In thanking God for the mercies extended to us in the past, we beseech Him that He may not withhold them in the future, and that our hearts may be roused to war steadfastly for good and against all the forces of evil, public and private. We pray for strength and light, so that in the coming days we may with cleanliness, fearlessness and wisdom do our allotted work on the earth.

Theodore N. Roosevelt,

in National Thanksgiving Proclamation.

It is much better to keepe a good conscience and have y^e Lord's blessing, whether in life or death.

William Bradford.

AS Plymouth's third summer displayed its saved harvest which, with a fresh food supply from the Anne, promised enough by prudent management for the increased Colony, a sense of security and content was justified. The new-comers, who had wept to see the founders' leanness and scanty clothing, were glad to help as they could, and consoled their much tried spirits in the reunited and new families. The lingering experimental stage had passed. Establishment was in sight. With only a few exceptions, every settler had done his part and would continue to do so, toiling for the general good as for his private welfare. The Governor performed his share of responsibility, as he had willingly taken his equal portion in the emergency restrictions. He would not himself avoid in any degree what he had been obliged to impose upon others. And in appreciation of his true democratic feeling they cordially co-operated with him, and were pleased to support him still as their civil head. But an external authority was to try the genuine quality of his humility; and well it stood this test.

The Council for New England, seated in old England, could not long direct affairs at that distance, as only a body subject to the British government and usually having no electoral voice abroad; but before its early expiration it assumed at one time to do more than the Crown itself cared to undertake for Plymouth, which was never of marked political importance to the realm. This ephemeral Council superseded the colonists' head by the appointment of a Governor General of New England, Captain Robert Gorges, son of Sir Ferdinando the famous promoter of provincial territory. On his advisory board was Admiral Francis West, who had unsuccessfully served a monopoly seeking exclusive control of the New England fishing grounds, and one William Bradford, resident in New Plymouth and generously accorded this favor "for the time being," a copy of his superior's commission being delivered to him. The Pilgrim leader not only accepted the situation, as his duty was, but did so with good grace, providing for the entertainment of Gorges and his considerable company during a fortnight after their arrival in September, an act of hospitality which was acknowledged with thanks.

With the new dignitary were families intended to replace, at Wessagusset, now Weymouth, those who had been there long enough to provoke the natives into the insurrection against all whites.

Before they sailed up the coast, Thomas Weston also came into port, just at the wrong juncture for him. All his fraudulent villainy was charged against him by Robert Gorges, including the wrongs done to the latter's distinguished father. Bradford here displayed his forgiving spirit by interceding in behalf of Weston, though he himself and all Plymouth had suffered because of his actions. Clemency being obtained, Weston thought himself free and, instead of showing gratitude, indulged in the spiteful expressions so congenial to his nature. Thereupon Gorges in righteous wrath vowed he would either curb or banish him; and he would have done so had not Bradford, secretly entreated by the wretch, again procured his release with much difficulty. This and other favors granted to him, when in dire straits or personal peril, were ignored by Weston, who from a safe distance still proved his inherent depravity by reviling the Pilgrims.

A single American winter sufficed for Gorges and the bulk of the Wessagusset colony. Relinquishing his magisterial powers, necessity compelled him to return home before spring, accompanied by some of his people. Others were carried to Virginia, only a few remaining in Weymouth. Thus quickly terminated the assumption of external, delegated authority at Plymouth as a separate Colony, the British government being usually content to grant, though unofficially and by sufferance, its autonomy, even to the choice of its chief executive, which was not the case at Massachusetts Bay.

In an opportune time when opposition among the English patrons was developing against the New England Separatists, Winslow did his part well in defending, abroad, the Colony from its unfriendly critics, who had misrepresented it from the time of the Mayflower's return with her rough, profane crew, to the reprobate malcontents who had to be deported. And now, when the Charity went back in which Winslow had returned, having left her cargo of necessities such as much needed clothing and cattle for breeding, she conveyed home specific answers by the Governor, to a dozen baseless criticisms. Two are cited, in the loose orthography of the day. Variable spelling was no sure sign of illiteracy then, as with Bradford and contemporary writers of good thought and dignified style.

Thus he meets the leading calumny, as to "diversitie about Religion:"

"We know no such matter, for here was never any controversie or opposition, either publicke or private, (to our knowledg,) since we came."

