[1] Ferdinand August Otto Heinrich Graf von Loeben, the scion of an old, aristocratic, Protestant family, was born at Dresden, August 18, 1786. He received his first instruction from private tutors. For three years from 1804 on, he unsuccessfully, because unwillingly, studied law at the University of Wittenberg. In 1807 he entered, to his profound delight, the University of Heidelberg, where, in association with Arnim, Brentano, and GÖrres, he satisfied his longing for literature and art. Beginning with 1808 he lived alternately at Wien, Dresden, and Berlin and with FouquÉ at Nennhausen. He took an active part in the campaign of 1813-14, marched to Paris, and returned after his company had been disbanded, to Dresden, where, in 1817, he married Johanna Victoria Gottliebe geb. von Bressler and established there his permanent abode. In 1822 he suffered a stroke of apoplexy from which he never recovered: even the magnetic treatment given him by Justinus Kerner proved of no avail. He died at Dresden, April 3, 1825. See Allgemeine deutsche Biographie, XIX, 40-45. The article is by Professor Muncker. Wilhelm MÜller also wrote an article full of lavish praise of Loeben in Neuer Nekrolog der Deutschen, III, Jahrg. 1824, Ilmenau, 1827.

[2] Meyer (6th ed.) does not mention Loeben even in the articles on FouquÉ and Malsburg, two of Loeben's best friends; Brockhaus (Jubilee ed.) mentions him as one of Eichendorff's friends in the article on Eichendorff, but neither has an independent note on Loeben. Nor is he mentioned in such compendious works on the nineteenth century as those by Gottschall, R.M. Meyer (Grundriss and Geschichte), and Fr. Kummer. Biese says (Deutsche Literaturgeschichte, II. 436) of him: "Auch ein so ausgesprochenes Talent, wie es Graf von Loeben war, entging nicht der Gefahr, die Romantik in ihre Karikatur zu verzerren."

[3] Cf. Allgemeine deutsche Biographie, XIX, 42.

[4] Partial lists of his works are given in: Goedeke, Grundriss, VI, 108-10 (2nd ed.): Allgemeine deutsche Biographie, XIX. 40-45; the sole monograph on Loeben by Raimund Pissin. Otto Heinrich Graf von Loeben, sein Leben und seine Werke, Berlin, 1905, 326 pages. By piecing these lists together—for they vary—it seems that Loeben wrote, aside from the works mentioned above, the following: 1 conventional drama, 1 musical-romantic drama, 2 narrative poems, one of which is on Ferdusi, 3 collections of poems, between 30 and 40 novelettes, fairy tales and so on. and_ "einige tausend" aphorisms and detached thoughts. It is in Pissin's monograph that Loeben's position in the Heidelberg circle of 1807-8 is worked out. as follows: Loeben and Eichendorff constituted one branch, Arnim and Brentano the other, GÖrres stood loosely between the two, and the others sided now with one group, now with the other.

[5] The verses are from GestÄndnisse, No. 125 in Pissin's collection of Loeben's poems.

[6] GestÄndnisse. No. 125.

[7] Aside from the reviews, letters, and individual poems reprinted here and there, the following works were accessible to the writer: (1) Das weisse Ross, eine altdeutsche Familienchronik; (2) Die Sonnenkinder, eine ErzÄhlung; (3) Die Perle und die Maiblume, eine Novelle; (4) Cephalus und Procris, ein Drama; (5) Ferdusi; (6) Persiens Ritter, eine ErzÄhlung; (7) Die ZaubernÄchte am Bosporus, ein romantisches Gedicht; (8) Prinz Floridio, ein MÄrchen; (9) Leda; eine ErzÄhlung; (10) WeinmÄrchen; (11) GesÄnge.

[8] Eichendorff's relation to Loeben can be studied in the edition of Eichendorff's works by Wilhelm Kusch, Regensburg. Vols. III, X-XIII have already appeared. For a poetization of Loeben, see Ahnung und Gegenwart, chap. xii, pp. 144 ff. For a historical account of Loeben, see Erlebtes, chap. x, pp. 425 ff. It is here that Eichendorff makes Goethe praise Loeben in the foregoing fashion.

[9] There is no positive evidence that Goethe made any such remark. In his GesprÄche (Biedermann. V, 270; VI, 198-99) there are two references to Loeben by Goethe; they are favorable but noncommittal as to his poetic ability.

[10] Cf. Die TagebÜcher des GrÄfen von Platen, Stuttgart, 1900. Under date of August 14, 1824, Platen wrote: "Es enthÄlt viele gute Bemerkungen, wiewohl diese Art Prosa nicht nach meinem Sinne ist." The reference is to Loeben's commentary to Madame de StaËls De l'Allemayne.

[11] Cf. Heinrick von Kleists Berliner KÄmpfe, Berlin, 1901, pp. 490-96. The story in question is "Die furchtbare Einladung."

[12] Cf. _Herm. Anders KrÜger, Pseudoromantik. Friedrich Kind und der Dresdener Liederkreis. Leipzig. 1904. pp. 144-48. KrÜger also discusses Loeben in his Der junge Eichendorff. Leipzig. 1904. pp. 88 and 128.

[13] Cf. FouquÉ, Apel. Miltitz. BeitrÄge zur Geschichte der deutschen Romantik, Leipzig,1908. In a letter to his brother. FouquÉ wrote (January 6, 1813): "Ein Dichter, meine ich, ist er allerdings, ein von Gott dazu bestimmter." FouquÉ, however, realized Loeben's many weaknesses as a poet, though at Loeben's death he wrote a poem on him praising him as the master of verse technique.

