I venture the prophecy that for countless years to come and to untold thousands these mute pages shall eloquently speak of high resolve, great suffering and heroic endurance made possible by an absolute faith in the over-ruling providence of Almighty God.

Governor Roger Wolcott of Massachusetts, at the Bradford History Presentation, May 26, 1897.

Quae patres difficillime adepti sunt nolite turpiter relinquere.

(What the Fathers with greatest difficulty effected do not basely abandon.)

Inscription on the monument of William Bradford at Plymouth.

Sicut patribus, sit Deus nobis.

(As with the Fathers, so may God be with us.)

Seal of Boston.

IN their personal visitation the colonial leaders had opportunity to confer on matters of mutual interest, before there was any thought of their respective territories becoming merged indissolubly into a noble Commonwealth. In 1630 Bradford had received in his name a patent, which ten years later the Plymouth court requested to have; but on his ready compliance, it returned the same at once to him, to whom and his heirs it had been made out by the authorities in England. This charter specified the area of the Old Colony, which, under the jurisdiction of Plymouth, extended from Scituate, considerably below Boston harbor, to Narragansett Bay in Rhode Island, with Cape Cod on the east. Not long after this it included ten towns.

Soon a decided forward step was taken, toward unity. In September 7, 1643, a confederation was formed, composed of the colonies of Massachusetts Bay, Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven, and named The United Colonies of New England. Probably this coalition was in the minds of those who founded the United States of America. There are similarities in the very constitutions of the two governmental organizations, small and large. The four colonial sections were associated on a basis of political equality. A federal congress was formed, there being two representative delegates from every Colony, who were called commissioners, with one of them presiding. William Bradford was four times a commissioner from Plymouth; and twice he was chosen president, the second time in 1656, the last full year of his life.

The preamble to this federal constitution thus commences: "Wheras we all came into these parts of America with one and y^e same end and aime, namly, to advance the kingdome of our Lord Jesus Christ, & to injoye y^e liberties of y^e Gospell in puritie with peace; and wheras in our setling (by a wise providence of God) we are further disperced upon y^e sea coasts and rivers then was at first intended, so y^t we cannot, according to our desires, communicate in one governmente & jurisdiction;—"

This union was highly desirable, from considerations foreign and domestic. The supreme home government was in a condition of uncertainty suggestive of either radical change or revolution itself; and so it would be less able to attend to its provinces in case of need. And need might be at any time, with rival neighboring colonies under other national flags, and with the growing realization of the savages that if they wished for their former independence they must fight for it, soon or never. These facts were plainly perceived in the English settlements, with their loose and informal interconnection of only national and religious sympathy.

The Massachusetts Bay Colony, beginning at Salem, had been powerfully augmented at Charlestown and Boston in the summer of 1630, by the arrival of its Governor John Winthrop and others who were soon followed by the New England fleet of no less than ten more vessels carrying about fifteen hundred colonists. The great natural facilities of Boston harbor and its environments encouraged a steady and numerous immigration, so that in 1643, the year of confederation, it is estimated that five times as many were found there as in the Old Colony. Connecticut comprised now about the same number as the latter, three thousand, and New Haven half a thousand less. Numerically, therefore, the English in New England were not yet strong. Yet they were constantly growing in this and every respect, having now nearly fifteen thousand acres of grain and a thousand acres in gardens and orchards, with two thousand cattle and three thousand sheep.

The limited body of legislators in this confederation, was composed, however, of truly representative men. And Bradford had much previous experience in law. The first few and simple statutes of Plymouth were revised and enlarged in 1636, when eight delegates, representing also Duxbury and Scituate, co-operated with the Governor and his seven assistants.

The seal of authority which he was accustomed to use was a double eagle. He was Chief Justice, Speaker of the General Court, which granted him a double vote, and Auditor of the Treasury, all these functions being, however, on a scale so limited as to forbid what in larger setting would seem an excess of prerogatives. The record of the 1621 meersteads are in his hand, as was the lost register of early deaths, marriages and punishments.