The last objection designed to injure Plymouth was this: "The people are much anoyed with muskeetoes.

"Ans: They are too delicate and unfitte to begin new-plantations and collonies, that cannot enduer the biting of a muskeeto; we would wish such to keepe at home till at least they be muskeeto proofe. Yet this place is as free as any, and experience teacheth that y^e more y^e land is tild, and y^e woods cut downe, the fewer ther will be, and in the end scarce any at all."

Bradford prepared this clear and direct rejoinder to the unjust charges, at the urgent request of the planters' foreign agent. And the unexpected defense "did so confound y^e objecters, as some confessed their falte, and others deneyed what they had said, and eate their words, & some others of them have since come over againe and heere lived to convince them selves sufficiently, both in their owne & other mens judgments."

The Governor further justified Plymouth's course by a series of replies, which became useful locally and for posterity, but were not sent abroad, as the letters of complaint were intercepted and seized. He had now to cope with internal revolt, headed by John Lyford and John Oldham. Lyford was an exceedingly disreputable and discredited clergyman of the Established Church who, like Morell of Wessagusset previously, had been sent in hope of superseding Elder Brewster and breaking up the much disliked Separatist order in New England. Morell had perceived the strength of the Pilgrim fellowship, and was wise enough to make no vain attempt to subvert its order, only daring to mention, on leaving the country, the ecclesiastical authority with which he had been invested. His successor, in this dark scheme of foreign persecution, sought with serpentine cleverness to ingratiate himself; but his effusive servility nauseated those sterling souls. As Bradford graphically recorded, "when this man first came a shore, he saluted them with that reverence & humilitie as is seldome to be seen, and indeed made them ashamed, he so bowed and cringed unto them, and would have kissed their hands if they would have suffered him; yea, he wept & shed many tears, blessing God that had brought him to see their faces; and admiring y^e things they had done in their wants, &c. as if he had been made all of love, and y^e humblest person in y^e world."

Nevertheless, not knowing his reprobate nature, they gave the clerical the best entertainment they could, a larger allowance from the stored food than any other had, and, "as the Gov^r had used in all waightie affairs to consulte with their Elder, Mr. Brewster, (togeither with his assistants,) so now he caled Mr. Liford also to counsell with them in their waightiest bussineses." Soon he desired admission to the church, and was received, confessing that his conscience had been troubled by much wrong doing, and professing gratitude for "this opportunity of freedom and liberty to enjoy the ordinances of God in purity among his people."

Oldham also, who had been a malcontent and evil informant to parties abroad, now, to quote again the magisterial historian, "tooke occasion to open his minds to some of y^e cheefe amongst them heere, and confessed he had done them wrong both by word & deed, & writing into England; but he now saw the eminente hand of God to be with them, and his blesing upon them, which made his hart smite him, neither should those in England ever use him as an instrumente any longer against them in any thing; he also desired former things might be forgotten, and that they would looke upon him as one that desired to close with them in all things, with such like expressions. Now whether this was in hipocrisie, or out of some sudden pang of conviction (which I rather thinke), God only knows. Upon it they show all readynes to imbrace his love, and carry towards him in all frendlyness, and called him to counsell with them in all cheefe affairs, as y^e other, without any distrust at all."

Thus generous and patient was the Governor and his Pilgrim comrades. They were ready to let a man make amends for his misdeeds. But very soon Bradford had opportunity to show that he had discretion as well as mercy.

Lyford saw no prospect of his becoming the "spiritual" head at Plymouth, although by his encouragement some of the Merchant Adventurers in England succeeded in still keeping the Pilgrims' true pastor from coming to his own, as he desired to do, writing to them concerning his unwilling absence. They even pleaded lack of funds to transport him and Mrs. Robinson, though they could send Lyford with his numerous family. This man and Oldham secretly lapsed back into their congenial ways, and they busied themselves in efforts to stir up discontent and sedition, among those who had been generously allowed residence at Plymouth without assuming the colonial foreign obligations. There were stealthy gatherings and whisperings, which the government discovered. There was industrious writing of letters intended for English consumption.

As the mail carrier sailed, the Governor and several others accompanied her in the shallop until well out, when he called for all the letters of Lyford and Oldham. The ship master, knowing the evil conduct of those men on both sides of the sea, cheerfully co-operated, finding over a score of vicious epistles, many of them bulky, and full of slanders sufficient to ruin the reputation of the Colony if believed.