[14] Cf. Kosch's edition of Eichendorff. XIII. 65. Loeben says: "In Weimar war ich im vorigen Winter bei Goethe; er war mir freundlich." The "previous winter" was 1813.

[15] Cf. Kosch's edition, XI, 220. The remark was made in 1807.

[16] Cf. Pissin. p. 25. The incident occurred in 1803 and Herder died in 1804.

[17] Cf. Kosch's edition, XI, 308. Lochen himself utterly condemned this work later. See Pissin, pp. 238-39, 267-08. Pissin gives the number of verse and strophe forms on p. 266.

[18] Cf. Pissin, p. 267. Uhland made the remark in 1812—his own most fruitful year as a poet.

[19] The story was published in 1817. The full title is Das weisse
Ross, eine altdeutsche Familienchronik in sechs und dreissig
Bildern. It is 160 pages long.

[20] An idea as to the lack of action in this story can be derived from the following statement by Otto (pp. 127-28), the brave hero: "Was man Schicksale zu nennen pflegt, habe ich wenige gehabt, aber erfahren habe ich dennoch viel und mehr als mancher durch seine glÄnzenden Schicksale erfahren mag: nÄmlich die FÜhrungen der ewigen Liebe habe ich erfahren, die keinen verlÄsst. und alles herrlich hinausfuhrt." And then Siegenot, the other hero, says that this is very true—whereupon they embrace each other.

[21] The story was first published In Urania: Taschenbuch fÜr Damen auf das Jahr 1818. pp. 305-37.

[22] Aside from the poems in Pissin's collection in the D.L.D. des 18. u. 19. Jahr., Ignaz Hub's Deutschlands Balladen- und Romanzen-Dichter, Karlsruhe, 1845, contains: (1) "Romanze von der weissen Rose," (2) "Der Tanz mit dem Tode," (3) "Der Bergknapp," (4) "Das Schwanenlied." "Loreley" is also reprinted here, with modifications for the worse. "Schau', Schiffer, schau' nicht hinauf," is certainly not an improvement on Loeben's "Lieb Knabe, sieh' nicht hinauf,"

[23] The following are common forms: "Nez," "zwey," "versteken," "SfÄren," "Saffo," "Stralenboten," "Abendrothen." "Uebermuth," and so on, though the regular forms, except in the case of "Saffo," also occur.

[24] "Der Abend" reminds one strongly of HÖlderlin's "Die Nacht," while "Tag und Nacht" goes back undoubtedly to Novalis' "Hymnen an die Nacht," W. Schlegels sonnet on the sonnet stood sponsor for "Das Sonett," and Goethe and Tieck also reoccur in changed dress. The poems on Correggio (73), Ruisdael (75), Goethe (137), Tieck (138-39), and Novalis (141) sound especially like W. Schlegel's poems on other poets and artists.

[25] In his Geschichte des Sonettes in der deutschen Dichtung.'Leipzig, 1884. Heinrich Weltl (pp. 210-17) criticizes Loeben's sonnets most severely from the point of view of content; and as to their form he says: "Blos die Form, oder gar die blosse Form der Form ist beachtenswert." This is unquestionably a case of warping the truth in order to bring in a sort of pun.

[26] The triolett is worth quoting as a type of Loeben's prettiness:

Galt es mir, das sÜsse Blicken
Aus dem hellen Augenpaar?
Unter'm Netz vom goldnen Haar
Galt es mir das sÜsse Blicken?
Einem sprach es von Gefahr,
Einen wollt' es licht umstricken;
Galt es mir, das sÜsso Blicken
Aus dem hellen Augenpaar.

[27] An idea as to Loeben's temperament can he derived from the
following passage in a letter to Tieck: "Gott sei mit Ihnen und
die heilige Muse! Oft drÄngt es mich, niederzuknien im Schein, den
Albrecht DÜrers und Novalis Glorie wirft, im alten frommen
Dom. dann denk' ich Ihrer und ich lieg' an Ihrer Seele. Ich fÜhle
Sie in mir, wie man eine Gottheit fÜhlt in geweihter
Stunde. 'Liebe denkt in sel'gen TÖnen, denn Gedanken stehn zu
fern." The quotation should read "sÜssen" instead of "sel'gen."
See Briefe an Tierk. edited by Holtei, II, 266.

[28] As a corrective to the monographs of Pissin on Loeben and H. A. KrÜger on Eichendorff. one should read Wilhelm Kosch's article in Euphorion (1907, pp. 310-20). Kosch. contends that Pissin and KrÜger have vastly overestimated Loeben's influence on Eichendorff, and that Loeben in general was "eine bedeutungslose Tageserscheinung."

[29] The complete title is Godwi, oder das steinerne Bild der Mutter. Ein verwilderter Roman von Maria. The very rare first edition of this novel, in two volumes, is in the Columbia Library. Friedrich Wilmans was the publisher.

[30] Cf. Alfred Kerr, Godwi. Ein Kapitel deutscher Romantik. Berlin, 1898, p. 2.

[31] Cf. Wilhelm Hertz, "Über den Namen Lorelei," Sitzungsberichte der k.b. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu MÜnchen, Jahrgang 1886, pp. 217-51. For the etymologist, this is an invaluable study.

