasi´. YÛ! Ela-Kana´ti tsÛlda´histÛ´ⁿ, tsÛwatsi´la astÛ´ⁿ detsatasi´ga. Ts’skwÂ´li uda´nisa´‘testi, ugwala´ga udu´yaheti´dege´sti. SunÛsi´ya-gwÛ udanisa´‘testi, ts’su´lti-gwÛ nige´sÛⁿna.

HikayÛ´ⁿli Gi´gage-gÂgÛ´, tsine´tsi gesÛ´ⁿ aw’stitege´sti. TsastÛ´ utatiyi, nÂ´gwa tsas‘tÛ gasÛ‘hisa‘ti atisge´sti. Ha-nÂ´gwa nÛⁿnÂ tsusdi´ tutana´wa-tegÛ´ digana´watÛ´ⁿta atisge´sti. Utali´ udanÛ´hi ugwala´ga gÛⁿwatuy´ahiti´tege´sti, hilahiyÛ´ⁿta-gwÛ ^wustÛ´‘sti nige´sÛⁿna. D’stiskwÂ´li deudÛ´nisa‘te´sti. YÛ!

Translation.

CONCERNING HUNTING.

Give me the wind. Give me the breeze. YÛ! O Great Terrestrial Hunter, I come to the edge of your spittle where you repose. Let your stomach cover itself; let it be covered with leaves. Let it cover itself at a single bend, and may you never be satisfied.

And you, O Ancient Red, may you hover above my breast while I sleep. Now let good (dreams?) develop; let my experiences be propitious. Ha! Now let my little trails be directed, as they lie down in various directions(?). Let the leaves be covered with the clotted blood, and may it never cease to be so. You two (the Water and the Fire) shall bury it in your stomachs. YÛ!

Explanation.

This is a hunting formula, addressed to the two great gods of the hunter, Fire and Water. The evening before starting the hunter “goes to water,” as already explained, and recites the appropriate formula. In the morning he sets out, while still fasting, and travels without eating or drinking until nightfall. At sunset he again goes to water, reciting this formula during the ceremony, after which he builds his camp fire, eats his supper and lies down for the night, first rubbing his breast with ashes from the fire. In the morning he starts out to look for game.

"Give me the wind," is a prayer that the wind may be in his favor, so that the game may not scent him. The word rendered here “Great Terrestrial Hunter,” is in the original “Ela-Kana´ti.” In this e´la is the earth and kana´ti is a term applied to a successful hunter. The great Kanati, who, according to the myth, formerly kept all the game shut up in his underground caverns, now dwells above the sky, and is frequently invoked by hunters. The raven also is often addressed as Kanati in these hunting formulas. Ela-Kana´ti, the Great Terrestrial Hunter—as distinguished from the other two—signifies the river, the name referring to the way in which the tiny streams and rivulets search out and bring down to the great river the leaves and dÉbris of the mountain forests. In formulas for medicine, love, the ball play, etc., the river is always addressed as the Long Person (YÛ´ⁿwi GÛnahi´ta). The “spittle” referred to is the foam at the edge of the water. “Let your stomach be covered with leaves” means, let the blood-stained leaves where the stricken game shall fall be so numerous as to cover the surface of the water. The hunter prays also that sufficient game may be found in a single bend of the river to accomplish this result without the necessity of searching through the whole forest, and to that end he further prays that the river may never be satisfied, but continually longing for more. The same idea is repeated in the second paragraph. The hunter is supposed to feed the river with blood washed from the game. In like manner he feeds the fire, addressed in the second paragraph as the “Ancient Red,” with a piece of meat cut from the tongue of the deer. The prayer that the fire may hover above his breast while he sleeps and brings him favorable dreams, refers to his rubbing his breast with ashes from his camp fire before lying down to sleep, in order that the fire may bring him dream omens of success for the morrow. The Fire is addressed either as the Ancient White or the Ancient Red, the allusion in the first case being to the light or the ashes of the fire; in the other case, to the color of the burning coals. “You two shall bury it in your stomachs” refers to the blood-stained leaves and the piece of meat which are cast respectively into the river and the fire. The formula was obtained from A‘yÛⁿini, who explained it in detail.

HIA´ TSI´SKWA GANÂHILIDASTI YI.

Tsige´! HikayÛ´ⁿl-Une´ga, tsÛltÂ´histÛ´ⁿ gÛlitÂ´histani´ga. NÂ´gwa tsÛda´ntÂ talehi´sani´ga. SÂ´gwa igÛnsi´ya ts’skwÂli´ udÛ´nisate´sti, ts’su´lti nige´sÛⁿna. Wane´(i) tigi´gage(i) tali´kaneli´ga. ^U´ⁿtali udanÛ´hi tsagista´‘ti.

HikayÛ´ⁿl-Une´ga, anu´ya uwÂtatÂ´gi agi´sti tatsiskÂ´ltane´lÛhi. ^U´ⁿtali u´danÛ´ te´tÛlskew´si´ga.

HikayÛ´ⁿl-Une´ga, nÛⁿna´(hi) kana´ti skwatetÂ´stani´ga. UnigwalÛ´ⁿgi te´gatÛⁿtsi´ga. NÛⁿÂ´(hi) kana´ti tati´kiyÛ´ⁿgwita´watise´sti. UnigwalÛ´ⁿgi tigÛ´ⁿwatÛ´tsanÛ´hi.

HikayÛ´ⁿl-Une´ga, Kana´ti, sk´salatÂ´titege´sti, sa‘ka´ni ginu´t’ti nige´sÛⁿna. Sge!

Translation.

THIS IS FOR HUNTING BIRDS.

Listen! O Ancient White, where you dwell in peace I have come to rest. Now let your spirit arise. Let it (the game brought down) be buried in your stomach, and may your appetite never be satisfied. The red hickories have tied themselves together. The clotted blood is your recompense.

O Ancient White, *** Accept the clotted blood (?)

O Ancient White, put me in the successful hunting trail. Hang the mangled things upon me. Let me come along the successful trail with them doubled up (under my belt). It (the road) is clothed with the mangled things.

O Ancient White, O Kanati, support me continually, that I may never become blue. Listen!

Explanation.

This formula, from A‘yÛⁿini’s manuscript, is recited by the bird-hunter in the morning while standing over the fire at his hunting camp before starting out for the day’s hunt. A‘yÛⁿini stated that seven blowgun arrows are first prepared, including a small one only a “hand-length” (awÂ´hilÛ) long. On rising in the morning the hunter, standing over the fire, addresses it as the “Ancient White.” rubbing his hands together while repeating the prayer. He then sets out for the hunting ground, where he expects to spend the day, and on reaching it he shoots away the short arrow at random, without attempting to trace its flight. There is of course some significance attached to this action and perhaps an accompanying prayer, but no further information upon this point was obtainable. Having shot away the magic arrow, the hunter utters a peculiar hissing sound, intended to call up the birds, and then goes to work with his remaining arrows. On all hunting expeditions it is the regular practice, religiously enforced, to abstain from food until sunset.

A favorite method with the bird-hunter during the summer season is to climb a gum tree, which is much frequented by the smaller birds on account of its berries, where, taking up a convenient position amid the branches with his noiseless blowgun and arrows, he deliberately shoots down one bird after another until his shafts are exhausted, when he climbs down, draws out the arrows from the bodies of the birds killed, and climbs up again to repeat the operation. As the light darts used make no sound, the birds seldom take the alarm, and are too busily engaged with the berries to notice their comrades dropping to the ground from time to time, and pay but slight attention even to the movements of the hunter.

The prayer is addressed to the Ancient White (the Fire), the spirit most frequently invoked by the hunter, who, as before stated, rubs his hands together over the fire while repeating the words. The expressions used are obscure when taken alone, but are full of meaning when explained in the light of the hunting customs. The “clotted blood” refers to the bloodstained leaves upon which the fallen game has lain. The expression occurs constantly in the hunting formulas. The hunter gathers up these bloody leaves and casts them upon the fire, in order to draw omens for the morrow from the manner in which they burn. A part of the tongue, or some other portion of the animal, is usually cast upon the coals also for the same purpose. This subject will be treated at length in a future account of the hunting ceremonies.

"Let it be buried in your stomach" refers also to the offering made the fire. By the red hickories are meant the strings of hickory bark which the bird hunter twists about his waist for a belt. The dead birds are carried by inserting their heads under this belt. Red is, of course, symbolic of his success. “The mangled things” (unigwalÛ´ⁿgi) are the wounded birds. Kana´ti is here used to designate the fire, on account of its connection with the hunting ceremonies.

INAGE´HI AYÂSTIⁿYI.

Usinuli´yu SelagwÛ´tsi Gigage´i getsÛ´ⁿneliga tsÛdandÂgi´hi aye‘li´yu, usinuli´yu. YÛ!

Translation.

TO SHOOT DWELLERS IN THE WILDERNESS.

Instantly the Red SelagwÛ´tsi strike you in the very center of your soul—instantly. YÛ!

Explanation.