At night the Governor returned and nothing was said, the uneasy malcontents concluding Bradford had gone with messages of his own. Instead of this, he waited to see what their intentions were, and who were their adherents, particularly as one of the intercepted letters promised a change in church and state, and that they would bring this about soon after the ship's sailing. Therefore, mistaking the Governor's caution for timidity, without notifying him or the Elder they presumed to call a meeting of the conspirators, on a certain Sunday.

This was what Bradford had been waiting for, to know the disloyal constituency. Swiftly he acted now, summoning the whole company to court. They were urged to state, frankly and fully, all their grievances, in the open and proper manner; but they had nothing to say, and stoutly denied the charges laid against them. Their letters being produced, Lyford was struck dumb; but Oldham began to rage, affecting righteous wrath over the interference with his mail. He called upon his supposed sympathizers to have courage and stand forth, but none of them spoke or moved. The Governor explained to the people the necessity of suppressing mutinous missives; and the assembly was shocked at the produced evidence, of seditious plotting in return for uniform kindness. The weak and variable Lyford, when some of his voluminous writing was read, suddenly gave way to copious tears, cursing himself and confessing everything, declaring that his actions were the result of his pride, vainglory and self-love, though he involved Billington and others who at once grew emphatic in denial.

By way of illustration, and to show the breadth of the colonial policy, the first two charges, and their refutations, are here given.

"1. First, he saith, the church would have none to live hear but them selves. 2'y. Neither are any willing so to doe if they had company to live elsewher.

"Ans: Their answer was, that this was false, in both y^e parts of it; for they were willing & desirous y^t any honest men may live with them, that will cary them selves peacably, and seek y^e comone good, or at least doe them no hurte. And again, ther are many that will not live els wher so long as they may live with them.

"2. That if ther come over any honest men that are not of y^e seperation, they will quickly distast them, &c.

"A. Ther answer was as before, that it was a false callumniation, for they had many amongst them that they liked well of, and were glad of their company; and should be of any such like that should come amongst them." Sentence of banishment was imposed upon the miserable men, but Lyford's time was extended to six months more at Plymouth in the vain hope that his punishment might be commuted on good behavior. Elder Brewster especially entreated for him, though this strange pulpit aspirant had hoped to supplant him. The clerical renegade's contrition began to cool in a few weeks, and he penned in great secrecy a letter to his backers abroad, which however was brought to the Governor, and all its charges answered in writing. In consequence, there was a revulsion of feeling on the part of certain formerly disaffected ones, who now so loathed these traitorous deeds that their own loyalty was toned up. The Colony was rid of such experts in duplicity, though Oldham rashly returned next spring, and became so defiant and abusive that he was first put under guard, then led away to a boat between files of musketeers who were ordered to strike him with the butts of their guns. Yet afterward in a fearful storm he confessed his wickedness and vowed that if spared he would do right. Delivered from drowning, he kept his word, proved his genuine good will, and behaved himself so well that eventually he had liberty to visit Plymouth when he would. In all these things the toleration of the chief magistrate and his associates, where toleration was possible, appears marvellous, though they were firm in protecting their essential rights and maintaining the colonial integrity. But the English supporters of the unsuccessful revolution, vexed at the ministerial traitor's expulsion, dissolved their company as then composed, broke with the Colony and thenceforth withheld their help. Also some of them, not content with this, manned a vessel on their own account, and dispatched it ahead of any others to Cape Ann on the north shore, where Plymouth had established a fishing station. This expedition seized the stage and necessary supplies for the Cape Ann industry, and threatened to fight for their possession. Hereupon Bradford sent men to defend their authority, and help build a new drying stage; but those who were left in charge conducted the business so unsuccessfully that it was finally abandoned.

The Governor was now relieved from the chain of crises which had threatened to overthrow the Colony from its beginning. In the fourth year he found himself at the head of about one hundred and eighty people, including approximately a score of persons not in the trading company, together occupying thirty-two dwellings within the stockade. By the tenth year, 1630, Plymouth had grown to about three hundred inhabitants.