Bradford felt keenly the numerical loss of Plymouth colonists who went out to form new communities. Everywhere the pioneer mood was for expansion. In this way he was also deprived of a group of able men. Yet they remained mostly in the Old Colony, except Edward Winslow, who finally returned to England. In the year of colonial union Elder Brewster passed away, who had been not only a most worthy and acceptable preacher and virtual pastor at Plymouth, but a close adviser to the Governor, even as he had been the counsellor of his youth. The efficient military head, Myles Standish, was released by death from further responsibilities in 1656; and Bradford survived him only into the next year, having still the company of the public-spirited and helpful John Howland, of the remaining Mayflower Pilgrims.

Many of the best people of England were leaving for America. Much alarm was felt by the home government on this account, in whose eyes colonial New England always represented protest. The former vacillated between aggression and hesitating aloofness toward this uncomfortable element of dissent, exceedingly vexed at such persistent survival and vigorous increase, and yet recognizing its most promising contribution to the strength of the realm. But always again, where royalty wavered, or on the other hand in desperation leaped to violent opposition, the prelacy was close behind it with an urgency which often bordered upon dictation. Of course the exception to this otherwise uniformly uncongenial Anglo-American interrelation was the regime of the Commonwealth. Had Cromwell sat on the throne of George IV, we would undoubtedly have been a lower Canada for a period of time difficult to delimit. It has been aptly stated that the Oriental idea of conquest was without incorporation, the Roman idea was conquest with incorporation but without representation, and the English idea of empire building was incorporation with representation. This is eminently true as regards England, to her credit be it said. And herein was her folly in forcing the American Revolution, because at that time she fell from her own ideals, which have so signally succeeded in the policy of practical colonial autonomy, vastly promoting her beneficent power.

This happy principle of provincial administration was not yet developed in the seventeenth century, which was a season of preparation for the stupendous blunder of the eighteenth, perpetrated by a head-strong despot without the sympathy of his own home people or a large part of Parliament. The root of the trouble then was taxation without representation, and England learned a valuable lesson after quite an awkward experience. But regal antagonism found its provincial object in religious dissent as early as 1634, when a warrant was issued to stay several vessels about to sail for America. In King Charles' reign, three ships were assigned to convey a governor and bishops to the west. Massachusetts was greatly stirred up in regard to this, forts were ordered built, and resistance was meditated. The program of absolutism lagged. Nevertheless it looked like a critical juncture, before the tension was relieved by the rise of revolution in Scotland, which resulted in the monarch's dethronement and decapitation. The lords accepted the colonists' petition, and gave forth that they did not intend to curtail their liberties.

The New England Federation was an unprofessed Declaration of Independence. Their virtual assertion of popular sovereignty was temporarily smothered by imported tyranny in the shape of Sir Edmund Andros. Yet the people's power slowly continued to grow, and the erection of Harvard College was a mighty factor in the process before a decade had passed in the Bay Colony. Thither Plymouth sent her youth of promise.

The claim is presumably warranted, that the unsought but unchanging popular choice of the chief executive, this cordial will of the Plymouth people as a body, occasioned the later departure of individuals or small groups of citizens who might wish to give exercise to political aspirations, where fresh settlements offered more room for choice without a solid constituency for any one favorite. The Plymouth voters were the more ardent for their man, because he returned the patent which, if strictly interpreted by the old English law, would make him Lord of the Manor and the colonists his tenants. In the essential democracy of the American community, he would be the last person to use the anciently established privilege; but evidently because of the technical possibility the Court finally requested him to surrender his charter, and then, pleased at his ready compliance, as promptly restored it. They knew him beyond all doubt, after that transaction of 1640 if not before.