This short formula, obtained from Â‘wani´ta, is recited by the hunter while taking aim. The bowstring is let go—or, rather, the trigger is pulled—at the final YÛ! He was unable to explain the meaning of the word selagwÛ´tsi further than that it referred to the bullet. Later investigation, however, revealed the fact that this is the Cherokee name of a reed of the genus Erianthus, and the inference follows that the stalk of the plant was formerly used for arrow shafts. Red implies that the arrow is always successful in reaching the mark aimed at, and in this instance may refer also to its being bloody when withdrawn from the body of the animal. Inage´hi, “dwellers in the wilderness,” is the generic term for game, including birds, but A‘wani´ta has another formula intended especially for deer.

(YÂ´NA TI´KANÂGI´TA.)

He+! Hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´.

Tsistuyi´ nehandu´yanÛ, Tsistuyi´ nehandu´yanÛ—Yoho´+!

He+! Hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´.

KuwÂhi´ nehandu´yanÛ´, KuwÂhi´ nehandu´yanÛ—Yoho´+!

He+! Hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´.

UyÂ‘ye´ nehandu´yanÛ´, Uya´ye´ nehahdu´yanÛ´—Yoho´+!

He+! Hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´.

GÂtekwÂ´(hi) nehandu´yanÛ´, GÂtekwÂ´(hi) nehandu´yanÛ´—Yoho´+!

Ûle-‘nÛ´ asehi´ tadeya´statakÛhi´ gÛ´ⁿnage astÛ´tsiki´.

Translation.

BEAR SONG.

He! Hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´.

In Rabbit Place you were conceived (repeat)—Yoho´+!

He! Hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´.

In Mulberry Place you were conceived (repeat)—Yoho´+!

He! Hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´.

In UyÂ´‘ye you were conceived (repeat)—Yoho´+!

He! Hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´, hayuya´haniwa´.

In the Great Swamp (?) you were conceived (repeat)—Yoho´+!

And now surely we and the good black things, the best of all, shall see each other.

Explanation.

This song, obtained from A‘yÛ´ⁿini in connection with the story of the Origin of the Bear, as already mentioned, is sung by the bear hunter, in order to attract the bears, while on his way from the camp to the place where he expects to hunt during the day. It is one of those taught the Cherokees by the Ani-TsÂ´kahi before they lost their human shape and were transformed into bears. The melody is simple and plaintive.

The song consists of four verses followed by a short recitation. Each verse begins with a loud prolonged He+! and ends with Yoho´+! uttered in the same manner. Hayuya´haniwa´ has no meaning. Tsistu´yi, KuwÂ´hi, UyÂ´‘ye, and GÂte´kwÂhi are four mountains, in each of which the bears have a townhouse and hold a dance before going into their dens for the winter. The first three named are high peaks in the Smoky Mountains, on the Tennessee line, in the neighborhood of Clingman’s Dome and Mount Guyot. The fourth is southeast of Franklin, North Carolina, toward the South Carolina line, and may be identical with Fodderstack Mountain. In Kuwahi dwells the great bear chief and doctor, in whose magic bath the wounded bears are restored to health. They are said to originate or be conceived in the mountains named, because these are their headquarters. The “good black things” referred to in the recitation are the bears.

HIA´ ATSÛ‘TI´YI TSUN´TANÛ.

Should the day open up with a threatening sky, one of the Mide´ priests accompanying the candidate sings the following song (Pl. X,B) to dispel the clouds. Each of the lines is repeated an indefinite number of times, and after being repeated once or twice is sung also by the others as an accompaniment.

It will be observed that the words as spoken vary to some extent when chanted or sung.

mnemonic song

Plate X.b. Mnemonic Song.

line drawing

Ki-na-ne´, he´, ki´-ne-na-we´ man´-i-do.

I swing the spirit like a child.

The Mide´ Spirit, showing magic lines radiating from his body. The Mide´ claims to be able to receive special favor.

musical notation

Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, Man´ido´weeg;

Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, Man´ido´weeg´;

Ki´nana´wein, Man´ido´weeg´.

MIDI files: drum, flute, piano

line drawing

Gi-zhik´-e´ ka-hwe´ da-mu´-ne.

The sky is what I am telling you about.

The sky and the earth united by a pathway of possible rain.

musical notation

Ki´zhiga´widÂ´ mu´nede´, Ki´zhiga´widÂ´ mu´nede´,

Ki´zhiga´widÂ´ Ki´zhi-ga´wi-dÂ´,

Ki´zhi-ga´wi-dÂ mu´nede´, Ki´zhiga´widÂ mu´nede´.

MIDI files: drum, flute, piano

line drawing

Wa-ne-o-ho ne´-ge-shi´-go-ni
Ko-sa´-we, he´, wa-ni´-sha´-na´.

We have lost the sky [it becomes dark].

[Clouds obscure the sky, and the arm of the Mide´ is reaching up into it for its favor of clear weather.]

musical notation

Waneo-ho he ne´-ge-shi-go-ni, Wane-o-ho-he ne´-ge-shi-go-ni,

Ko´sawe ne he wa´nishi-na-ha, waneo-ho-he ne´-ge-shi-go-ni.

MIDI files: drum, flute, piano

line drawing

Wi-tshi´-hi-na´-ne-he, ne´, ko´, ho.
ne´-ni-wi-tshi-nan´.

I am helping you.

[The Otter-skin Mide´ sack is held up to influence the Otter Spirit to aid them.]

musical notation

Wi´tshihinanehe ne´ ko ho´, ne´niwi´tshinan, wi´tshihinanehe

ne´ ko´ ho´. U-a-ni-ma we u-a-ni-ma we henigwish.

MIDI files: drum, flute, piano

line drawing

U-a´-ni-ma´, we´, he´-ni-gwish.

I have made an error [in sending].

The Otter-skin Mide´ sack has failed to produce the desired effect.

vertical lines

Rest.

The Mide´ women who have gathered without the lodge now begin to dance as the song is renewed.

line drawing	Na-nin-de´, he´, he-yo-ya, ne´. I am using my heart. Refers to sincerity of motives in practice of Mide´ ceremony.
line drawing	Yo´-na-hish´-i-me´-a´-ne´, he´. yÁ-na-hish-a-me´-a-ne´, he´. What are you saying to me, and I am “in my senses”?
line drawing	Man´-i-do, he´ ne´, me´-de-we´, e´. The spirit wolf. One of the malevolent spirits who is opposed to having the ceremony is assisting the evil man´idos in causing the sky to be overcast.
line drawing	Wen´-tshi-o-ne-se he´, ne´, wen´-tshi-o-ne-se he´. I do not know where I am going. The Mide´ is in doubt whether to proceed or not in the performance of initiation.
line drawing	Mi´-shok-kwo´-ti-ne be-wa´-ne, ni-bin´-zhi man´-i-do i-ya´-ne. I depend on the clear sky. [To have the ceremony go on. Arm reaching toward the sky for help.]
line drawing	Ke-me´-ni-na-ne´ a-no´-e´ a´-sho-we´ me-no´-de ki-man´-i-do. I give you the other village, spirit that you are. [That rain should fall anywhere but upon the assemblage and Mide´wigÂn.]
line drawing	Tshing-gwe´-o-de ": ge´. The thunder is heavy. The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain.A
line drawing	We´-ka-ka-no´, ho´ shi´-a-de´. We are talking to one another. The Mide´ communes with Ki´tshi Man´ido; he is shown near the sky; his horns denoting superior wisdom and power, while the lines from the mouth signify speech.

In case the appearance of the sky becomes sufficiently favorable the initiation begins, but if it should continue to be more unfavorable or to rain, then the song termed the “Rain Song” is resorted to and sung within the inclosure of the Mide´wigÂn, to which they all march in solemn procession. Those Mide´ priests who have with them their Mide´ drums use them as an accompaniment to the singing and to propitiate the good will of Ki´tshi Man´ido. Each line of the entire song appears as an independent song, the intervals of rest varying in time according to the feelings of the officiating priest.

The words of the song are known to most of the Mide´ priests; but, as there is no method of retaining a set form of musicial notation, the result is entirely individual and may vary with each singer, if sung independently and out of hearing of others; so that, under ordinary circumstances, the priest who leads off sings through one stanza of the song, after which the others will readily catch the notes and accompany him. It will be observed, also, that the words as spoken vary to some extent when chanted or sung.

If this song does not appear to bring about a favorable change the priests return to their respective wig´iwams and the crowd of visitors disperses to return upon the first clear day.

INITIATION OF CANDIDATE.