When the Merchant Adventurers had failed in their scheme to break up the Pilgrim order in America as in England, and so as a body had deserted Plymouth, four of their former company showed their own faithfulness by sending in 1625, on their own account, more cattle and clothing. In their accompanying letter, they subscribed themselves, over mere initials, "your assured freinds to our powers." The following extract reveals their desire to impart cheer, as well as good things, to the distant toilers, in whom they also felt confidence.

"Let us all indeavor to keep a faire & honest course, and see what time will bring forth, and how God in his providence will worke for us. We still are perswaded you are y^e people that must make a plantation in those remoate places when all others faile and returne. And your experience of Gods providence and preservation of you is such as we hope your harts will not faile you, though your friends should forsake you (which we our selves will not doe whilst we live, so long as your honestie so well appereth).... Goe on, good friends, comfortably, pluck up your spirits, and quitte your selves like men in all your difficulties, that notwithstanding all displeasure and threats of men, yet y^e work may goe on you are aboute, and not be neglected."

Myles Standish was sent over in hope of persuading the Merchant Adventurers to hold together, with the aid also of the nominally ruling Council for New England. But his earnest efforts met with only partial success, in a time of industrial depression prevalent on account of the fearful pestilence there, together with an uncertain political situation embarrassed by rumors of war with France. Nevertheless Bradford recorded for Plymouth, that "in y^e mean time, it pleased the Lord to give y^e plantation peace and health and contented minds, and so to blese their labours, as they had corn sufficient, (and some to spare to others,) with other foode; neither ever had they any supply of foode but what they first brought with them." He had previously spoken of the provisions brought by the sixty in 1623, but they retained them for their own use, and had no more than what they carried over with them.

After Captain Standish returned from abroad, however, their peace of mind was sorely tested. They learned that their loved pastor, Mr. Robinson, could no more hope to rejoin them, for he had passed away, as also had their capable agent Robert Cushman, who expected soon to come to them. The efficient Sherley was seriously ill, whose initials had led in the joint letter of encouragement the year before. Many of their friends in Leyden likewise were dying, while others lamented that they could not leave Holland for New England. King James too had died, and Charles now reigned. Considering all these important changes, the Governor writes again:

"To looke humanly on y^e state of things as they presented them selves at this time, it is a marvell it did not wholy discourage them, and sinck them. But they gathered up their spirits, and y^e Lord so helped them, whose worke they had in hand, as now when they were at lowest they begane to rise againe, and being striped (in a maner) of all human helps and hops, he brought things aboute other wise, in his devine providence, as they were not only upheld & sustained, but their proceedings both honoured and imitated by others."

They went resolutely to work anew, giving their attention to planting and trading. Bradford and Winslow proceeded by boat, with several hands, to Monhegan Island in Maine, where an attempted plantation was about to give up and sell out their trading stock. A good supply of articles being procured, a number of debts were cleared away in consequence, and clothing bought for those who still needed it. Little by little their wants were being met, and actual discomfort prevented.

Also Isaac Allerton was commissioned to go to England the same year Myles Standish came back, and with the assistance of friends over there, a formal agreement satisfactory to the colonists was drawn up and subscribed by forty-two Merchant Adventurers. Thereupon in 1627 Bradford and six or seven other leading citizens ran a large venture and made themselves personally responsible for the eventual purchase, by them and their partners, of the revived English company's interest in the Colony, amounting to eighteen hundred pounds, of which two hundred were to be paid annually at the Royal Exchange in London. Next year, 1628, the transaction was fully confirmed, with the best legal counsel available; and the first instalment was paid. This gradual settlement was completed three years ahead of time, with the help of a large quantity of beaver skins.

Yet it was ten years beyond the expiration of those creditors' time limit of nine years before the Colony was finally free from heavy indebtedness to other parties in England, so making a financial struggle of a quarter of a century from the landing of the Pilgrims. To the lasting wonder of all who consider them, they exhibited alongside of their piety, a practical business ability and perseverance, which ultimately was not frustrated by reverses such as the seizure of consignments by national enemies, and the loan to themselves of absolutely necessary sums at the fearfully extortionate rate of thirty and even fifty per cent. An indomitable tenacity, and the endurance of rock, reposed in these gentle spirits.

To facilitate commercial progress, Governor Bradford, Captain Standish and other competent men came before the body of colonists, recounted the weight of debt upon them, in this matter of buying out the English company's interest, and offered to undertake the payment of it themselves, instead of merely being responsible for the others; only they asked that they might have the trade of the Colony for six years, after which it was to revert to them all, who were called the generality. The Colony was to purchase its exemption by yearly delivering to this internal smaller company a specified amount of agricultural products.

This was a hazardous responsibility for the few most concerned, none of whom were persons of real affluence; and yet they felt this was the only feasible way to push trade, unhindered by too cumbrous an organization, in which a number of incapable individuals, and even some less earnest, were sure to be found. Efficiency and resolution were certainly needed; for this little inner company dared to attempt, in two-thirds of the time granted for the full payment of the eighteen hundred pounds, not only the discharge of that encumbrance, but various other obligations devolving upon the plantation, approximating six hundred pounds, or a third of the other sum. It was a bold venture truly, in their still limited circumstances and with the loss of valuable helpers abroad:—to assume liabilities aggregating between two and three thousand pounds, or more specifically, about twelve thousand dollars in our currency. Insignificant enough for a well established community, the load was large for these straitened pioneers in an almost unbroken wilderness, who recently throughout several years had struggled for their very lives. The feebleness of their condition makes their courage colossal.

Yet the Governor and his several partners in this enterprise were no hot-headed speculators, rashly making chimerical castles in the air, or busily blowing financial bubbles with foolhardy recklessness. They were a brainy group, and the outcome proved their judgment sober. Having by this time some basis of calculation, they took the long look, knew what they were about, and, though purposing to be as prompt as possible, were too cool to be in a hurry. Their sound discretion never failed; and they displayed that rare balance which blends quiet repose of mind with resistless energy.

One fortunate effect of such stress of business burdens was to develop territorial exploitation. To fulfil their purposes, they enlarged the area of their industry. Southward and northward their commerce spread. A small pinnace was built and placed in Monumet river, emptying into Buzzard's Bay. This could be reached by boat from Cape Cod Bay and Scusset river, with some colportage overland between those two streams; so avoiding the dangerous peninsular circumnavigation, and marking the main course of the present Cape Cod Canal. Thus was opened all the lower coast of New England, including the populous Narragansett Bay; access was given to the mouth of the Connecticut River, with its fair valley intersecting the country; and the approach was unimpeded, through Long Island Sound, to the New Netherlands. Here was trading ground indeed, all the way to the promising harbor at the Hudson's mouth and the seat of the mighty metropolis to be. This southern enterprise brought substantial returns.

Also in the north, a store house was put up on the Kennebec River, where Augusta, the capital city of Maine, should afterward arise. The Council for New England, over the signature of its president the Earl of Warwick, made out a patent to William Bradford, granting territory thirteen miles on the River, and extending fifteen miles on either side. Business there did so well at first, that the American debtors gained headway, until a disappointing agent abroad occasioned trouble by private competition. After carrying on trade for ten years, they leased the post for one-sixth of its profits, so receiving some regular income thence.

In 1629 another Mayflower vessel brought to Plymouth thirty-five more Pilgrims from Leyden via the new settlement of Salem, and later a smaller number followed, but poorer and less capable, though worthy persons all. This serious matter, resulting partly from the indiscretion of friends, incurred an expense for transportation, new clothing and considerable maintenance, to the amount of over five thousand dollars in our money. The bulk of it was borne by several new partners in England; yet Plymouth's share was equivalent to a thousand dollars or a little more, which was never repaid to the Colony or even demanded back, and became a chief cause of Plymouth's indebtedness during its first quarter of a century. Commenting on this final extra burden from abroad, Bradford thus expresses his wonder "that these poor people here in a wilderness should, notwithstanding, be inabled in time to repay all these ingagments, and many more unjustly brought upon them through the unfaithfulness of some, and many other great losses which they sustained, which will be made manifest, if y^e Lord be pleased to give life and time. In y^e mean time, I cannot but admire his ways and workes towards his servants, and humbly desire to blesse his holy name for his great mercies hithertoo."

Even more than the intricacies of financial entanglements, the responsibilities of diplomacy rested in large measure upon the colonial leader. He had to deal not only with the unsympathetic home government in England, but at one time with Dutch pretensions in New England, which emanated from Fort Manhattan on the future site of New York City. Perceiving clearly that they possessed a place of immense natural advantage, the desire of these Hollanders was enlarged, to extend their area, both commercially and politically, from this safe and promising base. They therefore sent letters to Plymouth in its seventh year, the year of the trading station's establishment near Buzzard's Bay on the south.

Correspondence opened with this ample salutation as rendered in English: "Noble, honorable, wise and prudent Lords, the Governor and Councillors residing in New Plymouth, our very good friends."

Bradford replied with an equally cordial tone, in which lay no lack of sincerity:

"To the Honoured, &c.

"The Gov^r & Counsell of New Plim: wisheth, &c. We have received your letters, &c. wherin appeareth your good wills & frendship toward us; but is expressed with over high titls, more than belongs to us, or is meete for us to receive. But for your good will, and congratulations of our prosperitie in these smale beginings of our pore colonie, we are much bound unto you, and with many thanks doe acknowledge y^e same; taking it both for a great honour done unto us, and for a certaine testimony of your love and good neighborhood."

After this modest beginning of his message, one discerns in the next sentence, underneath its tenor of genuine amity, a deep note of well disguised warning, that no open question exists in the matter of mutual territorial relations. Thus the subordinate and latent inference is couched, almost like some unintended meaning which nevertheless carries more weight than with a studied significance; for Bradford's very honesty itself was his constant safety:

"Now these are further to give your Wor^pps to understand, that it is to us no smale joye to hear, that his majestie hath not only bene pleased to confirme y^t ancient amitie, aliance, and frendship, and other contracts, formerly made & ratified by his predecessors of famous memorie, but hath him selfe (as you say) strengthened the same with a new-union the better to resist y^e prid of y^t comone enemy y^e Spaniard, from whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native countries."

Following the adroit but legitimate suggestion, that their harmony is the more desirable in view of their natural foes, he concludes with this reminder of their former happy concord in Holland:

"Now forasmuch as this is sufficiente to unite us togeather in love and good neighbourhood, in all our dealings, yet are many of us further obliged, by the good and curteous entreaty which we have found in your countrie; haveing lived ther many years, with freedome, and good contente, as also many of our freinds doe to this day; for which we, and our children after us, are bound to be thankfull to your Nation, and shall never forgett y^e same, but shall hartily desire your good & prosperity, as our owne, for ever."

Notwithstanding these veiled admonitions, the Dutch sent further epistles, asserting now a claim over English territorial and trade rights, and declaring that they would defend the claim. Yet the Plymouth Governor's versatile mind and ready tact were equal to this new crisis, delicate as it was, and fraught with momentous possibilities. There was considerable correspondence, and mutual insistence, though always with conventional courtesy of language. Bradford preserved part of these diplomatic communications in his Letter Book. He remained firm in the English title, knowing the ground therefor, and requested the Manhattan magistrates to refer to their own home government, while he deprecated any future trouble to them from the British crown.

In the conclusion of one of his missives he offers this advice:

"We desire your Honours, that ye would take into your wise and honorable considerations, that which we conceive may be a hindrance to this accordation, and may be a means of much future evil, if it be not prevented, namely, that you clear the title of your planting in these parts, which his Majesty hath, by patent, granted to divers his nobles and subjects of quality; least it be a bone of division in these stirring evil times, which God forbid: We persuade ourselves, that now may be easily and seasonably done, which will be harder and with more difficulty obtained hereafter, and perhaps not without blows; so there may be assured peace and good correspondence on all parts, and ourselves more free and able to contract with your Honours. Thus commending our best service to our most noble Lords, praying for the prosperous success of your worthy designs, we rest your Lordships'

Most sincerely affected and bounden,

William Bradford,

Governour, &c.

Plymouth, Oct. 1, Anno 1627."

This seemed to be enough. They desisted from such designs as might not be deemed "worthy" by the benevolent English Governor, and for which he did not say he might pray. The unwarranted question was dropped, as to the Dutch prerogative.

Nevertheless next year the Manhattan correspondent, Secretary Isaac de Rasier, came to the Monumet station with trumpeters and a retinue, and was conveyed to Plymouth by a boat sent to meet him. After several days' entertainment, he returned to his ship under escort, having been permitted to accomplish his unprofessed purpose, to observe the condition of the fortified English Colony, of which he delivered a description, still extant, to his superiors at New Amsterdam.