[32] The superficial similarity of those two poems can easily be exaggerated. The rhyme "sitzet-blitzet" is perfectly natural: the Lorelei had to be portrayed as "sitzen"; what is then easier than "blitzen"? In "Ritter Peter von Stauffenberg und die Meerfeye" (Des Knaben Wunderhorn, ed. of Eduard Grisebach, p. 277) we have this couplet:

Er sieht ein schÖnes Weib da sitzen.
Von Gold und Silber herrlich blitzen.

For more detailed illustrations, see below.

[33] It is worth while to note the actual date of Heine's composition of his ballad, since so eminent an authority as Wilhelm Scherer (Ges. d. deut. Lit., 8th ed., p. 662) says that Heine wrote the poem in 1824. And Eduard Thorn (Heinrich Heines Beziehungen zu Clemens Brentano, p. 90.) says that he published it in 1826. This is incorrect, as is also Thorn's statement, p. 88, that Brentano wrote his ballad in 1802. For the correct date of Heine's ballad, see SÄmtliche Werke, Hamburg, 1865, XV, 200.]

[34] An instance of this is seen in Selections from Heine's Poems, edited by H.S. White, D.C. Heath & Co., Boston, 1900, p. 182. Professor White does, to be sure, refer to Strodtmann for the details; but Strodtmann does not prove anything. And in Heines Werke in fÜnfzehn Teilen, edited by Hermann Friedeman, Helene Herrmann. Erwin Kaliseher. Raimund Pissin, and Veit Valentin, we have the comment by Helene Herrmann, who follows Pissin: "Die Loreleysage, erfunden von Clemens Brentano; vielfach von Romantikern gestaltet. Zwischen Brentanos Romanze und Heines Situationsbild steht die Behandlung durch den Grafen Loeben, einen unbedeutenden romantischen Dichter."

[35] The best finished collection of Heine's letters is the one by Hans Daffis, Berlin, 1907, 2 vols. This collection will, however, soon be superseded by Heinrich Heines Briefwechsel, edited by Friedrich Hirth, MÜnchen and Berlin, 1914. The first volume covers Heine's life up to 1831. In neither of these collections is either Brentano or Loeben mentioned. There are 643 pages in Hirth's first volume.

[36] For a discussion of Godwi, see Clemens Brentano: Ein Lebensbild, by Johannes Baptista Diel and Wilhelm Kreiten, Freiburg i.B., 1877, two volumes in one, pp. 104-25. As to the obscurity of Brentano's work, one sentence (p. 116) is significant: "Godwi spukt heutzutage nur mehr in den KÖpfen der liberalen Literaturgeschichtsschreiber, denen er einen willkommenen Vorwand an die Hand gibt, mit einigen stereotyp abgeschriebenen Phrasen den Stab Über den phantastischen, verschwommenen, unsittlichen u.s.w., u.s.w. Dichter zu brechen."

[37] Clemens Brentano: Godwi oder das steinerne Bild der Mutter. Ein verwilderter. Roman. Herausgegeben und eingeleitet von Dr. Anselm Ruest, Berlin, 1906. Ruest edited the work because he thought it was worth reviving. In this edition, the ballad is on pages 507-10. Bartels (Handbuch, 2d ed., p. 400) lists a reprint in 1905, E.A. Regener, Berlin.

[38] II, 391-93.

[39] For the various references, see Thorn's Heinrich Heines Beziehungen zu Clemens Brentano. pp. 88-90. His study is especially unsatisfactory in view of the fact that he says (p. 88) in this connection: "Wirklich Neues zu bringen ist uns nicht vergÖnnt, denn selbstverstÄndlich haben die Forscher dieses dankbare und interessante Objekt schon in der eingehendsten Weise untersucht." And Thorn's attempt to show that Heine knew Godwi early in life by pointing out similarities between poems in it and poems by Heine is about as untenable as argument could be, in view of the great number of poets who may have influenced Heine in these instances; Thorn himself lists (p. 63) BÜrger, FouquÉ, Arnim, E.T.A. Hoffmann.

[40] In Pissin's collection of Loeben's poems (D.L.D., No. 135) we have a peculiar note. After the ballad (Anmerk., p. 161), which Pissin entitles "Der Lurleifels," we read: "N.d. Hs." This would argue that Loeben did so entitle his ballad and that Pissin had access to the original MS. But then Pissin says: "Auch, die gleichnamige Novelle einleitend, in der Urania auf 1821." But in Urania the novelette is entitled "Eine Sage vom Rhein." and the ballad is entitled "Loreley." Bet him who can unravel this!

[41] For the entire story of the composition and publication of the RheinmÄrchen, see Die MÄrchen von Clemens Brentano, edited by Guido GÖrres. 2 vols. in 1, Stuttgart, 1879 (2d ed.) This edition contains the preface to the original edition of 1840, pp. i-1.

[42] Thorn, who drew on M.R. Hewelcke's Die Loreleisage, Paderborn, 1908, makes (p. 90) this suggestion. It is impossible for the writer to see how Thorn can be so positive in regard to Brentano's influence on Heine. And one's faith is shaken by this sentence on the same page: "Brentano verÖffentlichte sein Radlauf-MÄrchen erst 1827, Heine 'Die Lorelei' schon 1826." Both of these dates are incorrect. Guido GÖrres, who must be considered a final authority on this matter, says that, though Brentano tried to publish his MÄrchen as early as 1816, none of them were published until 1846, except extracts from "Das MyrtenfrÄulein," and a version of "Gockel," neither of which bears directly on the Lorelei-matter.