If, however, the day be clear and promising the candidate goes early to the sweat-lodge, where he is joined by his preceptor, and later by the officiating priest. After all preliminaries have been arranged and the proper time for regular proceedings has arrived, the preceptor sings the following song (Pl. X,C), the musical notation of which varies according to his feelings, clearly showing that there is no recognized method of vocal delivery, as is the case with the music of dancing songs:

mnemonic song

Plate X.c. Mnemonic Song.

line drawing	Kan-do´-e-a-ne´, to´-e-a-ne´ kan-do´-e-a-ne´, in-nin´-ni man´-e-do´-e´. The spirit man is crying out. [The head of the Mide´, a synonym of Ki´tshi Man´ido. The voice lines show spots denoting intensity of accentuation, and that Ki´tshi Man´ido is pleased to look with favor upon the proceedings.]
line drawing	Ya-ni-ne´, na´, tshi-mo-te´, he´, Talking around in various sections. The voice lines, as in the preceding figure, extending downward from the mouth to either side, have spots upon them to indicate “talks” in various directions addressed to the Mide´.
line drawing	Man´-e-do, we´, he´, pe-me´-so-wa´. The spirit is flying. The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain, is away at some remote place.
line drawing	Mi-de´-we-te-we´ me´-wa-gwi´-shak-wa´, mi-de´-we-ta´. The day is clear; let us have the grand medicine. [The Mide’s hand reaches to the sky, and rain falls at places other than upon the Mide´wigÂn, as shown by rain lines from the end of the curved lines denoting the sky.]
line drawing	Me-shak´-kwot dung´-ke-he´, ne-me´-gis-sim´. I am the sign that the day will be clear. [The Mide´’s hand reaches to the sky, as indicated by the short transverse line, and the sun’s rays diverge in all directions.]
line drawing	Sun´-gis-ni de´-wit-ka-ne´, he´, wi-no´-wo-he´-she-wat´ man´-i-do-wi-tshik. I am the strongest medicine, is what is said of me. [The speaker compares himself to Makwa´ Man´ido, the Bear Spirit.]
line drawing	Hwo´-ba-mi´-de, hwo´-ba-mi-de, man-e-do na´-wa-gi-zhik. The spirit in the middle of the sky sees me. [The upper spot denotes the abode of Ki´tshi Man´ido, the “line of vision” extending to the speaker, shown at a corresponding spot below.]
line drawing	Ni-wi-we´-wai-a-de´ hi´-me nai´-o-na´. I take my sack and touch him. The Mide´ will use his sacred Otter-skin sack to touch the candidate.
line drawing	Man´-i-do wi-kan-e´, mi-de´-yo. My medicine is the sacred spirit. The Mide´ professes to have received the divine gift from Ki´tshi Man´ido; the gifts are seen descending to the hand held up to receive them.
line drawing	Ha-ni-ne´ ku-me´ ni´-kan-ne´? How do you answer me, my Mide´ friends?

This is addressed to the Mide´ priests (Nika´ni) present, and is an inquiry as to their willingness to proceed. The Mide´wigÂn is shown, the line running horizontally through it the path of the candidate (or one who has gone through), the two spots within the place of the sacred stone and the post, while the spot to the right of the outside of the inclosure denotes the beginning, or the sweat-lodge, symbolizing the circle of the earth upon the Mide´ chart (Pl. III), those upon the left denoting the three possible degrees of advancement in the future.

Upon the conclusion of the song there is a brief interval, during which all partake of a smoke in perfect silence, making the usual offerings to the four points of the compass, to Ki´tshi Man´ido´, and toward the earth.

The preceptor then says:

Mis-sa´i´-a-shi-gwa,	mis-sa´-a-shi-gwa-	non´-do-nung;	ka-ki-nÂ
Now is the time,	now is the time he	hears us;	all of us

ka-kin´-nÂ-gi-non´-do-da´g-u-nan´	ga-o´-shi-dot	mi-de´-wi´-win.
he hears us all the one	who made the	mide´wiwin.

After this monologue he continues, and addresses to the candidate the mide´ gagi´kwewin´, or Mide´ sermon, in the following language, viz:

An-be´-bi-sin´-di-wi´-shin,	wa´-i-ni´-nan;
now listen to me	what I am about to say to you;

kesh´-pin-pe´-sin-da´-nin-win	da-ma´-dzhi shka´	ke´-bi-mÂ´-di-si-win´.
If you take heed of that which I say to you	shall continue	always your life.

Uⁿ, nun´-gum,	ke-za´-ki-gi-zi-toⁿ mon	ki´-tshi man´-i-do	o´-dik-kid´-do-win´;
Now, to-day	I make known to you	the great spirit	That which he says;

o´-wi-dosh kid´-di-nin´	ki-i´-kid-do´ki´-tshi	man´-i-do	gi´-sa-gi-ig´.
and now this I say to you.	This is what says	the great spirit	that he loves you.

to-wa´-bish-ga´	gi-shtig-wa	a-pi-we-	sa´-gi-sit´-to-wad
It shall be white	the sacred object	at the time	When they shall let it be known

o-sa´-in-di-kid´-do-win	e´-kid-dodt ki´-tshi	man´-i-do
and this is what I say	That which he says	the great spirit

o´-gi-din´-nin	mis-sÂ´-wa	ke´-a-ked´-de-wÓ
now this I impart to you	even if	they say

wa´-ba-ma-tshin´ni-budt	mi´-Â-ma´ tshi´-o-	nish-gÂd´,
That they saw him dead	in this place he shall be	Raised again

ini-Â-mÁ	a-pe´-ni-nut´	nin-de´	kid´-do-win
in this place	he puts his trust	In my heart	in this “saying”

min-nik´ kid-da´-	ki-o-wink´.	Ka-wi´-ka-da-an´-na-we´-was-si-nan,
the time of the duration	Of the world.	It shall never fail.

me-e´-kid-dodt´ man´-i-do.	Nin´-ne-dzha´-nis
That is what he says, the spirit.	My child,

ke-un´-dzhi be-mÂ´-dis	si´-an.
this shall give	you life.

The Mide´ priests then leave the sweat-lodge and stand upon the outside, while the candidate gathers up in his arms a number of small presents, such as tobacco, handkerchiefs, etc., and goes out of the wig´iwam to join the Mide´ priests. The order of marching to the main entrance of the Mide´wigÂn is then taken up in the following order: First the candidate, next the preceptor, who in turn is followed by the officiating priests, and such others, and members of his family and relatives as desire. At the door of the Mide´wigÂn all but one of the priests continue forward and take their stations within the inclosure, the preceptor remaining on one side of the candidate, the Mide´ priest upon the other, then all march four times around the outside of the inclosure, toward the left or south, during which time drumming is continued within. Upon the completion of the fourth circuit the candidate is placed so as to face the main entrance of the Mide´wigÂn. When he is prompted to say:

“Man-un´-ga-bin´-di-ge	o-bog´-ga-di-nan´,	o-dai´-ye-din´.”
Let me come in	and these I put down	my things [gifts].

The presents are then laid upon the ground. The preceptor goes inside, taking with him the gifts deposited by the candidate, and remains standing just within the door and faces the degree post toward the west. Then the chief officiating priest, who has remained at the side of the candidate, turns toward the latter and in a clear, distinct, and exceedingly impressive manner sings the following chant, addressed to Ki´tshi Man´ido whose invisible form is supposed to abide within the Mide´wigan during such ceremonies, stating that the candidate is presented to receive life (the mi´gis) for which he is suffering, and invoking the divine favor.

Hai ya ha man´-i-do,	ho´,	ti-bish´-ko-gish´-i-gung,	he´,	we-zÁ-ba-mid´-mi
There is a spirit	ho,	just as the one above,	he,	now sits with me

niⁿ-dzhÁ-nis,	esh-i-gan´-do-we,	he´, hwe´,	mÉ-a-tshi-bin´-de-gan´-ni-nan,
my child	and now I proclaim,	he, hwe,	that I enter you here

nos,	dzhi-man´-i-do,	ho´,	hwo´,	sha-wÉ-ni-mi-shin´,	he´, hwe´,
my father	good spirit,	ho,	hwo,	have pity on me,	he, hwe

a-shig´-wa-bin´-de-gan-nok	gÉ-gwa-da-gÍ-sid	wi-bi-mÂ´-di-sid,
now that I enter him here,	he that is suffering	for life,

dÉ-bwe-daÚ-wi-shin	dzhÍ-bi-mÂ´-di-sid´,	nos,
believe me	that he shall live,	my father,

we´-o-sim´-in-nan´,	he´, he´.
whose child I am,	he, he.

The following is the musical notation:

musical notation

he-he-he-he yo.

MIDI files: drum, flute, piano

The candidate is then led within the inclosure when all the members of the society arise while he is slowly led around toward the southern side to the extreme end in the west, thence toward the right and back along the western side to the point of beginning. This is done four times. As he starts upon his march, the member nearest the door falls in the line of procession, each member continuing to drop in, at the rear, until the entire assembly is in motion. During this movement there is a monotonous drumming upon the Mide´ drums and the chief officiating priest sings:

Ni´-sha-bon´-da shkan	wig´-i-wam	ke-non´-deg,
I go through	[the] “house”	the long, i.e., through the Mide´wigÂn.