His long continued term is especially noteworthy when we reflect that he was upheld as an ideal leader by a company of citizens who were ethically most exacting. They were peers of the best in all human society, and to satisfy such was indeed a compliment. At the same time, men and women of their excellent type, speaking at least for those of the church considered in their civic order, were too noble to need the ordinary repressions incident to the task of governing. Except for the necessary form and precedent, their moral grandeur required no governor.

Though he wrote against the sectaries with their sinister politico-religious designs or wishes, he did not drive them out unless actual treason developed. The Pilgrims realized they were themselves exiles from intolerance. Yet there was a degree of intolerance after Bradford passed out from Plymouth, and what bigotry was discoverable in Boston then was felt somewhat at the older settlement. The successor of Carver, like most of his associates, was also free from superstition, placing no credence in the supernatural omens of comets and celestial bodies.

It was his understood duty to entertain strangers, especially visiting officials. The Jesuit Driulette spoke afterward of his kindness, noting also that as host on Friday, he served an excellent dinner of fish.

At least seven orphans, but probably many more, at one time or another found refuge beneath his roof. Robert Cushman, the Pilgrim agent who died after valued services abroad, requested that his son Thomas might receive a father's care from Bradford, and the latter brought him up with such faithful training that eventually his charge became Elder Brewster's successor. To cite one further instance of his kindness, in 1644 Bradford wrote to his wife's sister, Mary Carpenter, inviting her to come to them though they had grown old, as he said. She accepted and lived with them in such tranquillity, as a devout maiden lady, that she survived till past ninety.

The Plymouth town meetings were held at first in the Governor's house. But in at least two of the years when relieved by a successor in office and sometimes during his gubernatorial term as in 1643, the more strenuous first year of Federation, he occupied his house and farm of three hundred acres in present Kingston, which he owned as early as 1637, above the Jones River. He was among its explorers who took such a liking for the locality that they were tempted to establish the settlement there; but the stream ran shallow at ebb tide, and the surrounding woods rendered the situation more unsafe. In this quiet summer retreat he must have found more leisure to pen much of his careful History. When that had ended, by 1647, tenants occupied the farm, and he is thought to have returned to town.

The inventory of his property specifies "the old mare," possibly when in her prime the one he caused Governor Winthrop to mount, while the latter's party were escorted forth after visiting Plymouth, the departure being probably fully as ceremonious as when they were conducted to town after nightfall. Two horses besides, and a couple of colts are cited, with twenty-six head of cattle of various ages, and sheep and swine. He was the largest property holder, Standish rating next. At his decease he was worth about nine hundred pounds.

He possessed considerable real estate in Plymouth centre, particularly the area between the Hill and Main Street, and across on the site of Pilgrim Hall. An orchard and garden adjoined his town residence.

The house concerned with the inventory of his estate shows how far superior the executive residence must have been, to the original log cottages. The long list of articles in the inventory is available to those interested in all the minutiÆ. Every item has its valuation. The old parlor's furnishings head this attractive catalogue of the contents of his home, and imagination is not greatly taxed to see the possessor there.

This reception room includes the green rug, quite likely the same as that early mentioned, and a white one, table and cupboard and settle, a smooth-grained "wainscot" bedstead and feather bed, and among the chairs a large leather one and great wooden ones, with muskets, a pistol and a cutlass.

We pass in thought to "the great Rome," over three striped carpets and amidst chairs, great and small; and here may have been the public functions, as the annual meeting.

In "the new chamber," among articles of clothing picture two suits with silver buttons, one of them leaden-colored, garments of sufficient distinction for a magistrate, as are a coat of broadcloth, a well used violet-colored cloak and dignified old green gown. A black hat and colored one are mentioned without allusion to age. Fourteen pairs of shoes appear, and one hundred and thirteen yards of different cloth.

The family hospitality is evinced by sixty-four pewter pieces, some silverware and a few Venetian glasses, four dozen trenchers, and kitchen utensils of brass and iron.