[43] Of GÖrres' second edition, I, 250: "Nachdem Murmelthier herzlich fÜr diese Geschenke gedankt hatte, sagte Frau Else: 'Nun, mein Kind! kÄmme mir und Frau Lurley die Haare, wir wollen die deinigen dann auch kÄmmen'—dann gab sie ihr einen goldnen Kamm, und Murmelthier kÄmmte Beiden die Haare und flocht sie so schÖn, dass die Wasserfrauen sehr zufrieden mit ihr waren."

[44] In H. Heines Leben und Werke. Hamburg, 1884 (3d ed.), Bd. I. p. 363. In the notes, Strodtmann reprints Loeben's ballad, pp. 696-97. His statement is especially unsatisfactory in view of the fact that he refers to the "fast gleicher Inhalt," though the essentials of Heine's ballad are not in Loeben's, and to "einegewisse Ähnlichkeit in Form," though the similarity in form is most pronounced.

[45] In Allgemeine deut. Biog., XIX. 44. It is interesting to see how Professor Muncker lays stress on this matter by placing in parentheses the statement: "Einige ZÜge der letzten Geschichte ["Sage vom Rhein"] regten Heine zu seinem bekannten Liede an."

[46] In Dichtungen von Heinrich Heine, ausgewÄhlt und erlÄutert, Bonn, 1887, p. 326. Hessel's Statement is peculiarly unsatisfactory, since he says (p. 309) that he is going to the sources of Heine's poems, and then, after reprinting Loeben's ballad, he says: "Dieses Lied war Heines nÄchstes Vorbild. AusfÜhrlicheres bei Strodtmann, Bd. I, S. 362." And this edition has been well received.

[47] In _Grundriss, VI, 110. Again we read in parentheses: "Aus diesem Liede und dem EingÄnge der ErzÄhlung schÖpfte H. Heine sein Lied von der Loreley."

[48] In Ges. d. deut. Lit., p. 662 (8th ed.).

[49] In Heinrich Heines Beziehungen zum deutschen Mittelalter, Berlin, 1908, pp., 94-95. MÜcke is the most cautious of the ten authorities above listed; and he anticipated Walzel in his reference to Schreiber's Handbuch.

[50] In _Ueber den Namen Lorelei, p. 224. Hertz is about as cautious as Strodtmann; "Es ist kaum zu bezweifeln dass," etc.

[51] In SÄmtliche Werke, I, 491.

[52] In HauptstrÖmungen. VI, 178. Brandes says: "Der Gegenstand ist der gleiche, das Versmass ist dasselbe, ja die Reimen sind an einzelnen Stellen die gleichen: blitzetsitzet; statt 'an-gethan' steht da nur 'Kahn-gethan.'"

[53] In Der deutschen Romantiker, Leipzig, 1903, p. 235.

[54] In Deutsches Literatur-Lexikon, MÜnchen, 1914, p. 271. It is significant that KrÜger makes this statement, for the subtitle of his book Is "Biographisches und bibliographisches Handbuch mit MotivÜbersichten und Quellennachweisen." And it is, on the whole, an extremely useful book.

[55] It is impossible to see how Brandes can lay great stress on the fact that this rhyme occurs in both poems. The following rhymes are found on the following pages of the Elster edition, Vol. I, of Heine's works: "Spitze-Blitze" (36), "sitzen-nÜtzen" (116), "Witzen-nÜtzen" (124), "sitzen-blitzen" (216), "erhitzet-bespitzet" (242), "Blitz-Sitz" (257), "blitzt-gestÜtzt" (276), "blitze-besitze" (319), "blitzet-gespitzet" (464). And in Loeben's poems the rhyme is equally common. The first strophe of his Ferdusi runs as follows:

Hell erglÄnzt an Persiens Throne
Wo der grosse Mahmud sitzt;
Welch Juwel ist's, das die Krone
So vor allen schÖn umblitzt.

And in Schreiber's saga we have in juxtaposition, the
words. "Blitze" and "Spitze." The rhyme "Sitze-Blitze" occurs in
Immanuel's "Lorelei," quoted by Seeliger, p. 31.

[56] There are, to be sure, only 114 words in Loeben's ballad if we count "um's," "dir's," and "glaub's" as three words and not six.

[57] These numbers are in the Columbia Library.

[58] During these years Heine's letters are dated from GÖttingen,
Berlin, Gnesen, Berlin, MÜnster, Berlin, LÜneburg, Hamtburg,
RitzenbÜttel, and LÜneburg. During these same years Loeben was in
Dresden and he was ill.

[59] We need only to mention such a strophe as the following from
Atta Troll:

Klang das nicht wie JugendtrÄume.
Die ich trÄumte mit Chamisso
Und Brentano und FouquÉ
In den blauen MondscheinnÄchten?

See Elster edition, II, 421. The lines were written in 1843.

[60] The first edition of Karl Simrock's Rheinsagen came out in 1836. This was not accessible. The edition of 1837, "zweite, vermehrte Auflage," contains 168 poems, 572 pages; this contains Simrock's "Ballade von der Lorelei." The edition of 1841 also contains Simrock's "Der Teufel und die Lorelei." The book contains 455 pages, 218 poems. The sixth edition (1809) contains 231 poems. In all editions the poems are arranged in geographical order from SÜdersee to GraubÜnden. Alexander Kaufmann's Quellenangaben und Bemerkungen zu Kart Simrocks Rheinsagen throws no new light on the Lorelei-legend.