At the fourth circuit, members begin to stop at the places previously occupied by them, the candidate going and remaining with his preceptor to a point just inside the eastern entrance, while the four officiating priests continue around toward the opposite end of the inclosure and station themselves in a semicircle just beyond the degree post, and facing the western door. Upon the ground before them are spread blankets and similar goods, which have been removed from the beams above, and upon which the candidate is to kneel. He is then led to the western extremity of the inclosure where he stands upon the blankets spread upon the ground and faces the four Mide´ priests. The preceptor takes his position behind and a little to one side of the candidate, another assistant being called upon by the preceptor to occupy a corresponding position upon the other side. During this procedure there is gentle drumming which ceases after all have been properly stationed, when the preceptor steps to a point to the side and front of the candidate and nearer the officiating priests, and says:

Mi-i´-shi-gwa´	bo´-gi-ta-moⁿ´-nan,
The time has arrived	that I yield it to you.

mi´-na-nan´-ke-Ân-dzhi	bi-mÂ´-di-si´-an.
[the mide´migis] that will give you	life.

The preceptor then returns to his position back of and a little to one side of the candidate, when the chief officiating priest sings the following song, accompanying himself upon a small cylindrical mide´drum. The words are: Kit´-ta-noⁿ´-do-we man´-i-do´-wid—you shall hear me, spirit that you are—, and the music is rendered as follows:

musical notation

Kit´ta-no´do-we man´i-do´wid-ho do, we, he,

Kit´ta-no´do-we man´i-do-wid-ho, he, hwe, he,

Kit´-ta-no´-do-we man´-i-do´-wid, kit´ta-no´do-we,

kit´ta-no´do-wid, man´i-do´-wid, man´i-do´wid-ho, we, hwe, he,

Kit´ta-no´dowe´ man´ido´wid, ho, he, hwe, he, he, hwe, he.

MIDI files: drum, flute, piano

After this song is ended the drum is handed to one of the members sitting near by, when the fourth and last of the officiating priests says to the candidate, who is now placed upon his knees:

Mis-sa´-a-shi´-gwa	ki-bo´-gis-se-na-min	tshi´-ma-mÂd
Now is the time	that I hope of you	that you shall

bi-mÂ´-di-si-win,	mi-ne´-sid.
take life	the bead [mi´gis shell.]

This priest then grasps his Mide´ sack as if holding a gun, and, clutching it near the top with the left hand extended, while with the right he clutches it below the middle or near the base, he aims it toward the candidate’s left breast and makes a thrust forward toward that target uttering the syllables “yÂ, ho´, ho´, ho´, ho´, ho´, ho´,” rapidly, rising to a higher key. He recovers his first position and repeats this movement three times, becoming more and more animated, the last time making a vigorous gesture toward the kneeling man’s breast as if shooting him. (See Fig. 15, page 192.) While this is going on, the preceptor and his assistants place their hands upon the candidate’s shoulders and cause his body to tremble.

Then the next Mide´, the third of the quartette, goes through a similar series of forward movements and thrusts with his Mide´ sack, uttering similar sounds and shooting the sacred mi´gis—life—into the right breast of the candidate, who is agitated still more strongly than before. When the third Mide´, the second in order of precedence, goes through similar gestures and pretends to shoot the mi´gis into the candidate’s heart, the preceptors assist him to be violently agitated.

The leading priest now places himself in a threatening attitude and says to the Mide´; “Mi´-dzhi-de´-a-mi-shik´”—“put your helping heart with me”—, when he imitates his predecessors by saying, “yÂ, ho´, ho´, ho´, ho´, ho´, ho´,” at the fourth time aiming the Mide´ sack at the candidate’s head, and as the mi´gis is supposed to be shot into it, he falls forward upon the ground, apparently lifeless.

Then the four Mide´ priests, the preceptor and the assistant, lay their Mide´ sacks upon his back and after a few moments a mi´gis shell drops from his mouth—where he had been instructed to retain it. The chief Mide´ picks up the mi´gis and, holding it between the thumb and index finger of the right hand, extending his arm toward the candidate’s mouth says “wÂ! wÂ! he he he he,” the last syllable being uttered in a high key and rapidly dropped to a low note; then the same words are uttered while the mi´gis is held toward the east, and in regular succession to the south, to the west, to the north, then toward the sky. During this time the candidate has begun to partially revive and endeavor to get upon his knees, but when the Mide´ finally places the mi´gis into his mouth again, he instantly falls upon the ground, as before. The Mide´ then take up the sacks, each grasping his own as before, and as they pass around the inanimate body they touch it at various points, which causes the candidate to “return to life.” The chief priest then says to him, “O´nishgÂn”—“get up”—which he does; then indicating to the holder of the Mide´ drum to bring that to him, he begins tapping and presently sings the following song:

musical notation

Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´-si-ni-en´-dian,

Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an, Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an,

Ni-kan. Hiu, Hiu, Hiu.

MIDI files: drum, flute, piano

The words of the text signify, “This is what I am, my fellow Mide´; Ifear all my fellow Mide´.” The last syllables, hiu´, are meaningless.

At the conclusion of the song the preceptor prompts the candidate to ask the chief Mide´:

Ni-kan´	k´ke´-no´-mo´,	maⁿ-dzhi´-an	na´-ka-mo´-in.
Colleague	instruct me,	give me	a song.

In response to which the Mide´ teaches him the following, which is uttered as a monotonous chant, viz:

We´-go-nen´	ge-gwed´-dzhi-me-an´,	mi-de´-wi-win	ke-kwed´-dzhi-me-an´?
What	are you asking,	grand medicine	are you asking?

Ki´-ka-mi´-nin	en-da-wen´-da	ma-wi´-nen	mi-de´-wi-win
I will give you	you want me to	give you	“grand medicine”

tshi-da-si-ne´-ga´-na-win´-da-mon;	ki-in´-tshun-di´-ne-ma´-so-win,
always take care of;	you have received it yourself,

tsho´-a-wa´-nin	di´-se-wan.
never	forget.

To this the candidate, who is now a member, replies, eⁿ, yes, i.e., assent, fully agreeing with the statement made by the Mide´, and adds:

Mi-gwetsh´	a-shi´-wa-ka-kish´-da-win	be-mÂ´-di-si´-an.
Thanks	for giving to me	life.

Then the priests begin to look around in search of spaces in which to seat themselves, saying:

Mi´-a-shi´-gwa ki´-tshi-an´-wÂ-bin-da-man	tshi-o´-we-na´-bi-an.
Now is the time I look around	where we shall be [sit].

and all go to such places as are made, or reserved, for them.

The new member then goes to the pile of blankets, robes, and other gifts and divides them among the four officiating priests, reserving some of less value for the preceptor and his assistant; whereas tobacco is carried around to each person present. All then make an offering of smoke, to the east, south, west, north, toward the center and top of the Mide´wigÂn—where Ki´tshi Man´ido presides—and to the earth. Then each person blows smoke upon his or her Mide´ sack as an offering to the sacred mi´gis within.

The chief Mide´ advances to the new member and presents him with a new Mide´ sack, made of an otter skin, or possibly of the skin of the mink or weasel, after which he returns to his place. The new member rises, approaches the chief Mide´, who inclines his head to the front, and, while passing both flat hands down over either side,

Mi-gwetsh´,	ni-ka´-ni, ni-ka´-ni, ni-ka´-ni, na-ka´.
Thanks,	my colleagues, my colleagues, my colleagues.

Then, approaching the next in rank, he repeats the ceremony and continues to do so until he has made the entire circuit of the Mide´wigÂn.

At the conclusion of this ceremony of rendering thanks to the members of the society for their presence, the newly elected Mide´ returns to his place and, after placing within his Mide´ sack his mi´gis, starts out anew to test his own powers. He approaches the person seated nearest the eastern entrance, on the south side, and, grasping his sack in a manner similar to that of the officiating priests, makes threatening motions toward the Mide´ as if to shoot him, saying, “yÂ, ho´, ho´, ho´, ho´, ho´,” gradually raising his voice to a higher key. At the fourth movement he makes a quick thrust toward his victim, whereupon the latter falls forward upon the ground. He then proceeds to the next, who is menaced in a similar manner and who likewise becomes apparently unconscious from the powerful effects of the mi´gis. This is continued until all persons present have been subjected to the influence of the mi´gis in the possession of the new member. At the third or fourth experiment the first subject revives and sits up, the others recovering in regular order a short time after having been “shot at,” as this procedure is termed.

When all of the Mide´ have recovered a very curious ceremony takes place. Each one places his mi´gis shell upon the right palm and, grasping the Mide´ sack with the left hand, moves around the inclosure and exhibits his mi´gis to everyone present, constantly uttering the word “ho´, ho´, ho´, ho´,” in a quick, low tone. During this period there is a mingling of all the persons present, each endeavoring to attract the attention of the others. Each Mide´ then pretends to swallow his mi´gis, when suddenly there are sounds of violent coughing, as if the actors were strangling, and soon thereafter they gag and spit out upon the ground the mi´gis, upon which each one falls apparently dead. In a few moments, however, they recover, take up the little shells again and pretend to swallow them. As the Mide´ return to their respective places the mi´gis is restored to its receptacle in the Mide´ sack.

Food is then brought into the Mide´wigÂn and all partake of it at the expense of the new member.