In 1633 Bradford also sustained the British claim in the Connecticut valley above the Hollanders' holdings, sending a vessel up the river to the navigable limits, past the threatening Dutch fort at Hartford, and establishing a trading post at present Windsor. Both New Amsterdam and Massachusetts had repeatedly encouraged them to do this, but repented. This mercantile base was embarrassed by a wide-spread plague among the Indians, most of whom were unfriendly. After this reverse it was taken up by a party from Dorchester and, on Bradford's protest, only a sixteenth share in it was returned to Plymouth. The matter caused some feeling in the Old Colony toward its newer northern neighbor. Such rivalries and questions of debate between the two English sections made evident the need of the inter-colonial union which later arose. Harmony was sought and usually prevailed.

Captain John Endicott, the new Governor of Massachusetts Bay residing at Salem, proceeded promptly to recognize Plymouth's head in this truly fraternal manner (his spelling modernized):

"To the worshipful and my right worthy friend, William Bradford, Esq. Governor of New Plymouth, these.

"Right Worthy Sir,

"It is a thing not usual, that servants to one master and of the same household should be strangers; I assure you I desire it not, nay to speak more plainly, I cannot be so to you: God's people are marked with one and the same mark, and sealed with one and the same seal, and have for the main one and the same heart, guided by one and the same spirit of truth; and where this is, there can be no discord, nay, here must needs be sweet harmony; and the same request (with you) I make unto the Lord, that we may, as Christian brethren, be united by an heavenly and unfeigned love, bending all our hearts and forces in furthering a work beyond our strength with reverence and fear, fastening our eyes always on him that only is able to direct and prosper all our ways."

In the following summer of 1629 the sincere and cultured pastors at Salem, Higginson and Skelton, though ordained clergymen, wished to be set apart anew. To this religious assembly William Bradford and other delegates from the Plymouth church were invited. Adverse winds delayed their arrival by sail, and even the days of the stagecoach were then in the future; but happily they were in time to give the right hand of fellowship to their brethren of the Bay.

The closely allied civil and religious interests of the time were further promoted between north and south, under Governor John Winthrop, in his third year at Boston, the new and growing colonial seat. This excellent man wished to visit his gubernatorial brother, Bradford, and associates. There had been great sickness at Boston in its beginning, as in Plymouth at first, though proportionately not so severe in the colony which started with much better numbers. These Bostonians in their crisis bought every available commodity from Plymouth, and for cattle they exchanged horses. Thus by their very exigencies, a good degree of commercial intercourse and brotherly regard was facilitated. With Governor Winthrop went the Boston pastor, Reverend John Wilson, and two other companions. Their journey was partly by water and latterly by land. Informed of their coming, a party headed by Governor Bradford and Elder Brewster hastened forth to meet them in the evening, and attended them into the town. During their stay of some days, they received the best entertainment that could be given them, at the executive residence and other homes. And when they returned, they were accompanied for some distance on their way, Bradford having his horse carry Winthrop.

The Boston chief dignitary, historian of Massachusetts Bay as Governor Bradford was of Plymouth, wrote of the Sabbath which he and his comrades spent with their Pilgrim brethren. At that time Roger Williams, afterwards the devoted missionary and pioneer among the Rhode Island Indians, was living at Plymouth for a couple of years, and was mentioned by Winthrop in his narration, as was Reverend Ralph Smith, first pastor there for a short time, a good but mediocre man. Thus the record reads, in modern spelling:

"On the Lord's Day was a sacrament, which they did partake in; and in the afternoon Mr. Roger Williams, according to their custom, propounded a question, to which their pastor, Mr. Smith, spoke briefly. Mr. Williams prophesied the topic he had submitted; and after, the Governor of Plymouth spoke to the question; after him, the Elder; then some two or three more of the congregation. Then the Elder desired the Governor of Massachusetts and Mr. Wilson to speak to it, which they did. When this was ended, the deacon, Mr. Fuller, put the congregation in mind of the contribution, upon which the Governor and all the rest went down to the deacon's seat and put into the bag, and then returned."

Edward Winslow also once described another feature of their worship:

"We refresht ourselves ... with synginge of Psalmes, making joyfull melodie in our hartes, as well as with y^e voice, there being manie in y^e congregation verie experte in musick."