[61] Cf. Heinrich Heines sÄmtliche Werke, edited by Walzel, FrÄnkel, KrÄhe, Leitzmann, and Peterson. Leipzig. 1911, II, 408. So far as I have looked into the matter, Walzel stands alone in this belief, though MÜcke, as has been pointed out above, anticipated him in the statement that Heine drew on Schreiber in this case. But MÜcke thinks that Heine also knew Loeben.

[62] The reference in question reads as follows: "Ich will kein Wort verlieren Über den Wert dieses unverdaulichen Machwerkes [Les Burgraves], das mit allen mÖglichen PrÄtensionen auftritt, namentlich mit historischen, obgleich alles Wissen Victor Hugos Über Zeit und Ort, wo sein StÜck spielt, lediglich aus der franzÖsischen Uebersetzung von Schreibers Handbuch fÜr Rheinreisende geschÖpft, ist." This was written March 20, 1843 (see Elster edition, VI. 344).

[63] Aloys Wilhelm Schreiber (1763-1840) was a teacher in the Lyceum at Baden-Baden (1800-1802), professor of aesthetics at Heidelberg (1802-13) where he was intimate with the Voss family, historiographer at Karlsruhe (1813-26), and in 1826 he retired and became a most prolific writer. He interested himself in guidebooks for travelers. His manuals contain maps, distances, expense accounts, historical sketches, in short, about what the modern Baedeker contains with fewer statistics and more popular description. His books appeared in German, French, and English. In 1812 he published his Handbuch fÜr Reisende am Rhein von Schaffhausen bis Holland, to give only a small part of the wordy title, and in 1818 he brought out a second, enlarged edition of the same work with an appendix containing 17 Volkssagen aus den Gegenden am Rhein und am Taunus, the sixteenth of which is entitled "Die Jungfrau auf dem Lurley." His books were exceedingly popular in their day and are still obtainable. Of the one here in question, Von Weech (Allgem. deut. Biog., XXXII, 471) says: "Sein Handbuch fÜr Reisende am Rhein, dessen Anhang eine wertvolle Sammlung rheinischer Volkssagen enthÄlt, war lange der beliebteste FÜhrer auf Rheinreisen." There are 7 volumes of his manuals in the New York Public Library, and one, Traditions populaires du Rhin, Heidelberg, 1830 (2d ed.), is in the Columbia Library. It contains 144 legends and beautiful engravings. (The writer has just [October 15, 1915] secured the four Volumes of Schreiber's Rheinische Geschichten und Sagen. The fourth volume, published in 1830. is now a very rare book.)

[64] The remainder of Schreiher's plot is as follows: The news of the infatuated hero's death so grieved the old Count that ho determined to have the Lorelei captured, dead or alive. One of his captains, aided by a number of brave followers, set out on the hazardous expedition. First, they surround the rock on which the Lorelei sits, and. then three of the most courageous ascend to her seat and determine to kill her, so that the danger of her repealing her former deed maybe forever averted. But when they reach her and she hoars what they intend to do, she simply smiles and invokes the aid of her Father, who immediately sends two white horses—two white waves—up the Rhine, and. after leaping down to the Rhine, she is safely carried away by these. She was never again seen, but her voice was frequently heard as she mocked, in echo, the songs of the sailors on her paternal stream.

[65] It is not simply in the appendix of Schreiber's Handbuch that he discusses the legend of Lorelei, but also in the scientific part of it. Concerning the Lorelei rock he says (pp. 174-75): "Ein wunderbarer Fels schiebt sich jetzt dem Schiffer gleichsam in seine Bahn—es ist der Lurley (von Lure, Lauter, und Ley, Schiefer) aus welchem ein Echo den Zuruf der Vorbeifahrendem fÜnfzehnmal wiederholt. Diesen Schieferfels bewohnte in grauen Zeiten eine Undine, welche die Schiffenden durch ihr Zurufen ins Verderben lockte."

[66] Brockhaus says (p. xxiv): "Die einfache Sage von den beiden feindlichen BrÜdern am Rhein, van denen die TrÜmmer ihrer BÜrgen selbst noch Die BrÜder heissen ist in A. Schreiber's Auswahl von Sagen jener Gegenden zu lesen." Usener's tragedy is published In full in this number of Urania, pp. 383-442.

[67] Cf. Elster edition, IV, 406-9. The circumstantial way in which
Heine retells this story is almost sufficient to lead one to
believe that he had Schreiber at hand when he wrote this part of
Elementargeister; but he says that he did not.

[68] Discussion as to the first conception of Heine's Rabbi are
found in: Heinrich Heines Fragment; Der Rabbi von Bacharach,
by Lion Feuchtwanger, MÜnchen, 1907; Heinrich Heine und Der Rabbi
von Bacharach, by Gustav Karpeles, Wien, 1895.