Among many things in the "studdie" are his desk, presumably the witness of an incalculable amount of official business, and seven small moose skins for the silent tread. There is a good collection of books, though the most of them were passed on in his lifetime, especially to his son William who possessed the father's fondness for Latin and inherited those classical treasures. But the Governor retained to the last various historical and theological works, among which were Luther's commentary on Galatians, Calvin on Genesis, a history of the Church of the Netherlands, and Cotton's concordance. A volume on "domesticall dutyes" is cited, to the accomplishment of which attest two spinning wheels. Mrs. Bradford certified to this appraisal.

The will was made May 9, Old Style, the very day of his decease, when he "feeling himself very weake and drawing on to the conclusion of his mortal life spake as followeth." In the beginning of this testament he was described as "weake in body but in p^pct memory," and he named the sole executrix as "my dear and loving wife Alice Bradford."

Thus the dictated statement closes: "I commend to your wisdome some small bookes written by my owne hand to bee improved as you shall see meet. In speciall I comend to you a little book with a black cover, wherein there is a word to Plymouth and a word to Boston and a word to New England with sundry useful verses."

The family record, from Governor Bradford's birth, was contained in a Bible printed 1592 in old English. Posterity is vastly indebted to William Bradford as the resident historian of Plymouth Colony, throughout its first quarter of a century. His narration of the Pilgrim story begins almost with the seventeenth century, before the exodus to Holland. He makes no entries beyond 1646, although, in the same neat handwriting, these dates are added—"Anno 1647. And Anno 1648." Similarly, 1639 and '40 had been joined together, the author expressing his opinion that they did not cover enough matters of importance for separate treatment. But two years after the last date mentioned in the main volume, he concludes an Appendix with these words:

"And of the old stock (of one & other) ther are yet living this present year, 1650, nere 30 persons. Let the Lord have y^e praise, who is the High Preserver of men."

In the opening chapter, we find on a reverse page a note dated during that last year of the continuous record, 1646, wherein he says—"when I first begane these scribled writings (which was aboute y^e year 1630, and so peeced up at times of leasure afterward)." It would seem that no season of sufficient leisure arrived even to begin, before that strenuous first decade had nearly elapsed.

It is consistent with the unfailing humility that graced the people's chosen and beloved leader that, although as such he necessarily had a most important part in the affairs of the Colony, he speaks of his official self, when this is unavoidable, in an impersonal manner only; and he rather rarely introduces the pronoun "I," or even its inclusive plural "we," but usually employs the third person.

The language of this monumental work is that of a careful recorder, plain and unaffected, having a lucid simplicity combined with the replete vocabulary of a reflective literary mind. The style is dignified and chaste, neither labored nor strained. Its fluent grace and ease of diction compels and sustains the interest of the reader, whatever page he may peruse. It is a model specimen of Elizabethan literature. The account proceeds with a thoughtful deliberation and river-like momentum of progressiveness. One realizes the faithful and honest comprehensiveness of his memory's scrutiny, obeying the habitual call of his conscience, which would not allow him the transcription of untruths under any circumstances. His review "of Plimoth Plantation" is well worthy of its place as New England's first historical record of considerable extent, following Edward Winslow's fascinating journal of the three initial years.

It is the privilege of everyone to look upon this hoary manuscript, bound in its time-worn parchment, and exhibited under glass in a specially prepared strong case upon its nightly enclosing iron safe at the Massachusetts State Library. The volume is a folio less than a foot long, nearly eight inches wide, and an inch and a half in thickness, having two hundred and seventy pages. At the outbreak of the Revolution the priceless treasure disappeared and was long lost; but finally, in 1855, it was found and identified in the library of the Bishop of London. Just when and how it reached its destination there, remains a mystery. The British occupation of Boston would make its seizure easy, and the home government may have desired it for official entries. Senator George F. Hoar of Massachusetts, who said of the classic document, "There is nothing like it in human annals since the story of Bethlehem," voiced to Sir Frederick Temple, Bishop of London, the earnest desire of the Commonwealth and the Federal administration for its return. The Bishop recognized the justice of the request, but considered it necessary or advisable to consult Queen Victoria and Dr. Benson, who was Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of the Established Church of all England. But directly the venerable and scholarly Dr. Temple himself succeeded to the supreme ecclesiastical office at Canterbury; and in response to a formal request from the United States Ambassador, Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, the cherished tome was conveyed to America in 1897, and received by Governor Roger Wolcott, a lineal descendant of Governor Bradford. The formal presentation at the State House made an impressive occasion, with memorable addresses. Such, briefly stated, is the singular history of the History.