After the feast, the older Mide´ of high order, and possibly the officiating priests, recount the tradition of the Ani´shinÂ´beg and the origin of the Mide´wiwin, together with speeches relating to the benefits to be derived through a knowledge thereof, and sometimes, tales of individual success and exploits. When the inspired ones have given utterance to their thoughts and feelings, their memories and their boastings, and the time of adjournment has almost arrived, the new member gives an evidence of his skill as a singer and a Mide´. Having acted upon the suggestion of his preceptor, he has prepared some songs and learned them, and now for the first time the opportunity presents itself for him to gain admirers and influential friends, a sufficient number of whom he will require to speak well of him, and to counteract the evil which will be spoken of him by enemies—for enemies are numerous and may be found chiefly among those who are not fitted for the society of the Mide´, or who have failed to attain the desired distinction.

The new member, in the absence of a Mide´ drum of his own, borrows one from a fellow Mide´ and begins to beat it gently, increasing the strokes in intensity as he feels more and more inspired, then sings a song (Pl. X,D), of which the following are the words, each line being repeated ad libitum, viz:

mnemonic song

Plate X.d. Mnemonic Song.

line drawing	We´-nen-wi´-wik ka´-ni-an. The spirit has made sacred the place in which I live. The singer is shown partly within, and partly above his wigwam, the latter being represented by the lines upon either side, and crossing his body.
line drawing	En´-da-yan´ pi-ma´-ti-su´-i-un en´-da-yan´. The spirit gave the “medicine” which we receive. The upper inverted crescent is the arch of the sky, the magic influence descending, like rain upon the earth, the latter being shown by the horizontal line at the bottom.
vertical lines	Rest.
line drawing	Nin´-nik-ka´-ni man´-i-do. I too have taken the medicine he gave us. The speaker’s arm, covered with mi´gis, or magic influence, reaches toward the sky to receive from Ki´tshi Man´ido the divine favor of a Mide’s power.
line drawing	Ke-kek´-o-i-yan´. I brought life to the people. The Thunderer, the one who causes the rains, and consequently life to vegetation, by which the Indian may sustain life.
line drawing	Be-mo´-se ma-ko-yan. I have come to the medicine lodge also. The Bear Spirit, one of the guardians of the Mide´wiwin, was also present, and did not oppose the singer’s entrance.
line drawing	Ka´-ka-mi´-ni-ni´-ta. We spirits are talking together. The singer compares himself and his colleagues to spirits, i.e., those possessing supernatural powers, and communes with them as an equal.
line drawing	O-ni´-ni-shink-ni´-yo. The mi´gis is on my body. The magic power has been put into his body by the Mide priests.
line drawing	Ni man´-i-do ni´-yan. The spirit has put away all my sickness. He has received new life, and is, henceforth, free from the disturbing influences of evil man´idos.

As the sun approaches the western horizon, the Mide´ priests emerge from the western door of the Mide´wigÂn and go to their respective wig´iwams, where they partake of their regular evening repast, after which the remainder of the evening is spent in paying calls upon other members of the society, smoking, etc.

The preceptor and his assistant return to the Mide´wigÂn at nightfall, remove the degree post and plant it at the head of the wig´iwam—that part directly opposite the entrance—occupied by the new member. Two stones are placed at the base of the post, to represent the two forefeet of the bear Man´ido through whom life was also given to the Ani´shinÂ´beg.

If there should be more than one candidate to receive a degree the entire number, if not too great, is taken into the Mide´wigÂn for initiation at the same time; and if one day suffices to transact the business for which the meeting was called the Indians return to their respective homes upon the following morning. If, however, arrangements have been made to advance a member to a higher degree, the necessary changes and appropriate arrangement of the interior of the Mide´wigÂn are begun immediately after the society has adjourned.

DESCRIPTIVE NOTES.

The mi´gis referred to in this description of the initiation consists of a small white shell, of almost any species, but the one believed to resemble the form of the mythical mi´gis is similar to the cowrie, CyprÆa moneta, L., and is figured at No. 1 on Pl.XI. Nearly all of the shells employed for this purpose are foreign species, and have no doubt been obtained from the traders. The shells found in the country of the Ojibwa are of rather delicate structure, and it is probable that the salt water shells are employed as a substitute chiefly because of their less frangible character. The mi´gis of the other degrees are presented on the same plate, but special reference to them will be made. No. 2 represents the mi´gis in the possession of the chief Mide priest of the society at Leech Lake, Minnesota, and consists of a pearl-white Helix (sp?).

see text

Plate XI. Sacred Objects.

The Mide´ sack represented in No. 7 (Pl.XI.) is made of the skin of a mink—Putorius vison, Gapp. White, downy feathers are secured to the nose, as an additional ornament. In this sack are carried the sacred objects belonging to its owner, such as colors for facial ornamentation, and the magic red powder employed in the preparation of hunters’ songs; effigies and other contrivances to prove to the incredulous the genuineness of the Mide´ pretensions, sacred songs, amulets, and other small man´idos—abnormal productions to which they attach supernatural properties—invitation sticks, etc.

see text

Fig. 19.—Hawk-leg fetish.

In Fig.19 is reproduced a curious abnormal growth which was in the possession of a Mide´ near Red Lake, Minnesota. It consists of the leg of a Goshawk—Astur atricapillus, Wilson—from the outer inferior condyle of the right tibia of which had projected a supernumerary leg that terminated in two toes, the whole abnormality being about one-half the size and length of the natural leg and toes.

This fetish was highly prized by its former owner, and was believed to be a medium whereby the favor of the Great Thunderer, or Thunder God, might be invoked and his anger appeased. This deity is represented in pictography by the eagle, or frequently by one of the FalconidÆ; hence it is but natural that the superstitious should look with awe and reverence upon such an abnormality on one of the terrestrial representatives of this deity.

A Mide´ of the first degree, who may not be enabled to advance further in the mysteries of the Mide´wiwin, owing to his inability to procure the necessary quantity of presents and gifts which he is required to pay to new preceptors and to the officiating priests—the latter demanding goods of double the value of those given as an entrance to the first degree—may, however, accomplish the acquisition of additional knowledge by purchasing it from individual Mide´. It is customary with Mide´ priests to exact payment for every individual remedy or secret that may be imparted to another who may desire such information. This practice is not entirely based upon mercenary motives, but it is firmly believed that when a secret or remedy has been paid, for it can not be imparted for nothing, as then its virtue would be impaired, if not entirely destroyed, by the man´ido or guardian spirit under whose special protection it may be supposed to be held or controlled.

Under such circumstances certain first degree Mide´ may become possessed of alleged magic powers which are in reality part of the accomplishments of the Mide´ of the higher degrees; but, for the mutual protection of the members of the society, they generally hesitate to impart anything that may be considered of high value. The usual kind of knowledge sought consists of the magic properties and use of plants, to the chief varieties of which reference will be made in connection with the next degree.

There is one subject, however, which first-degree Mide´ seek enlightment upon, and that is the preparation of the “hunter’s medicine” and the pictographic drawings employed in connection therewith. The compound is made of several plants, the leaves and roots of which are ground into powder. A little of this is put into the gun barrel, with the bullet, and sometimes a small pinch is dropped upon the track of the animal to compel it to halt at whatever place it may be when the powder is so sprinkled upon the ground.

The method generally employed to give to the hunter success is as follows: When anyone contemplates making a hunting trip, he first visits the Mide´, giving him a present of tobacco before announcing the object of his visit and afterwards promising to give him such and such portions of the animal which he may procure. The Mide´, if satisfied with the gift, produces his pipe and after making an offering to Ki´tshi Man´ido for aid in the preparation of his “medicine,” and to appease the anger of the man´ido who controls the class of animals desired, sings a song, one of his own composition, after which he will draw with a sharp-pointed bone or nail, upon a small piece of birch bark, the outline of the animal desired by the applicant. The place of the heart of the animal is indicated by a puncture upon which a small quantity of vermilion is carefully rubbed, this color being very efficacious toward effecting the capture of the animal and the punctured heart insuring its death.

see text

Fig. 20.—Hunter’s medicine.

Frequently the heart is indicated by a round or triangular figure, from which a line extends toward the mouth, generally designated the life line, i.e., that magic power may reach its heart and influence the life of the subject designated. Fig.20 is a reproduction of the character drawn upon a small oval piece of birch bark, which had been made by a Mide´ to insure the death of two bears. Another example is presented in Fig.21, a variety of animals being figured and a small quantity of vermilion being rubbed upon the heart of each. In some instances the representation of animal forms is drawn by the Mide´ not upon birch bark, but directly upon sandy earth or a bed of ashes, either of which affords a smooth surface. For this purpose he uses a sharply pointed piece of wood, thrusts it into the region of the heart, and afterwards sprinkles upon this a small quantity of powder consisting of magic plants and vermilion. These performances are not conducted in public, but after the regular mystic ceremony has been conducted by the Mide´ the information is delivered with certain injunctions as to the course of procedure, direction, etc. In the latter method of drawing the outline upon the sand or upon ashes, the result is made known with such directions as may be deemed necessary to insure success.

see text

Fig. 21.—Hunter’s medicine.

For the purpose of gaining instruction and success in the disposition of his alleged medicines, the Mide´ familiarizes himself with the topography and characteristics of the country extending over a wide area, to ascertain the best feeding grounds of the various animals and their haunts at various seasons. He keeps himself informed by also skillfully conducting inquiries of returning hunters, and thus becomes possessed of a large amount of valuable information respecting the natural history of the surrounding country, by which means he can, with a tolerable amount of certainty, direct a hunter to the best localities for such varieties of game as may be particularly desired by him.

see text

Fig. 22.—WÂbeno´ drum.

In his incantations a WÂbeno´ uses a drum resembling a tambourine. A hoop made of ash wood is covered with a piece of rawhide, tightly stretched while wet. Upon the upper surface is painted a mythic figure, usually that of his tutelaly daimon. An example of this kind is from Red Lake, Minnesota, presented in Fig.22. The human figure is painted red, while the outline of the head is black, as are also the waving lines extending from the head. These lines denote superior power. When drumming upon this figure, the WÂbeno´ chants and is thus more easily enabled to invoke the assistance of his man´ido.

Women, as before remarked, may take the degrees of the Mide´wiwin, but, so far as could be ascertained, their professions pertain chiefly to the treatment of women and children and to tattooing for the cure of headache and chronic neuralgia.

Tattooing is accomplished by the use of finely powdered charcoal, soot or gunpowder, the pricking instrument being made by tying together a small number of needles; though formerly, it is said, fish spines or sharp splinters of bone were used for the purpose. The marks consist of round spots of one-half to three-fourths of an inch in diameter immediately over the afflicted part, the intention being to drive out the demon. Such spots are usually found upon the temples, though an occasional one may be found on the forehead or over the nasal eminence.

When the pain extends over considerable space the tattoo marks are smaller, and are arranged in rows or continuous lines. Such marks may be found upon some individuals to run outward over either or both cheeks from the alÆ of the nose to a point near the lobe of the ear, clearly indicating that the tattooing was done for toothache or neuralgia.

The female Mide´ is usually present at the initiation of new members, but her duties are mainly to assist in the singing and to make herself generally useful in connection with the preparation of the medicine feast.

SECOND DEGREE.

The inclosure within which the second degree of the Mide´wiwin is conferred, resembles in almost every respect that of the first, the only important difference being that there are two degree posts instead of one. A diagram is presented in Fig.23. The first post is planted a short distance beyond the middle of the floor—toward the western door—and is similar to the post of the first degree, i.e., red, with a band of green around the top, upon which is perched the stuffed body of an owl; the ko-ko´-ko-o´. The second post, of similar size, is painted red, and over the entire surface of it are spots of white made by applying clay with the finger tips. (Pl. XV, No.2.) These spots are symbolical of the sacred mi´gis, the great number of them denoting increased power of the magic influence which fills the Mide´wigÂn. A small cedar tree is also planted at each of the outer angles of the inclosure.

see text

Fig. 23.—Diagram of Mide´wigÂn of the second degree.

The sweat-lodge, as before, is erected at some distance east of the main entrance of the Mide´wigÂn, but a larger structure is arranged upon a similar plan; more ample accommodations must be provided to permit a larger gathering of Mide´ priests during the period of preparation and instruction of the candidate.

PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE.

A Mide´ of the first degree is aware of the course to be pursued by him when he contemplates advancement into the next higher grade. Before making known to the other members his determination, he is compelled to procure, either by purchase or otherwise, such a quantity of blankets, robes, peltries, and other articles of apparel or ornament as will amount in value to twice the sum at which were estimated the gifts presented at his first initiation. A year or more usually elapses before this can be accomplished, as but one hunting season intervenes before the next annual meeting of the society, when furs are in their prime; and fruits and maple sugar can be gathered but once during the season, and these may be converted into money with which to purchase presents not always found at the Indian traders’ stores. Friends may be called upon to advance goods to effect the accomplishment of his desire, but such loans must be returned in kind later on, unless otherwise agreed. When a candidate feels convinced that he has gathered sufficient material to pay for his advancement, he announces to those members of the society who are of a higher grade than the first degree that he wishes to present himself at the proper time for initiation. This communication is made to eight of the highest or officiating priests, in his own wig´iwam, to which they have been specially invited. A feast is prepared and partaken of, after which he presents to each some tobacco, and smoking is indulged in for the purpose of making proper offerings, as already described. The candidate then informs his auditors of his desire and enumerates the various goods and presents which he has procured to offer at the proper time. The Mide´ priests sit in silence and meditate; but as they have already been informally aware of the applicant’s wish, they are prepared as to the answer they will give, and are governed according to the estimated value of the gifts. Should the decision of the Mide´ priests be favorable, the candidate procures the services of one of those present to assume the office of instructor or preceptor, to whom, as well as to the officiating priests, he displays his ability in his adopted specialties in medical magic, etc. He seeks, furthermore, to acquire additional information upon the preparation of certain secret remedies, and to this end he selects a preceptor who has the reputation of possessingit.

For acting in the capacity of instructor, a Mide´ priest receives blankets, horses, and whatever may be mutually agreed upon between himself and his pupil. The meetings take place at the instructor’s wig´iwam at intervals of a week or two; and sometimes during the autumn months, preceding the summer in which the initiation is to be conferred, the candidate is compelled to resort to a sudatory and take a vapor bath, as a means of purgation preparatory to his serious consideration of the sacred rites and teachings with which his mind “and heart” must henceforth be occupied, to the exclusion of everything that might tend to divert his thoughts.

What the special peculiarities and ceremonials of initiation into the second degree may have been in former times, it is impossible to ascertain at this late day. The only special claims for benefits to be derived through this advancement, as well as into the third and fourth degrees, are, that a Mide´ upon his admission into a new degree receives the protection of that Man´ido alleged and believed to be the special guardian of such degree, and that the repetition of initiation adds to the magic powers previously received by the initiate. In the first degree the sacred migis was “shot” into the two sides, the heart, and head of the candidate, whereas in the second degree this sacred, or magic, influence, is directed by the priests toward the candidate’s joints, in accordance with a belief entertained by some priests and referred to in connection with the Red Lake chart presented on Pl. III. The second, third, and fourth degrees are practically mere repetitions of the first, and the slight differences between them are noted under their respective captions.

In addition to a recapitulation of the secrets pertaining to the therapeutics of the Mide´, a few additional magic remedies are taught the candidate in his preparatory instruction. The chief of these are described below.

Ma-kwa´ wi´-i-sop, “Bear’s Gall,” and Pi´-zhi-ki wi´-i-sop, “Ox Gall,” are both taken from the freshly killed animal and hung up to dry. It is powdered as required, and a small pinch of it is dissolved in water, a few drops of which are dropped into the ear of a patient suffering from earache.

Go´-gi-mish (gen. et sp.?).—A plant, described by the preceptor as being about 2 feet in height, having black bark and clusters of small red flowers.

1. The bark is scraped from the stalk, crushed and dried. When it is to be used the powder is put into a small bag of cloth and soaked in hot water to extract the virtue. It is used to expel evil man´idos which cause obstinate coughs, and is also administered to consumptives. The quantity of bark derived from eight stems, each 10 inches long, makes a large dose. When a Mide´ gives this medicine to a patient, he fills his pipe and smokes, and before the tobacco is all consumed the patient vomits.

2. The root of this plant mixed with the following is used to produce paralysis of the mouth. In consequence of the power it possesses it is believed to be under the special protection of the Mide´ Man´ido, i.e., Ki´tshi Man´ido.

The compound is employed also to counteract the evil intentions, conjurations, or other charms of so-called bad Mide´, WÂbeno´, and Jes´sakkid´.

Tzhi-be´-gop—“Ghost Leaf.”

After the cuticle is removed from the roots the thick under-bark is crushed into a powder. It is mixed with Go´gimish.

Dzhi-bai´-e-mok´-ke-zin´—“Ghost Moccasin;” “Puff-ball.”

The spore-dust of the ball is carefully reserved to add to the above mixture.

O-kwe´-mish—“Bitter Black Cherry.”

The inner bark of branches dried and crushed is also added.

Ne´-we—“Rattlesnake” (Crotalus durissus, L.).

The reptile is crushed and the blood collected, dried, and used in a pulverulent form. After partially crushing the body it is hung up and the drippings collected and dried. Other snakes may be employed as a substitute.

It is impossible to state the nature of the plants mentioned in the above compound, as they are not indigenous to the vicinity of White Earth, Minnesota, but are procured from Indians living in the eastern extremity of the State and in Wisconsin. Poisonous plants are of rare occurrence in this latitude, and if any actual poisonous properties exist in the mixture they may be introduced by the Indian himself, as strychnia is frequently to be purchased at almost any of the stores, to be used in the extermination of noxious animals. Admitting that crotalus venom may be present, the introduction into the human circulation of this substance would without doubt produce death and not paralysis of the facial muscles, and if taken into the stomach it quickly undergoes chemical change when brought in contact with the gastric juice, as is well known from experiments made by several well known physiologists, and particularly by Dr. Coxe (Dispensatory, 1839), who employed the contents of the venom sack, mixed with bread, for the cure of rheumatism.

I mention this because of my personal knowledge of six cases at White Earth, in which paralysis of one side of the face occurred soon after the Mide´ administered this compound. In nearly all of them the distortion disappeared after a lapse of from six weeks to three months, though one is known to have continued for several years with no signs of recovery. The Catholic missionary at White Earth, with whom conversation was held upon this subject, feels impressed that some of the so-called “bad Mide´” have a knowledge of some substance, possibly procured from the whites, which they attempt to employ in the destruction of enemies, rivals, or others. It may be possible that the instances above referred to were cases in which the dose was not sufficient to kill the victim, but was enough to disable him temporarily. Strychnia is the only substance attainable by them that could produce such symptoms, and then only when given in an exceedingly small dose. It is also alleged by almost every one acquainted with the Ojibwa that they do possess poisons, and that they employ them when occasion demands in the removal of personal enemies or the enemies of those who amply reward the Mide´ for such service.

invitation sticks

Plate XII. Invitation Sticks.

When the time of ceremony of initiation approaches, the chief Mide´ priest sends out a courier to deliver to each member an invitation to attend (Pl.XII), while the candidate removes his wig´iwam to the vicinity of the place where the Mide´wigÂn has been erected. On the fifth day before the celebration he visits the sweat-lodge, where he takes his first vapor bath, followed on the next by another; on the following day he takes the third bath, after which his preceptor visits him. After making an offering to Ki´tshi Man´io the priest sings a song, of which the characters are reproduced in Pl. XIII,A. The Ojibwa words employed in singing are given in the first lines, and are said to be the ancient phraseology as taught for many generations. They are archaic, to a great extent, and have additional meaningless syllables inserted, and used as suffixes which are intoned to prolong notes. The second line of the Ojibwa text consists of the words as they are spoken at the present time, to each of which is added the interpretation. The radical similarity between the two is readily perceived.

mnemonic song

Plate XIII.a. Mnemonic Song.

line drawing

Hi´-na-wi´-a-ni-kaⁿ. (As sung.)

We´-me-a´ ni-kan	mi´-sha man´-i-do
I am crying my	colleague great spirit.

ni-wa´-ma-bi-go´	ma´-wi-yan´.
He sees me	crying.

[The singer is represented as in close relationship or communion with Ki´tshi Man´ido, the circle denoting union; the short zigzag lines within which, in this instance, represent the tears, i.e., “eye rain,” directed toward the sky.]

line drawing

Ki-nun´-no, he´, ki-mun´-i-do´-we, he´,
esh´-i-ha´-ni. (As sung.)

Gi-nun´-don	ni-kan´	e-zhi-an.
I hear you,	colleague,	what you say to me.

[The singer addresses the Otter Spirit, whose figure is emerging from the Mide´wigÂn of which he is the chief guardian.]

line drawing

Te´-ti-wÂ´-tshi-wi-mo´ a-ni´-me-ga´-si. (As sung.)

Te´-ti-wÂ´-tsho-tÂg´	ni-mi´-gi-sim.
He will tell you (—inform you)	[of] my migis.

te´-ti-wa´-tshi-mo-ta´ Âg.

He it is who will tell you.

[The reference is to a superior spirit as indicated by the presence of horns, and the zigzag line upon the breast. The words signify that Ki´tshi Man´ido will make known to the candidate the presence within his body of the mi´gis, when the proper time arrives.]

vertical lines

Rest, or pause, in the song.

During this interval another smoke offering is made, in which the Mide´ priest is joined by the candidate.

line drawing	Hiu´-a-me´-da-ma´ ki´-a-wen´-da-mag man´-i-do´-wit hiu´-a-wen´-da-mag. (As sung.) Ki-win´-da-mag´-u-nan man´-i-do´-wid. He tells us he is [one] of the man´idos. [This ma´nido is the same as that referred to in the above-named phrase. This form is different, the four spots denoting the four sacred mi´gis points upon his body, the short radiating lines referring to the abundance of magic powers with which it is filled.]
line drawing	Wa´-sa-wa´-di, he´, wen´-da-na-ma´, mi-te´-wiⁿ. (As sung.) Wa´-sa-wa´-dun´-da-na-ma´ I get it from afar mi-de´-wi-win´. The “grand medicine.” [The character represents a leg, with a magic line drawn across the middle, to signify that the distance is accomplished only through the medium of supernatural powers. The place “from afar” refers to the abode of Ki´tshi Man´ido.]
line drawing	Ki-go´-na-bi-hiⁿ e´-ni-na mi-te´. (As sung.) Kiⁿ-do´-na-bi-in´ mi-de´-wi-win-ni-ni´ I place you there “in the grand medicine” (among the “Mide´ people”) a-bit´-da-win´. Half way (in the Mide´wigÂn). [The Mide´ priest informs the candidate that the second initiation will advance the candidate half way into the secrets of the Mide´wigÂn. The candidate is then placed so that his body will have more magic influence and power as indicated by the zigzag lines radiating from it toward the sky.]
line drawing	Hi´-sha-we-ne´-me-go´, he´, ne´. Ni-go´-tshi-mi, he´. (As sung.) Ni´-sha-we´-ni-mi-go´ e´-ne-mÂ´-bi-dzhik. They have pity on me those who are sitting here. [This request is made to the invisible man´idos who congregate in the Mide´wigÂn during the ceremonies, and the statement implies that they approve of the candidate’s advancement.]

Agriculture, effect of, on Indian population

region to which limited

extent of practice of, by Indian tribes

Aht division of Wakashan family

129, 130

Ahtena tribe of Copper River

population

Ai-yan, population

Akansa, or Quapaw tribe

113

Akoklako, or Lower Cootenai

Aleutian Islanders belong to Eskimauan family

population

Algonquian family

47–51

list of tribes

population

habitat of certain western tribes of

113

Alibamu, habitat and population

Alsea, habitat

134

Al-ta-tin, population

Angel de la Guardia Island, occupied by Yuman tribes

138

Apache, habitat

population

Apalaches, supposed by Gallatin to be the Yuchi

Apalachi tribe

Arapaho, habitat

48, 109

population

Arikara, habitat

population

Arizona, work in

XVIII, XXV–XXVIII

Assinaboin, habitat

115

population

117

Atfalati, population

Athapascan family

51–56

Atnah tribe, considered distinct from Salish by Gallatin

103

Attacapan family

56–57

Attakapa language reputed to be spoken by the Karankawa

Auk, population

A'wanita, or Young Deer, Cherokee formulas furnished by

316

Ayasta, Cherokee manuscript obtained from

313

A'yÛⁿ´ini, or Swimmer, Cherokee manuscripts obtained from

310–312

Baffin Land, Eskimo population

Bancroft, George, linguistic literature

cited on Cherokee habitat

78, 79

Bancroft, Hubert H., linguistic literature

Bandelier, A. F., on the Keres

Bannock, former habitat

population

Bartlett, John R., cited on Lipan and Apache habitat

the Pima described by

Barton, B. S., comparison of Iroquois and Cheroki

Bathing in medical practice of Cherokees,

333–334, 335–336

Batts on Tutelo habitat in 1671

Bellacoola, population

105, 131

Bellomont, Earl of, cited on the Tutelo

Beothukan family

57–58

Berghaus, Heinrich, linguistic literature

Bessels, Emil, acknowledgments

Biloxi, a Siouan tribe

early habitat

present habitat

population

Birch-bark records and songs of the Mide´wiwin

286–289

Bleeding, practice of among the Cherokees

334–335

Blount, on Cherokee and Chickasaw habitat

Boas, Franz, cited on Chimakum habitat

on population of Chimmesyan tribes

on the middle group of Eskimo

on population of Baffin Land Eskimo

Salishan researches

Haida researches

120

Wakashan researches

129

on the habitat of the Haeltzuk

Boundaries of Indian tribal lands, difficulty of fixing

43–44

Bourgemont on the habitat of the Comanche

Brinton, D. G., cited on HaumontÉ’s Taensa grammar

cited on relations of the Pima language

cited on linguistic value of Indian records

318

Buschmann, Johann C. E., linguistic literature

18, 19

on the Kiowa language

on the Pima language

on Shoshonean families

regards Shoshonean and Nahuatlan families as one

140

CabeÇa de Vaca, mention of Atayos by

Caddoan and Adaizan languages compared

Caddoan family

58–62

Caddoan. See Southern Caddoan.

Calapooya, population

California, aboriginal game laws in

Calispel population

Calumet, ceremonial use of, among Algonkian tribes

153

“Carankouas,” a part of Attacapan family

Carib, affinities of Timuquana with

Carmel language of Mofras

102

Cartier, Jacques, aborigines met by

58, 77–78

Catawba, habitat

112, 114, 116

population

118

Catawba Killer, Cherokee formulas furnished by

316

Cathlascon tribes, Scouler on

Caughnawaga, population

Cayuga, population

Cayuse, habitat and population

127, 128

Central Eskimo, population

Champlain, S. de, cited

Charlevoix on the derivation of “Iroquois”

Chehalis, population

Chemehuevi, habitat and population

Cherokees, habitat and population

78–80

paper on Sacred Formulas of, by James Mooney

301–397

bathing, rubbing, and bleeding in medical practice of

333–336

manuscripts of, containing sacred, medical, and other formulas, character and age of

307–318

medical practice of, list of plants used in

324–327

medicine dance of

337

color symbolism of

342–343

gods of, and their abiding places

340–342

religion of

319

Cherokee Sacred Formulas, notice of paper on

XXXIX–XL

language of

343–344

specimens of

344–397

for rheumatism

345–351

for snake bite

351–353

for worms

353–356

for neuralgia

356–359

for fever and ague

359–363

for child birth

363–364

for biliousness

365–366

for ordeal diseases

367–369

for hunting and fishing

369–375

for love

375–384

to kill a witch

384–386

to find something

386–387

to prevent a storm

387–388

for going to war

388–391

for destroying an enemy

391–395

for ball play

395–397

Cheyenne tribe, habitat

48, 109

population

treaty cited

Chicasa, population

join the Na’htchi

Chilcat, population

ChillÚla tribe

Chimakuan family

62, 63

Chimakum, habitat and population

Chimarikan family

Chimmesyan family

63–65

Chinookan family

65–86

Chippewyan, population

Chitimacuan family, possibly allied to the Attacapan

Chitimachan family

66–67

Choctaw Muskhogee family of Gallatin

Choctaw, population

Choctaw towns described by Adair

Chocuyem, a Moquelumnan dialect

Cholovone division of the Mariposan

Chopunnish, population

Chowanoc, perhaps a Tuscarora tribe

Chukchi of Asia

Chumashan family

67, 68

Chumashan languages, Salinan languages held to be dialects of

101

Clackama, population

Clallam language distinct from Chimakum

Clallam, population

Classification of linguistic families, rules for

8, 12

Classification of Indian languages, literature relating to

12–25

Clavering, Captain, Greenland Eskimo, researches of

Cliff dwellings examined

XVIII–XXIV

Coahuiltecan family

68, 69

Cochitemi, a Keresan dialect

Cochiti, population of

Coconoon tribe

Coeur d’Alene tribe, population of

Cofitachiqui, a supposed Yuchi town

Cognation of languages

11, 12

Color symbolism of the Cherokees

342, 343

Colorado, work in

XXI–XXIV

Columbia River, improvidence of tribes on

37, 38

Colville tribe, population

Comanche, association of the Kiowa with

habitat

population

Comecrudo, vocabulary of, collected by Gatschet

Communism among North American Indians

34, 35

Conestoga, former habitat of the

Cook, Capt. James, names Waukash tribe

129

Cookkoo-oose tribe of Lewis and Clarke

Cootenai tribe

Copehan family

69–70

Corbusier, Wm. H., on Crow occupancy of Black Hills

Corn, large quantities of, raised by certain tribes

Cortez, JosÉ, cited

Costano dialects, Latham’s opinion concerning

Costanoan family

70, 71

Cotoname vocabulary, collected by Gatschet

Coulter, Dr., Pima vocabulary of

Coyotero Apache, population

Cree, population

Creeks, habitat and population

Cross, use of, in Indian ceremonials

155

Crows, habitat

114, 116

population

118

Cuchan population

188

Curtin, Jeremiah, work of

XXX

Chimarikan researches of

Costanoan researches of

Moquelumnan researches of

Yanan researches of

acknowledgments to

142

Cushing, Frank H., work of

XXXI

on the derivation of “ZuÑi”

138

Cushna tribe

Dahcota. See Dakota.

Dahcotas, habitat of the divisions of

111

Dakota, tribal and family sense of name

112

divisions of the

population and divisions of the

116

Dall, W. H., linguistic literature

21, 22, 24

cited on Eskimo habitat

Eskimo researches of

on Asiatic Eskimo

on population of Alaskan Eskimo

Dana on the divisions of the Sacramento tribes

Dawson, George M., cited on Indian land tenure

assigns the Tagisch to the Koluschan family

Salishan researches

De Bry, Timuquanan names on map of

Delaware, population

habitat

De L’Isle cited

De Soto, Ferdinand, on early habitat of the Kaskaskias

113

supposed to have visited the Yuchi

Timuquanan towns encountered by

D’Iberville, names of Taensa towns given by

DiegueÑo, population

138

Differentiation of languages within single stock, to what due

141

Digger Indian tongue compared by Powers with the Pit River dialects

Disease, Indian belief concerning

Cherokee theory of

322–324

Disease and medicine, Cherokee tradition of origin of

319–322

Dobbs, Arthur, cited on Eskimo habitat

Dog Rib, population of

Dorsey, J. O., work of

XXXIV, XXXV

cited on Pacific coast tribes

cited on Omaha-Arikara alliance

Catawba studies

on Crow habitat

Takilman researches

Yakonan researches

acknowledgments to

Dress and ornaments used in Ojibwa dances

298, 299

Drew, E. P., on Siuslaw habitat

134

Duflot de Mofras, E. de, cited

Soledad, language of

102

Dunbar, John B., quoted on Pawnee habitat

Duncan, William, settlement of Chimmesyan tribes by

Duponceau collection, Salishan vocabulary of the

103

Du Pratz, Le Page, cited on Caddoan habitat

on certain southern tribes

on the Na’htchi language

Dzhe Manido, the guardian spirit of the Midewiwin

163, 166

Dzhibai midewigÂn or “Ghost Lodge”

278–281

Eaton, Captain, ZuÑi vocabulary of

Ecclemachs. See Esselenian family.

Eells, Myron, linguistic literature

on the Chimakuan language and habitat

62, 63

Emmert, John W., work of

XVII

E-nagh-magh language of Lane

122

Emory, W. H., visit of, to the Pima

Environment as affecting language

141

Eskimauan family

71–75

Eslen nation of Galiano

Esselenian family

75, 76

Etah Eskimo, habitat of

72, 73

É-ukshikni or Klamath

Everette on the derivation of “Yakona”

134

Explorations in stone villages

XVIII–XXVIII

“Family,” linguistic, defined

Field work

XVI–XXX

Filson, John, on Yuchi habitat

Financial statement

XLI

Flatbow. See Kitunahan family.

Flathead Cootenai

Flathead family, Salish or

102

Fontanedo, Timuquanan, local names of

Food distribution among North American Indians

Friendly Village, dialect of

Gahuni manuscript of Cherokee formulas

313, 314

Galiano, D. A., on the Eslen and Runsien

75, 76

Gallatin, Albert, founder of systematic American philology

9, 10

linguistic literature

12, 15, 16, 17

Attacapan researches

on the Caddo and Pawnee

Chimmesyan researches

on the Chitimachan family

on the Muskhogean family

on Eskimauan boundaries

comparison of Iroquois and Cheroki

on the Kiowa language

on the Koluschan family

on Na’htchi habitat

Salishan researches

102, 103

reference to “Sahaptin” family

on the Shoshonean family

on the Siouan family

111

Skittagetan researches

119, 120

on Tonika language

on the habitat of the Yuchi

linguistic map

142

Game laws of California tribes

Garcia, BartolomÉ, cited

Gatigwanasti manuscript of Cherokee formulas

312, 313

Gatschet, A. S., work of

7, XXXIV

linguistic literature

23, 24

comparison of Caddoan and Adaizan languages by

on Pacific Coast tribes

Attacapan researches

Beothukan researches

Chimakuan researches

on the derivation of “Chitimacha”

Chitimachan researches

Coahuiltecan researches

Mutson investigations

Tonkawe vocabulary collected by

on the Kitunahan family

distinguishes the Kusan as a distinct stock

on the habitat of the Yamasi

on the Taensa language

on the derivation of “Palaihnih”

on the Pima language

discovered radical affinity between Wakashan and Salishan families

Catawba studies

112

surviving Biloxi found by

Takilman researches

121

on the derivation of “TaÑo”

122

classes Tonkawan as a distinct stock

Tonikan researches

on early Yuchi habitat

on the derivation of Waiilatpu

Washoan language separated by

Wishoskan researches

on the SayÚsklan language

acknowledgments to

Gens du Lac, habitat

Georgia, work in

Ghost Lodge ceremonies

278–281

Gibbs, George, linguistic literature

17, 22

on the Chimakum language

on the Kulanapan family

the Eh-nek family of

on the Weitspekan language

Wishoskan researches

Yuki vocabulary cited

136

Ginseng, Mide tradition relating to origin of

241, 242

Gioloco language

Gods of the Cherokees and their abiding places

340–342

Gosiute, population

Grammatic elements of language

141

Grammatic structure in classification of Indian languages

Grand Medicine Society. See Midewiwin.

Gravier, Father, on the Na’htchi and Taensa

Greely, A. W., on Eskimo of Grinnell Land

Greenland, Eskimo of

73, 75

Grinnell Land, Eskimo of

Gros Ventres, habitat

116

Guiloco language

Haeltzuk, habitat

129, 130

principal tribes

population