[69] The poem is one of the Junge Leiden, published in 1821, Elster (I, 490) says: "Eine bekannte Sage, mit einzelnen vielfach wiederkehrenden uralten ZÜgen, dargestellt In Simrocks Rheinsagen." Simrock had, of course, done nothing on the Rheinsagen in 1821, being then only nineteen years old and an inconspicuous student at Bonn. Walzel says (I. 449.): "Mit einem andern Ausgang ist die Sage in dem von Heine vielbenutzten Handbuch fÜr Reisende am Rhein von Aloys Schreiber (Heidelberg, 1816) Überliefert." The edition of this work in the New York Public Library has no printed date, but 1818 is written in. Walzel may be correct. The outcome of Heine's poem is, after all, not so different: In Schreiber, both brothers relinquish their clalms to the girl and remain unmarried; in Heine the one kills the other and in this way neither wins the girl.

[70] It is the same story as the one told by Bulwer-Lytton in his Pilgrims of the Rhine. chap. xxiv.

[71] All through the body of Schreiber's Handbuch, there are references to the places and legends mentioned in Heine's Rabbi. On Bacharach there is the following: "Der Reisende, wenn er auch nur eine Stunde in Bacharach verweilt, unterlasse nicht, die Ruinen von Staleck zu besteigen, wo eine der schÖnsten Rheinlandschaften sich von seinen Blicken aufrollt. Die Burg von sehr betrÄchtlichem Umfang scheint, auf den TrÜmmern eines RÖmerkastells erbaut. Die, welche die Entstehung derselben den Hunnen zuschreiben, well sie in Urkunden den Namen Stalekum hat, sind in einem Irrtum befangen, denn Stalekum oder Stalek heisst eben so viel als StalbÜhl, oder ein Ort, wo ein Gericht gehegt wurde. Pfalzgraf Hermann von Staleck, starb im 12ten Jahrhundert; er war der letzte seines Stammes, und von ihm kam die Burg, als KÖlnisches Lehen, an Konrad Von Staufen."

[72] To come back to Heine and Loeben, Herm. Anders KrÜger says (p., 147) in his Pseudoromantik: "Heinrich Heine, der Überhaupt Loeben studiert zu haben scheint," etc. He offers no proof. If one wished to make out a case for Loeben, it could bo done with his narrative poem "Ferdusi" (1817) and Heine's "Der Dichter Ferdusi." Both tell about the same story; but each tells a story that was familiar in romantic circles.

[73] In reply to a letter addressed to Professor Elster on October 4, 1914, the writer received the following most kind reply on November 23: "Die Frage, die Sie an mich richten ist leicht beantwortet: Heine hat Loeben in seinen Schriften nicht erwÄhnt, aber das besagt nicht viel; er hat manchen benutzt, den er nicht nennt. Und es kann gar keinem Zweifel unterliegen, dass Loeben fÜr die Lorelei Heines unmittelbares Vorbild ist; darauf habe ich Öfter hingewiesen, aber wohl auch andere. Das Taschenbuch Urania fÜr das Jahr 1821, wo Loebens Gedicht u. Novelle zuerst erschienen, ist unserem Dichter zweifellos zu Gesicht gekommen." No one can view Professor Elster in any other light than as an eminent authority on Heine, but his certainty here must be accepted with reserve, and his "wohl auch andere" is, in view of the fact that, he was by no means the first, and certainly not the last, to make this assertion, a trifle disconcerting.

[74] The ultimate determining of sources is an ungrateful theme. Some excellent suggestions on this subject are offered by Hans Rohl in his Die Ältere Romantik und die Kunst des jungen Goethe, Berlin, 1909, pp. 70-72. This work was written under the general leadership of Professor Elster. The disciple would, in this case, hardly agree with the master. Pissin likewise speaks wisely in discussing the influence of Novalis on Loeben in his monograph on the latter, pp. 97-98. and 129-30. And Heine himself (Elster edition, V. 294) says in regard to the question whether Hegel did borrow so much from Schelling: "Nichts ist lÄcherlicher als das reklamierte Eigentumsrecht an Ideen." He then shows how the ideas were not original with Schelling either; he had them from Spinoza. And it is just so here. Brentano started the legend; Heine goes back to him indirectly. Eichenidorff and Vogt directly; Schreiber borrowed from Vogt, Loeben from Schreiber, and Heine from Schreiber—and thereafter it would be impossible to say who borrowed from whom.

[75] The majority of the Loreleidichtungen can be found in: Opern-Handbuch, by Hugo Riemann, Leipzig, 1886: Zur Geschichte der MÄrchenoper, by Leopold Schmidt, Halle, 1895; Die Loreleysage in Dichtung und Musik, by Hermann Seeliger, Leipzig, 1898. Seeliger took the majority of his titles from Nassau in seinen Sagen, Geschichten und Liedern, by Henniger, Wiesbaden, 1845. At least he says so, but one is inclined to doubt the statement, for "die meisten Balladen" have been written since 1845. Seeliger's book is on the whole unsatisfactory. He has, for example, Schreiber improving on, and remodeling Loeben's saga; but Schreiber was twenty-three years older than Loeben, and wrote his saga at least three years before Loeben wrote his.

[76] In F. GrÄter's Idunna und Hermode, eine Alterthumszeitung,
Breslau, 1812, pp. 191-92, GrÄter gives under the heading, "Die
Bildergallerie des Rheins." thirty well-known German sagas. The
twenty-seventh is "Der Lureley: Ein GegenstÜck zu der Fabel von
der Echo." It is the version of Vogt.

[77] Aside from the above, some of the less important authors of
lyrics, ballads, dramas, novels, etc., on the Lorelei-theme are:
J. Bartholdi, H. Bender, H. Berg, J. P. Berger, A. H. Bernard,
G. Conrad, C. Doll, L. Elchrodt, O. Fiebach, Fr. FÖrster,
W. Fournier, G. Freudenberg, W. Freudenberg, W. Genth, K. Geib,
H. Grieben, H. GrÜneberg, G. Gurski, Henriette Heinze-Berg,
A. Henniger, H. Hersch, Mary Koch, Wilhelmine Lorenz, I. Mappes,
W. Molitor, Fr. MÜcke, O. W. Notzsch, Luise Otto, E. RÜffer, Max
Schaffroth, Luise Frelin von Sell, E. A. W. Siboni, H. Steinheuer,
Adelheid von Stolterfoth, A. Storm, W. von WaldbrÜhl, L. Werft,
and others even more obscure than these.

[78] In Menco Stern's Geschichten vom Rhein, the story is told so as to connect the legend of the Lorelei with the treasures of the Nibelungenlied. In this way we have gold in the mountain, wine around it, a beautiful woman on it—what more could mortal wish? Sympathy! And this the Lorelei gives him in the echo. In reply to an inquiry, Mr. Stern very kindly wrote as follows: "The facts given in my Geschichten vom Rhein are all well known to German students; and especially those mentioned in my chapter 'Lorelay' can bo verified in the book: Der Rhein von Philipp F. W. Oertel (W. O. v. Horn) who was, I think, the greatest authority on the subject of the Rhine." Oertel is not an authority. In Eduard-Prokosch's German for Beginners, the version of Schreiber was used, as is evident from the lines spoken by the Lorelei to her Father:

Vater, Vater, geschwind, geschwind.
Die weissen Rosse schick' deinem Kind,
Es will reiten auf Wogen und Wind.

These verses are worked into a large number of the ballads, and
since they are Schreiber's own material, his saga must have had
great general influence.

[79] There would be no point in listing all of the books on the legends of the Rhine that treat the story of the Lorelei. Three, however, are important, since it is interesting to see how their compilers were not satisfied with one version of the story, but included, as becomes evident on reading them, the versions of Brentano, Schreiber, Loeben, and Heine: Der Rhein: Geschichten und Sagen, by W. O. von Horn, Stuttgart, 1866, pp. 207-11; Legends of the Rhine, by H. A. Guerber, New York, 1907, pp: 199-206; Eine Sammlung von Rhein-Sagen, by A. Hermann Bernard, Wiesbaden, no year, pp. 225-37.

[80] Mrs. Caroline M. Sawyer wrote a poem entitled "The Lady of Lorlei. A Legend of the Rhine." It is published in The female Poets of America, by Rufus Wilmot Griswold, New York, 1873, p. 221. This is not the first edition of this work, nor is it the original edition of Mrs. Sawyer's ballad. It is an excellent poem. Fr. Hoebel set it to music, and Adolf Strodtmann translated it into German, because of its excellence, and included it in his Amerikanische Anthologie. It was impossible to determine just when Mrs. Sawyer wrote her poem. The writer is deeply indebted to Professor W. B. Cairns, of the department of English in the University of Wisconsin, who located the poem for him.

[81] Cf. Otto Ludwigs gesammelte Schriften, edited by Adolf Stern, Leipzig, 1801, I. 69, 107, 114.

[82] It has been impossible to determine just when Sucher (1789-1860) set Heine's ballad to music, but since he was professor of music at the University of TÜbingen from 1817 on, and since he became interested in music while quite young, it is safe to assume that he wrote his music for "Die Lorelei" soon after its publication. The question is of some importance by way of finding out just when the ballad began to be popular. Strangely enough, there is nothing on Silcher in Hobert Eitner's compendious Quellen-Lexicon der Musiker und Musikgelehrten der christlichen Zeitrechnung, Leipzig, 1900-1904. Heine's ballad is included in the Allgemeines deutsches Commersbuch unter musikalischer Redaktion von Fr. Silcher und Fr. Erck, Strassburg, 1858 (17th ed.), but the date of composition is not given.

[83] In Pauls Grundriss der germanischen Philologie, I, 1039, Mogk says: "Die Weiblichen Nixen bezaubern durch ihren Gesang, die Loreley und Ähnliche Sagen mÖgen hierin ihre Wurzel haben." The only trouble is, no one has thus far unearthed this saga.

[84] Wilhelm Hertz gives (pp.229-30) instances of this so that uncertainty as to its accuracy is removed. The passages are striking in that they concern the "Lorberg" and the "Lorleberg."

[85] In chap, XV Eichendorff introduces the ballad as follows: "Leontin, der wenig darauf achtgab, begann folgendes Lied Über ein am Rheine bekanntes MÄrchen." The reference can be only to Brentano, despite the fact that the first two lines are so strongly reminiscent of Goethe's "Erlkonig." Eichendorff and Brentano became acquainted in Heidelberg and then in Berlin they were intimate. There is every reason to believe that Eichendorff knew Bretano's "RheinmÄrchen" in manuscript form. For the relation of the two, see the Kosch edition of Eichendorff's works. Briefe and TagebÜcher, Vols. XI-XIII.

[86] Niklas Vogt included, to be sure, in his Jugendphantasien Üher die Sagen des Rheins (ca. 1811) an amplified recapitulation in prose of Brentano's ballad. Schreiber knew this work, for in his Handbuch there is a bibliography of no fewer than ten pages of "Schriften, welche auf die Rheingegend Bezug haben." So far as one can determine such a matter from mere titles, the only one of these that could have helped him in the composition of his Lorelei-saga is: Rheinische Geschichten und Sagen, von Niklas Vogt. Frankfurt am Main, 1817, 6 BÄnde.

[87] Eduard Thorn says (p. 89): "Man darf annehmen, dass Heine die Ballade Brentano's kennen gelernt hat, dass er aus ihr den Namen entlehnte, wobei ihm Eichendorff die Fassung 'Lorelei' lieferte, und das ihm erst Loebens Auffassung der Sage zur Gestaltung verhelfen hat." It sounds like a case of ceterum censeo, but Thorn's argument as to Brentano and Heine is so thin that this statement too can be looked upon only as a weakly supported hypothesis.

[88] Cf. Raimund Pissin's monograph, pp. 73-74.

[89] There are about two thousand words in Schreiber's saga, and about five thousand in Loeben's.

[90] It must be remembered that Schreiber's manuals are written in an attractive style: his purpose was not simply to instruct, but to entertain. And it was not simply the legends of the Rhine and its tributaries, but those of the whole of Western Germany that he wrote up with this end in view.

[91] Some minor details that Loeben, or Heine, had he known the MÄrchen in 1823, could have used are pointed out in Wilhelm Hertz's article, pp. 220-21.

[92] Cf. GÖrres' edition, pp. 94-108.

[93] Cf. ibid., pp. 128-40, and 228-44. It is in this
MÄrchen (p. 231) that Herzeleid sings Goethe's "Wer nie
sein Brod in ThrÄnon asz."

[94] Cf. GÖrres' edition, pp. 247-57. There are a number of details in
this MÄrchen that remind strongly of FouquÉ's Undine,
which Brentano knew.

[95] In his Die MÄrchen Clemens Brentanos, KÖln, 1895, H. Cardauns gives an admirable study of Brentano's MÄrchen, covering the entire ground concerning the question whether Brentano's ballad was original and pointing out the sources and the value of his, RheinmÄrchen. Cardauns comes to the only conclusion that can be reached: Brentano located his ballad in a region replete with legends, but there is no positive evidence that he did not wholly invent his own ballad. The story that Hermann Bender tells about having found an old MS dating back to the year 1650 and containing the essentials of Brentano's ballad collapses, for this MS cannot be produced, not even by Bender who claims to have found it. See Cardauns, pp. 60-67. Reinhold Steig reviewed Cardauns' book in Euphorion (1896, pp. 791-99) without taking in the question as to the originality of Brentano's ballad.

[96] P. 224.

[97] In Geibel's Gesammelte Werke, VI. 106-74, Geibel wrote the libretto for Felix Mendelssohn in 1846. Mendelssohn died before finishing it; Max Bruch completed the opera independently in 1863. It has also been set to music by two obscure composers. Karl Goedeke gives a very unsatisfactory discussion of the matter in Emanuel Geibel, Stuttgart, 1860. pp. 307 ff.

[98] Hermann Seeliger says (p. 73): "Zu den Bearbeitungen, die sich an die Ballade von Brentano anlehnen, gehÖren die Dichtungen von Geibel, Mohr, Roquette, Hillemacher, Fiebach und Sommer." Seeliger wrote his study for musicians, and his statement may be correct.

[99] Aside from the treatises on the Lorelei already mentioned, there are the following: Zu Heines Balladen und Romanzen, by Oskar Netoliczka, Kronstadt, 1891; this study does not treat the Lorelei; Die Lurleisage, by F. Rehorn, Frankfurt am Main, 1891; Sagen und Geschichten des Rheinlandes, by Karl Geib, Mannheim, 1836; the work is naturally long since superseded; KÖlnische Zeitung of July 12, 1867, by H. Grieben; KÖlnische Zeitung of 1855, by H. DÜntzer; H. Heine, ein Vortrag, by H. Sintenis, pp. 21-26; Die Lorelei: Die Loreleidichtungen mit besonderer RÜcksicht auf die Ballade von Heinr. Heine, by C. L. Leimbach, WolfenbÜttel, 1879. The last six of these works were not accessible, but, since they are quoted by the accessible studies, it seems that they offer nothing new. (The writer has since secured Leimbach's treatise of 50 small pages. It offers nothing new.)

[100] Adolf Seybert in his Die Loreleisage, Wiesbaden, 1863 and 1872 (Programm), contends that Frau Holla and the Lorelei are related. Fritz Strich in his Die Mythologie in der deutschen Literatur von Klopstock bis Wagner, Halle, 1910, says (pp. 307-9) that Brentano's ballad is "eine mythologische Erfindung Brentanos, zu der ihn der echoreiche Felsen dieses Namens bei Bacharach anregte." He also says: "Ob nicht Heines Lied auf Brentanos Phantasie zurÜckgewirkt haben mag?" The reference is to Brentano's MÄrchen. Strich's book contains a detailed account of the use of mythology in Heine, Loeben, and Brentano.

[101] Hermann Seeliger says (p. 8): "Ich meine, die ganze romantische Schule hÄtte ohne den Stoff vom Volke zu bekommen, ein Gedicht von solcher SchÖnheit wie das von Brentano weder gemacht noch machen kÖnnen." Vis-À-vis such a statement, sociability ceases.

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