Two other literary properties of Bradford also disappeared. His Pocket Book was preserved long enough to furnish the chronologist, Rev. Thomas Prince of Boston, with many dates of great importance, and other material of incalculable use.

His Letter Book was a large volume containing copies of letters in regard to the Colony's affairs. Such a collection of reproduced missives betokened the carefulness and preparedness of the possessor. A fragment of it was discovered in a Halifax grocery, and published by the Massachusetts Historical Society. Six of these letters found were written by Bradford alone, and three jointly. They were mostly official. Appended to this correspondence file was the Governor's interesting description and short historical review of New England, written in metre and rhyme.

Though we who speak of William Bradford as our Forefather should not be moved by pride, as no man is responsible for his own birth, it causes in us profound gratitude that we can affirm our relationship to one who has been called the first great American. Men of renown before his day, a few of them, had a touch with this country, as the very conspicuous connections of famous discoverers; but the epithet applies to him as a continuous resident of the land. His life and labors were permanently given to it as his adopted abode, for he never left it from the day of his coming in the prime of his manhood. In what, let us ask, did his greatness consist? Others shared in heroic faithfulness, to the limit of their powers or opportunities. His was the magnitude of an immovable fidelity joined with marked ability, though, as with Washington, his mental genius was not the most brilliant. But he carried well and long exceedingly weighty responsibilities.

When has a combination of so many most critical problems confronted a magistrate? Weakened by disease which threatened utter extermination, the Colony encountered a tedious period of famine; it was menaced by hostile savage tribes stronger than the friendly natives; the malevolence of foreign persecution plotted the overthrow of its chosen religious order; treason sprang up in its midst; a staggering weight of financial obligations, made heavier by accidents and outrageous injustice, lay upon them for a quarter of a century; and the seventh problem, which stayed by the Governor till his final release, was that presented by the frequent loss of citizens attracted by new settlements, a circumstance so serious that the question of moving the whole Colony was raised as late as 1644. In all the arduous activities occasioned by these facts, he possessed the quality of steady endurance. His soul was reposeful in energy, while his underlying faith made him an optimist but not a visionary, and lent both basis and balance in his working. To Bradford also belongs the singular honor of being the first ruler to demonstrate, with his associates, true Christian democracy, not exaggerated into communism, as a successful principle of government.

Peaceful was his departure, from the scene of his colossal tasks. He last presided at court February 13, 1657. The annual meeting in March found him absent. But though his health declined for a few months, to be followed by a sudden and acute disease in May, the end came soon. One night he was so moved with anticipations of the hereafter, that he said in the morning to those about him, "The good Spirit of God has given me a pledge of my happiness in another world, and the first-fruits of eternal glory." About nine o'clock on the next day, May 19, after he had dictated his will, his breathing ceased.

His endeared form was laid to rest in the brow of the gently swelling eminence which overlooks the site of his homestead of thirty-six years and the blue bay seemingly meeting the heavens beyond the harbor, suggestive of the final voyage to scenes of yet nobler liberty. His obsequies were observed with fitting dignity, accentuated by resounding volleys. The distinguished clergyman, Cotton Mather of Boston, wrote in eulogy, that he was "lamented by all the colonies of New England as a common father to them all." Let his own simple verses summarize his career.

And thus, foreseeing his taking away, he gave his blessing: