434 He may possibly allude to the plants mentioned in B. xiii. cc. 48, 49, 50, 51, and 52; though Hardouin seems to think it impossible to discover what he means, seeing that he is speaking of sea-monsters, beings with animal life. See also B. ix. c. 3.

435 See B. ix. c. 3.

436 See B. ix. cc. 2, 5.

437 See B. ix. c. 3; probably the same as the “pristis” of B. ix. c. 2.

438 See B. ix. c. 4.

439 See B. ix. c. 4.

440 See B. ix. c. 4.

441 “Homines marini.” See B. ix. c. 4.

442 See B. ix. c. 3.

443 See B. ix. c. 5.

444 See B. ix. c. 4.

445 See B. ix. c. 88, and B. xi. c. 62.

446 See B. ix. c. 67.

447 See B. ix. c. 7.

448 See B. ix. c. 15.

449 Odyssey, B. iv. l. 436.

450 Turtles. See B. ix. c. 13.

451 See Chapter 13 of this Book.

452 See B. viii. c. 47; also Chapters 26 and 32 of this Book.

453 See B. ix. c. 70.

454 The name of a fish unknown. Sillig conjectures that Pliny may have had in view the fish called “dromades” by Aristotle. “Dromones” is another reading, a sort of small crab.

455 LittrÉ translates this “horned ray.”

456 “Gladii.” See B. ix. cc. 1, 21; the same, probably as the “xiphias” mentioned at the end of this Chapter.

457 See B. ix. c. 1.

458 See B. viii. c. 39.

459 See B. viii. c. 37.

460 See B. ix. c. 18, 20. Holland says, “Some take ‘thynni’ for the milters and ‘thynnides’ for the spawners.” In this translation, however, he identifies the “thynnides” with the “pelamides,” or young tunnies, mentioned in this Chapter and in B. ix. c. 18.

461 See B. ix. cc. 17, 25.

462 See B. ix. cc. 24, 32.

463 “PercÆ.” See B. ix. c. 24.

464 See B. ix. c. 27.

465 “Aurata.” See B. ix. c. 25.

466 See B. ix. cc. 25, 28.

467 Considered by some to be the whiting. LittrÉ identifies it with the Perca labrax of LinnÆus.

468 See B. ix. c. 74; where it is called “apua.”

469 The “sea-fox.” See B. ix. c. 67.

470 “Anguilla.” See B. ix. cc. 2, 37, 38.

471 Or sea-spider. See B. ix. c. 72.

472 The same as the bogue of the coasts of Narbonne, according to Rondelet, B. v. c. 11.

473 See Chapter 25 of the present Book.

474 See B. ix. c. 28.

475 Or frog-fish. See B. ix. c. 40.

476 “Sea-needles.” Identified by some with the horn-fish, horn-back, or needle-fish.

477 “Needle-fish.”

478 “Acorn-fish.” A shell-fish, according to Rondelet, B. i. c. 30, which frequents the clefts of rocks.

479 “Sea-raven.” According to some authorities, identical with the Trigla hirundo of LinnÆus. Hardouin says that it is the fish called capone by the people of Rome.

480 See B. ix. c. 71.

481 The same, probably, as the “gobio,” mentioned in B. ix. c. 83.

482 See B. ix. c. 28.

483 See B. ix. cc. 25, 28.

484 Thought by some to be a kind of mackerel, by others to be a tunny. Rondelet says, B. viii. c. 8, that it is a fish still called coguiol by the people of Marseilles.

485 In the Hellespont.

486 Or Sexis, according to Pintianus.

487 Or “sea-lizards.”

488 See B. ix. c. 18. He surely does not intend to include this among his “one hundred and seventy-six different kinds of aquatic animals”!

489 Or young tunny. See B. ix. c. 18.

490 See B. ix. c. 18.

491 Rondelet says, B. v. c. 4, that it is a fish still known (in his time) as cantheno, by the people of Narbonne. Ovid, in his Halieuticon, l. 103, speaks of the unpleasant flavour of its juices.

492 See Chapter 24 of the present Book.

493 Of course, as Hardouin says, he does not include the shell-fishes in this assertion. The fish with this uncomplimentary name has not been identified.

494 “Urtica.” See B. ix. c. 68.

495 See B. ix. c. 51.

496 Or “chamÆ;” different varieties of gaping cockles.

497 Or “monster” cockles.

498 Or “sweet” cockles.

499 See Chapter 27 of this Book.

500 See B. ix. c. 54.

501 Or “cochli.” As to the various kinds of cochleÆ, see B. ix. c. 51.

502 “Five-fingered.” So called from some peculiarity in their shape.

503 Considered by some to be the striated mussel, the Pecten of LinnÆus.

504 “Radii.”

505 This is not improbably the meaning of the very elliptical sentence, “Quibus radii cantant.”

506 See B. ix. c. 1.

507 The “dog’s-face,” literally. This fish has not been identified: indeed the reading is doubtful.

508 A kind of crab or crayfish. See B. xxvii. c. 2.

509 Literally, the “dog’s right hand.” This fish has not been identified: Hardouin suggests that it may have been a zoÖphyte.

510 See B. ix. c. 43, and Chapters 17 and 26 of this Book.

511 Or “little dragon.”

512 The sea-scorpion, probably.

513 See B. ix. c. 23; also Chapters 31 and 50 of this Book.

514 Or Remora. See B. ix. c. 41; also Chapter 1 of this Book.

515 See B. ix. cc. 14, 74.

516 See B. ix. c. 32.

517 See Chapter 46 of the present Book.

518 See B. ix. c. 67.

519 Possibly the same as the “Conger” of B. ix. c. 24.

520 A fish similar, most probably, to the “gerricula” previously mentioned. Holland calls it a “pilchard” or “herring.”

521 A kind of squalus. See B. ix. c. 70.

522 See B. xxxi. c. 43.

523 Or “horse.” The crab, probably, mentioned in B. ix. c. 51.

524 See B. ix. c. 24.

525 Or sea-swallow. See B. ix. c. 43.

526 “Lungs of the sea.” The same as the Pulmones, or sea-lungs mentioned in B. ix. c. 71, and in Chapter 36 of this Book.

527 See B. ix. c. 1.

528 Or “sea-liver.” A sort of rock-fish, according to AthenÆus.

529 The same as the “milvus” or “sea-kite,” mentioned in B. ix. c. 43.

530 See Chapter 31 of this Book. Instead of this fish and the preceding one, most of the editions mention the “elacatenes,” a cetaceous fish, according to AthenÆus, much used for salting.

531 “Sea-lizards.”

532 See B. ix. c. 45.

533 “Locusta.” See B. ix. c. 50.

534 “Lucerna.” See B. ix. c. 43.

535 Neither this fish nor the “larinus” has been identified.

536 See B. ix. c. 72, and Chapter 3 of this Book.

537 See B. ix. c. 51.

538 See B. ix. c. 30.

539 See B. ix. c. 20.

540 See B. ix. c. 26.

541 See Chapter 8 of this Book. Holland translates this—“The blacke taile perch, (which some take for a ruffe, others for a sea-breame).”

542 See B. ix. c. 42.

543 A fish of the Nile, according to Ælian. “Meryx” is another reading, a kind of Scarus, it is thought.

544 See B. ix. c. 23.

545 A shell-fish. See B. ix. c. 56.

546 See Chapter 31 of this Book.

547 See Chapter 31 of this Book.

548 See B. ix. c. 61.

549 The “eye-fish.” A kind of lamprey has been suggested.

550 See Chapter 35 of this Book.

551 See B. ix. c. 21.

552 “Sea-ears.” A kind of oyster, Holland says.

553 See B. ix. c. 20.

554 He speaks of it as a kind of Pelamis, a little further on.

555 The sun-fish. See Chapter 5 of this Book.

556 The same, probably, as the “orbis.” See Chapters 5 and 9 of the present Book.

557 Or phagrus. See B. ix. c. 24.

558 See B. ix. c. 42.

559 A young tunny. See B. ix. c. 20.

560 A “choice bit.” See B. ix. c. 20.

561 See B. ix. c. 17.

562 This fish has not been identified.

563 See B. ix. c. 36.

564 Or sting-ray. See B. ix. c. 40.

565 See B. ix. c. 48.

566 See B. ix. c. 51.

567 See B. v. c. 39.

568 Probably the place of that name in Sicily, mentioned in B. ii. c. 94, and B. iii. c. 14.

569 See B. iii. c. 26.

570 See B. iii. c. 22.

571 “Pectunculus.” See Note 566 above.

572 See B. ix. c. 60.

573 An unknown fish. The reading is doubtful.

574 See B. ix. c. 66.

575 See B. ix. c. 66.

576 See B. ix. c. 40.

577 “Rhombus.” See B. ix. c. 36.

578 See B. ix. c. 29.

579 See B. ix. c. 36.

580 See B. ix. c. 30.

581 The same, perhaps, as the “pinnotheres” of B. ix. c. 66, a kind of shrimp.

582 See Chapter 17 of this Book.

583 See B. ix. c. 18.

584 See B. ix. c. 19.

585 See B. ix. c. 32.

586 Considered by Sillig to be the same as the “Saurus” of Chapter 28 of this Book; the “sea-lizard,” apparently.

587 It does not seem to have been identified; though Rondelet says that it is the same as the Rascasse of the Mediterranean.

588 See B. xx. c. 53, and Chapters 23, 30, 32, 34, and 35 of this Book.

589 This fish has not been identified; indeed the reading is very doubtful.

590 See B. ix. c. 24.

592 See B. ix. c. 67.

593 Probably the same as the “Myrus” of B. ix. c. 39.

594 See B. ix. c. 45.

595 See Chapter 30 of this Book.

596 See Chapter 32 of this Book.

597 A sort of mollusk, LittrÉ thinks. There is a shell-fish known as the Spondylus gÆderopus of LinnÆus.

598 See Chapters 34, 45, and 46, of this Book.

599 See B. ix. c. 86.

600 See B. ix. c. 69.

601 See B. ix. c. 20.

602 A sort of tunny, probably.

603 See Chapter 6 of this Book. Probably the same as the “gladius” of this Chapter, and of B. ix. cc. 1, 21.

604 Considered by LittrÉ to be the Shad.

605 See B. ix. c. 67.

606 See Chapter 30 of this Book.

607 See B. ix. c. 18.

608 See B. ix. c. 18.

609 See B. ix. c. 52, and Chapter 1 of this Book.

610 See B. ix. c. 1, and c. 49 of this Book.

611 See Note 603 above.

612 The Halieuticon, already mentioned in Chapter 5 of this Book.

613 At the town of Tomi, whither he was banished by Augustus CÆsar.

614 See B. ix. c. 24.

615 See B. ix. cc. 23, 77, and Chapters 31, 50, of this Book.

616 The same, probably, as the “iulis” mentioned in the preceding Chapter.

617 The “golden brow.” The same as the “Aurata” or “dorade” of B. ix. c. 25, and Chapters 16 and 53 of this Book.

618 An unknown fish; the reading is doubtful.

619 The “goat-fish.” It does not appear to have been identified.

620 Literally, the “black tail.” See the preceding Chapter.

621 According to Rondelet, a fish resembling the Coracinus.

622 See B. ix. c. 23.

623 See B. ix. c. 25.

624 See B. ix. c. 47.

625 See B. ix. c. 42.

626 See B. ix. c. 27. Ajasson is of opinion that the “helops” is the Russian sturgeon, the “acipenser,” the common sturgeon.

627 Resembling a “stake” in appearance. It bee been suggested that this is the Esox sphyrÆna.

628 “Perna.” Hardouin says that from the diminutive of this, “pernula,” the modern word “pearl” is derived.

629 A sort of “tursio,” Dalechamps says. See B. ix. c. 11.

630 See B. iii. c. 12.

631 See end of B. xix.

632 See end of B. viii.

633 See end of B. xii.

634 See end of B. xviii.

635 See end of B. xii.

636 See end of B. ix.

637 According to Suetonius, Fescennius Iacchus was a grammarian who taught in Cisalpine Gaul. See also B. xxxvii. c. 54.

638 See end of B. xxxi.

639 See end of B. v.

640 See end of B. xx.

641 See end of B. xxviii.

642 See end of B. xxx.

643 See end of B. xxxi.

644 See end of B. xxviii.

645 See end of B. ii.

646 See end of B. viii.

647 We now enter upon the Sixth division of Pliny’s work, containing an account of mineral substances of all descriptions.—Dr. Bostock.

648 “IpsÆ opes.” The metals were looked upon by the ancients as the only true riches. It is in this sense that Ovid says, Metam. B. i.: “Effodiuntur opes, irritamenta malorum.” Pliny applies the term “pretia rerum” to metals, as forming the unit of value.

649 Electrum is described in c. 23, as gold mixed with a certain quantity of silver. The word “electrum” is also used to signify amber, as in B. iii. c. 30.—B.

650 “Æs;” by “Æs” is here probably meant copper, as the author is speaking of what is dug out of the earth; it is more fully described in the first two Chapters of the next Book. According to the analysis of Klaproth, the Æs of the ancients, when employed in works of art, cutting instruments, statues, vases, &c., was the “bronze” of the moderns, a mixture of copper and tin, in which the proportion of tin varied, from a little more than 2 to 1.14 per cent, according as the object was to procure a flexible or a hard substance. Agricola speaks of “Æs” as synonymous with “cuprum,” and Pliny will be found several times in the present Book, speaking of “Æs Cyprium,” meaning probably the finest kind of copper, and that without alloy.—B.

651 Pliny has already referred to this topic in B. ii. c. 63.—B.

652 Or shades below.

653 “Illa quÆ non nascuntur repente.”

654 “Chrysocolla” is fully described in Chapter 26 of this Book.—B.

655 Meaning “gold glue,” or “gold solder.”

656 There is considerable variation in the text of this passage, as found in the different editions. In that of Dalechamps, the Variorum, and those of De Laet and Sillig, the sentence concludes with the words “nomen ex auro custodiens;” while in those of Valpy, Lemaire, Poinsinet, Ajasson, and others, we find substituted for them the words. “Non natura,” “Nomen natura,” “Nomine natura,” or “Nomen naturam.”—B. The first reading is warranted by the Bamberg MS.

657 “Auri sanies.” More properly speaking, “the corrupt matter discharged by gold.” See Chapter 26.

658 “Minium” is treated of in Chapter 36 of this Book.—B.

659 “Pretia rerum.” The value of the raw material.

660 Pliny here refers both to the art of producing figures in relief on drinking vessels made of the precious metals, and also of giving them particular forms. A well-known line of Juvenal, Sat. ii. l. 96, affords a striking illustration of the depraved taste which existed in his time.—B. Lampridius also speaks of vessels of silver “defiled with representations of a most libidinous character;” and Capitolinus speaks of “phallovitroboli,” glass drinking vessels shaped like a phallus.

661 “Murrhina” or “myrrhina.” are described in B. xxxvii. c. 8; they were, perhaps, onyxes or opals, though possibly the term was not strictly confined to these substances, but signified any transparent minerals, that exhibited a variety of colours. Salmasius, however, ridicules the idea of their being onyxes, and is of opinion that these vessels were made of porcelain; Exer. Plin. p. 144.—B.

662 See B. xxxvii. c. 9.

663 He alludes to the cups known as “chrysendeta,” adorned with circlets of gold, exquisite chasings, and groups of precious stones. See Juvenal, Sat. v. l. 42.

664 The “Smaragdus” is described in B. xxxvii. c. 13.

665 “Et aurum jam accessio est.”

666 “Sacrum famÆ.” This is the reading given by the Bamberg MS. in substitution for “aurum, sacra fames” and other readings of a similar nature, in which Pliny was thought by the commentators to allude to the famous lines of Virgil—

Had he alluded to the passage of Virgil, it is not probable that he would have used the expression in the plural, “celeberrimi auctores.”

667 Il. B. vii. ll. 472-5.—B.

668 Il. B. vi. l. 236.

669 We may infer that this was the reason why the figure of an ox or other animal was impressed on the earliest Roman coins.—B.

670 As Hardouin remarks, “This story is told by others, of Gyges, and not of Midas.” He refers to Cicero, De Off. B. iii. c. 9, in confirmation of his assertion.—B. Both Gyges and Midas were noted for their wealth.

671 “SinistrÆ.” The play here upon the word “sinister” cannot be so well transferred into the English language; but it bears reference to the double meaning of the word, “on the left hand,” and “unlucky,” “ill-omened,” or, as we say “sinister.” We may remark, that rings were very generally employed by the Romans, not merely as ornaments, but as indications of office and rank.—B.

672 From Corinth, it was said: Damaratus of Corinth being the father of the first Tarquin. See B. xxxv. c. 5.

673 On the subject of “BullÆ,” golden balls, worn by the children of the nobles, see Dr. Smith’s Dict. Antiq. p. 168.—B.

674 As to the “Toga prÆtexta,” see B. viii. c. 74.

675 “Lorum.” This word literally signifies a leather strap or thong, and Pliny is supposed by Hardouin to mean simply, that, in this latter case the strap was worn without the bulla, which was in other cases attached to it. Juvenal, Sat. v. l. 164, speaks of the “lorum” of the children of the poor.—B.

676 ?a?t?????, from d??t????, a “finger.”

677 Festus says that this was the Oscan name for a ring. It would appear to be allied to the word “unguis,” which means a nail of the finger or toe, and would perhaps signify a “nail ornament.”

678 As meaning a seal or signet, for which purpose, as we shall find explained in the sequel, the ring was used.

679 This seems to be the meaning of “Vulgoque sic triumphabant.”

680 As to these crowns, see B. xxi. c. 4.

681 As to some other particulars connected with this usage, see the end of B. xxviii. c. 7.

682 And yet, as Hardouin remarks, before his time, when Scipio was besieging Carthage, the bodies of the Roman tribunes, when selected for burial by Hasdrubal, were distinguished by their rings of gold. The object of Marius, no doubt, was to ingratiate himself with the upper classes.

683 A.U.C. 651.

684 Known as the “anulus pronubus,” or “engaged ring,” according to Dalechamps.

685 “Codicillos.” Il. B. vi. l. 168.

686 See B. xiii. c. 21.

687 Od. B. viii. ll. 424, 443, 447.

688 See the Iliad, B. iii. and B. vii. l. 175, et seq.

689 His meaning is, that although ?????? were used, lots or balls made of earth, we do not read that the impressions on them were made by the aid of signet-rings.

690 “FabricÆ deÛm.” He alludes to the forge of Vulcan, described in the Eighteenth Book of the Iliad, l. 400, et seq.

691 This seems to be the meaning of “In primordio factitÂsse.”

692 The “fibulÆ” were the brooches of the ancients, consisting of a pin, and of a curved portion furnished with a hook. See Dr. Smith’s Dict. Antiq. p. 417.

693 As the meaning of this passage has been the subject of much discussion with commentators, we give it in full, as found in the Edition of Sillig. “Et quisquis primus instituit, cunctanter id fecit, lÆvis manibus latentibusque induit, cum, si honos securus fuisset, dextr fuerit ostentandus. Quodsi impedimentum potuit in eo aliquod intelligi, etiam serior is usus argumentum est, et majus in lÆv fuisset, qu scutum capitur.” Sillig is of opinion that Pliny is here alluding to the reason given by Ateius Capito (quoted in Macrobius, Saturn. B. vii. c. 13), for wearing the ring on the left hand. It was so worn, he says, from an apprehension that the precious stone with which it was set, might receive injury from the continual use made of the right hand.

694 Under the folds of the toga.

695 Il. B. xvii. l. 52.

696 The reading in most MSS. is the “fourth consulship.” This, however, is an error which has been rectified by the Bamberg and some other MSS. Pompey was but thrice consul. M. Crassus was the person generally accused of the act of robbery here alluded to.

697 Who took the golden torc (torques) from the Gaul whom he slew; whence his name.

698 “Cum auro pugnare solitos.”

699 “Quod equidem in augurio intellectum est, cum Capitolinus duplum reddidisset.” The meaning of this passage is obscure, and cannot with certainty be ascertained. Holland renders it, “To the light and knowledge whereof we come by means of revelation from Augurie, which gave us to understand, that Jupiter Capitolinus had rendered again the foresaid summe in duple proportion.” LittrÉ gives a similar translation. Ajasson translates it, “This, at least, is what we may presume, from the fact of there being discovered double the amount expected;” following the explanation given by Hardouin.

700 The “Ædituus,” or “temple keeper.” See B. xxxvi. 4.

701 Beneath which there was poison concealed, Hardouin says. Hannibal killed himself in a similar manner; also Demosthenes, as mentioned in the next Chapter.

702 The adopted son of the great Marius. This event happened in his consulship, B.C. 82. After his defeat by Sylla at Sacriportus, he retired into the fortified town of PrÆneste, where he had deposited the treasures of the Capitoline temple. The temple, after this conflagration, was rebuilt by order of Sylla.

703 Called the “Fasti;” probably because this was the first word of the title.

704 “Dies fasti.” These were the days on which the courts sat, and the PrÆtor, who was the chief judge, gave his decisions. The word “fasti” is derived from the ancient Latin “for,” or from the old Greek word f??, both signifying “to speak:” consequently the “dies fasti” were “the speaking days,” and the “dies nefasti” the “non-speaking days,” in allusion to the restrictions put upon the judgments of the PrÆtor.

705 This complex state of the Roman Calendar long remained one of the sources from which the priesthood and the patrician order derived their power and influence over the plebeians. Having no other method of ascertaining what days were “fasti,” and what were “nefasti,” the lower classes were obliged either to apply to the priests and nobles for information, or to await the proclamation by the priests of the various festivals about to take place.

706 Appius Claudius CÆcus, the Censor and jurisconsult, who constructed the Appian Way.

707 A.U.C. 440, or B.C. 314.

708 In the war, probably, with the twelve nations of Etruria, who were conquered by the Consul Fabius A.U.C. 444. See Livy, B. ix.

709 The father of the former C. Poetilius Libo, was Consul A.U.C. 428: the father of the latter, Cneius Domitius Calvinus, was Consul A.U.C. 432.

710 “Anulos abjectos.”

711 The “phalerÆ” were bosses of metal, often gold, attached to the harness of the horse. See B. vii. c. 29.

712 He would probably imply hereby that, as he states subsequently, at this period gold rings were not as yet worn by all the members of the senate.

713 A.U.C. 449.

714 “Ædiculam Æream”—of brass or bronze.

715 For the explanation of this term, see B. vii. c. 60.

716 See B. x. c. 2. Livy tells us that this shrine or temple was built in the area or place of Vulcan.

717 Livy, B. xxiii. speaks of one modius as being the real quantity. Florus, B. ii. c. 16, says two modii: but Saint Augustin, De Civit. Dei. B. iii. c. 19, and most other writers, mention three modii.

718 Q. Servilius CÆpio. He and M. Livins Drusus had been most intimate friends, and each had married the other’s sister. The assassination of Drusus was supposed by some to have been committed at the instigation of CÆpio. The latter lost his life in an ambush, B.C. 90.

719 See B. xxviii. c. 41.

720 See B. ii. c. 85.

721 M. Calpurnius Flamma. See B. xxii. c. 6.

723 This is an erroneous assertion, both as to the East, and as to Egypt. See instances to the contrary in Genesis, c. xli. v. 42; and in Esther, c. iii. verses 10, 12, and c. viii. verses 2, 8, 10.

724 “Literis contenta solis.”

725 The Thirty-seventh Book. See also his remarks in B. ii. c. 63: “We tear out earth’s entrails in order to extract the gems with which we may load our fingers. How many hands are worn down that one little joint may be ornamented!” Martial, Epigr. B. v. Ep. 11, speaks of his friend Stella as wearing on the joint of one finger sardonyxes, emeralds, and jaspers.

726 “Violari.” See B. xxxvii. c. 1.

727 A fashion much followed at the present day.

728 This also is a not uncommon fashion at the present day.

729 From the “Trinummus” of Plautus, A. iv. s. 4, we learn that the ring worn by slaves was called “condalium.” From the “Truculentus” of Plautus we learn also that these rings were sometimes made of bronze. The “jus anuli,” or right of wearing a gold ring, was never conceded to slaves.

730 See B. iv. c. 23. In the Origines of Isidorus Hispalensis, B. xix. c. 32, we find mention made of “A Samothracian gold ring, with an iron bezil, so called from the place of its invention.” Pliny has already made allusion to the luxurious habits of the slaves, in B. xiii. c. 4; and B. xviii. c. 2; a subject upon which Juvenal enlarges in his Third Satire.

731 The reasons are mentioned by Ateius Capita, as quoted by Macrobius, Saturnal. B. vii. c. 13: also by Apion the Grammarian, as quoted by Aulus Gellius, B. x. c. 10.

732 The ring of each finger had its own appropriate name.

733 The “dactyliotheca,” or “ring-box.”

734 Juvenal, Sat. i. l. 26, et seq., speaks of the summer rings of the Roman fops, and their fingers sweating beneath the weight.

735 Martial, Epigr. B. xiv., speaks of the numerous accidents to which a weighty ring was liable.

736 Hannibal, too, for instance, as mentioned in Note 701 to the preceding Chapter.

737 He alludes, probably, to forgeries perpetrated through the agency of false signets.

738 Plautus, Cicero, Horace, and Martial, each in his own age, bears testimony to the truth of this statement.

739 Or remembrancer; a slave whose duty it was to remind his master of the name of each member of his household; see B. xxix. c. 8. AthenÆus, B. vi., speaks of as many as twenty thousand slaves belonging to one household. Demetrius, the freedman of Pompey, mentioned in B. xxxv. c. 58, had a retinue of slaves equal to an army in amount.

740 Meaning “Marci puer,” or “Luci puer”—“Marcius’ boy,” or “Lucius’ boy.”

741 Suetonius says, c. 73, that Tiberius, in his last illness, awoke after a long lethargy, and demanded his signet-ring, which his son-in-law, Caligula, had removed from his finger, under the supposition that he was dead. Macro, to avoid any unpleasant results in the way of punishment, caused the emperor to be smothered with the pillows and bedclothes.

742 This famous and somewhat improbable story of the ring of Polycrates is told by Valerius Maximus, B. vi. c. 9; Herodotus, B. iii.; and Cicero, De Finibus, B. iv. Pliny again mentions it in B. xxxvii. cc. 2, 4.

743 He was crucified by Oroetes, the Persian satrap of Sardis.

744 “Anulo exsiliente.”

745 In Chapter 13 of this Book.

746 The laticlave tunic. See B. viii. c. 73, and B. ix. c. 63.

747 “PrÆcones.”

748 See the list of writers at the end of B. ix.

749 “Equus militaris.”

750 See B. xxix. c. 8. The “DecuriÆ” of “judices,” or “judges,” were so called, probably, from ten (decem) having been originally chosen from each tribe. As to the DecuriÆ of the judices, see Smith’s Dict. Antiq. pp. 531-2. The account given by Pliny is confused in the extreme.

751 “TurmÆ.” Squadrons of thirty “equites” or horsemen; ten of which squadrons were attached to each legion.

752 Before the time of Augustus, there were but three decuries.

753 A law introduced by Aurelius Cotta, B.C. 70, enacted that the Judices should be chosen from the three classes—of Senators, Equites, and Tribuni Ærarii, or Tribunes of the treasury, these last being taken from the body of the people, and being persons possessed of some property.

754 Members selected by lot.

755 “Nongenti.”

756 Tacitus says that this took place the year before, in the consulship of C. Sulpicius, and D. Haterius. See the Annales, B. iii. c. 86.

757 Brother of the Emperor Galba.

758 “Aucupatus.”

759 Suetonius says that Tiberius instructed the Ædiles to prohibit stews and eating-houses: from which we may conclude, Hardouin says, that C. Sulpicius Galba was an Ædile.

760 Or, in other words, belonging to the equestrian order. The Roman equites often followed the pursuits of bankers, and farmers of the public revenues.

761 A law passed in the time of Julius CÆsar, B.C. 69, which permitted Roman equites, in case they or their parents had ever had a Census equestris, to sit in the fourteen rows fixed by the Lex Roscia Theatralis.

762 Caligula.

763 Conjointly with L. Vitellius.

764 Or farmers of the public revenues; the “publicans” of Scripture. In reality, they were mostly members of the equestrian order, and the words “equites” and “publicani” are often used as synonymous.

765 “This passage seems to be the addition of some ignorant copyist. It is indeed a remarkable fact, that we have no inscription in which we see the Equites named after the people as well as the Senate.”—Laboulaye, Essai sur les lois Criminelles des Romains: Paris, 1845, p. 224.

766 According to Livy, B. i. c. 15, the Celeres were three hundred Roman knights whom Romulus established as a body-guard. Their name, probably, was derived from the Greek ?????, a “war-horse,” or “charger,” and the body consisted, no doubt, of the patricians in general, or such of them as could keep horses. Another origin assigned to the appellation is “Celer,” the name of a chieftain, who was a favourite of Romulus. The adjective “celer,” “swift,” owes its origin, probably, to the title of these horsemen.

767 A title derived, possibly, as Delafosse suggests, “a flectendis habenis,” from “managing the reins.”

768 Called “Trossum” or “Trossulum,” it is supposed. The remains of a town are still to be seen at Trosso, two miles from Montefiascone in Tuscany. The Greek word t???a????, a “cricket,” and the Latin “torosulus,” “muscular,” have been suggested as the origin of this name. Ajasson suggests the Latin verb “truso,” to “push on,” as its origin.

769 See the end of this Book.

770 From the ambiguous nature of the name, it being in later times an expression of contempt, like our word “fop,” or “beau.” In this latter sense, Salmasius derives it from the Greek t??ss??, “effeminate.”

771 This concluding passage is omitted in most editions.

772 See B. vii. c. 29.

773 Dionysius of Halicarnassus is therefore probably wrong in his assertion that torcs of gold were given to Siccius Dentatus, a Roman citizen, as the reward of valour.

774 See B. vii, c. 29.

775 On this subject, see B. xvi. c. 3, and B. xxi. c. i.

776 A.U.C. 323, or 431 B.C.

777 Situate about fourteen miles from Rome, and on the road to the town called La Colonna.

778 A.U.C. 479, and B.C. 275. In the following year Merenda himself was consul, with Manius Curius Dentatus.

779 “Testamento prÆlegavit.” Properly speaking, “prÆlegare” was “to bequeath a thing to be given before the inheritance was divided.” The crown thus left by Piso was to be three pounds in weight.

780 Oxen, namely. The smaller victims had the head encircled with chaplets.

781 The clasps by which the “sagum” or military cloak was fastened on the shoulders.

782 See the beginning of Chapter 4 of the present Book.

783 Isidorus Hispalensis, Orig. B. xix. c. 30, says that bracelets were formerly so called from the circumstance of being conferred on warriors as the reward of bravery—“ob virtutem.” ScÆvola, Ulpian, and others speak of “viriolÆ” as ornaments worn by females.

784 See B. xxxvii. c. 6.

785 In allusion to the use of gold as an ornament for the shoes and sandal-ties.

786 A dress worn over the tunic, and which came as low as the ankles or feet. The stola was the characteristic dress of the Roman matrons of rank; other females being restricted to the use of the toga, which did not reach so low.

787 Between the matrons of rank whose feet were not to be seen at all, and the plebeian females, whose feet were seen, but comparatively unadorned.

788 In the same way that the gold ring was the distinguishing mark of the Equites, so would the gold ankle-jewels be the characteristic of this new order of females. In the use of the word “Equestrem,” Ajasson absolutely detects an indelicate allusion, and rallies our author on thus retaining “the aroma of the camp!”

789 “PÆdagogiis.” The origin of our word “page.” The pages of the Romans were decorated with gold ankle-jewels and other ornaments for the legs.

790 Or Horus, the god of silence. Ajasson is of opinion that this impression on the seal was symbolical of the secrecy which ought to be preserved as to written communications.

791 To the Emperor’s presence.

792 The first crime having been committed by him who introduced the use of gold rings. See the beginning of c. 4 of this Book.

793 The golden denarius was known also as the “aureus” or “gold coin.” It was worth 25 silver denarii. As to the modern value of the money used by the ancients, see the Introduction to Vol. III. The golden denarius is mentioned also in B. xxxiv. c. 17, and in B. xxxvii. c. 3.

794 A.U.C. 479.

795 Meaning, literally, the “little pound,” in reference to the diminished weight of the “as.”

796 Meaning “two pounds,” or in other words, “two asses.” See B. xxxiv. c. 2. As to the weight of the “libra,” or pound, see the Introduction to Vol. III.

797 “Brasse bullion, or in masse.”—Holland.

798 “Money weighed out,” i.e. “expenses.”

799 “Money weighed out for the payment of interest.”

800 “To weigh out money for payment,” i.e. “to pay.”

801 “A weight of money.”

802 “Weighers-out;” meaning “keepers of accounts,” or “paymasters.”

803 “Weighers-out” of the soldiers’ wages; i.e. “paymasters.”

804 From “pecus,” a sheep. See B. xviii. c. 3.

805 “Pounds” or “asses.”

806 The third of an “as.”

807 The fourth of an “as.”

808 Or ounces; being one-fourth of the “as,” of one “libra” in weight. See Introduction to Vol. III.

809 A.U.C. 663.

810 The same as the quinarius, one-half of the denarius. In B. xx. c. 100, it is mentioned as a weight. See also the Introduction to Vol. III.

811 As, originally, there were 288 “scripula,” or scruples, to the “libra” or pound, this would appear to give 5760 sestertii to the pound of gold, and not 900 merely. Though this apparent discrepancy has generally puzzled the commentators, the solution, as suggested by M. Parisot, in the Notes to Ajasson’s Translation, appears equally simple and satisfactory. He suggests that in the “as,” or “libra,” of two ounces, there were 288 scruples. Now, the scruple remaining the same, when the as or libra was reduced to one ounce, it would contain but 144 of these scruples. Then, on making the as the sixteenth part of a denarius instead of the tenth, it would lose three-eighths of its value in scruples, or in other words, 54 scruples, thus making it worth but 90 scruples. Then again, as above stated, by the Papirian Law, the weight or value of the libra or as was reduced one-half, making its value in scruples only 45; or, in other words, five thirty-seconds of its original value, when worth two unciÆ or ounces. This number of scruples to the libra would give, at the rate of twenty sesterces to the scruple of gold, exactly 900 sesterces to the libra of gold.

812 Or “aurei.”

813 “Fames auri.” Similar to the words of Virgil, “Auri sacra fames.” “The curst greed for gold.” See Note 666 to Chapter 3 of this Book.

814 Another version of this story was, that he extracted the brain, and inserted lead in its place.

815 See B. xiv. c. 16.

816 In B.C. 88, M. Aquilius proceeded to Asia Minor as one of the consular legati to prosecute the war against Mithridates. On being defeated near Protomachium, he was delivered up to Mithridates by the inhabitants of Mytilene, and after being treated in the most barbarous manner, was put to death by pouring molten gold down his throat.

817 “Insperso.” Sillig is of opinion that Pliny is here speaking of the work now known by Italian artists as tausia or lavoro all’ agemina.

818 Hardouin thinks that Pliny is here making allusion to the Greek word “chrysendeta,” vessels “encircled with gold.” It is frequently used in Martial’s works.

819 See B. xv. c. 38.

820 It is against such practices as these that Martial inveighs, B. i. Ep. 28, and B. ix. Ep. 12.

821 A slave only; and not by any of his brother patricians. Antony was rendered infamous by his proscriptions.

822 Appian and Livy mention the fine as consisting of ten thousand talents in all, or in other words, eight hundred thousand pounds of silver (at eighty pounds to the talent). Sillig is therefore of opinion that Pliny is in error here in inserting the word “annua.” The payment of the ten thousand talents, we learn from the same authorities, was spread over fifty years.

823 Asia Minor.

824 “Folia.” Hardouin prefers the reading “solia,” meaning “thrones,” or “chairs of state,” probably.

825 Ajasson refuses to place credit in this statement.

826 This vase of Semiramis was her drinking bowl, in much the same sense that the great cannon at Dover was Queen Elizabeth’s “pocket pistol.”

827 The country to which, in previous times, the Argonauts had sailed in quest of the Golden Fleece, or in other words in search of gold, in which those regions were probably very prolific.

828 See B. vi. c. 4.

829 This story of the defeat of the great Ramses-Sesostris by a petty king of Colchis, would almost appear apocryphal. It is not improbable, however, that Sesostris, when on his Thracian expedition, may have received a repulse on penetrating further north, accustomed as his troops must have been, to a warmer climate.

830 Of the amphitheatre.

831 Covered, probably, with plates of silver.

832 “Pegma.” A scaffold with storeys, which were raised or depressed, to all appearance, spontaneously. Caligula is the emperor meant.

833 Another reading is “seven” pounds in weight, and “nine” pounds; which would appear to be more probable than seven thousand, and nine thousand, as given by the Bamberg MS. It is just possible, however, that the latter may have been the united weights of all the coronets contributed by Spain and Gaul respectively, the word “inter” being an interpolation.

834 See B. iv. c. 31, B. xi. c. 47, and B. xviii. c. 20.

835 Hence known as the “Golden Day,” according to Dion Cassius, B. lxiii.

836 For further particulars as to the Golden Palace, see B. xxxvi. c. 24.

837 A.U.C. 597.

838 Or Marsic War. See B. ii. c. 85.

839 There is an error in this statement, probably, unless we understand by it the small libra or pound of two ounces, mentioned in c. 13 of this Book.

840 This remark is confirmatory of the incorrectness of the preceding statement.

841 The reading here is doubtful.

842 A.U.C. 612.

843 See B. xix. c. 6.

844 Chapter 57.

845 In fact, no colour at all.

846 In this climate, the light of most of the stars has the complexion, not of gold, but of silver.

847 The topaz, for instance.

848 For ductility and malleability, both which terms may perhaps be included in the “facilitas” of Pliny, gold is unrivalled among the metals. As to weight, it is heavier than lead, the specific gravity of gold being 19.258, and that of lead 11.352. Pliny is therefore wrong in both of these assertions.

849 He forgets asbestus here, a substance which he has mentioned in B. xix. c. 4.

851 The gold thus tested was called “obrussum,” “obryzum,” or “obrizum,” from the Greek ??????, meaning “pure gold.”

852 See B. xviii. c. 23, where he calls the chaff used for this purpose by the name of “acus.”

853 The present mode of assaying the precious metals, is by fusing them upon a cupel with lead.

854 For which purpose, lead was used, no doubt, in drawing the lines in the MSS. of the ancients. See Beckmann’s Hist. Inv. Vol. II. p. 339. Bohn’s Ed.

855 This is far surpassed at the present day, its malleability being such that it may be beaten into leaves not more than one two hundred and eighty thousandth of an inch in thickness, and its ductility admitting of one grain being drawn out into five hundred feet of wire. For further particulars as to the gold leaf of the ancients, and the art of gilding, as practised by them, see Beckmann’s Hist. Inv. Vol. II. p. 391, et seq. Bohn’s Edition.

856 See B. xxxvi. c. 64.

857 He alludes to what are now known as pepitas, oval grains of river-gold. “Striges” is the reading in the Bamberg MS., “strigiles” in the former editions.

858 “Massa.” As we should say at the present day, “nuggets.”

859 “Ramentum.”

860 The contrary is now known to be the case; gold is sometimes, though rarely, found in an oxidized state.

861 As to the solvents of gold, see Note 850 above. Stahl says that three parts of sub-carbonate of potash, dissolved in water, and heated with three parts of sulphur and one part of gold, will yield a complete solution of the metal.

862 Aldrovandus relates, in his “Museum Metallicum,” that the grave of the Emperor Honorius was discovered at Rome about the year 1544, and that thirty-six pounds’ weight of gold were procured from the mouldering dress that covered the body. See, on the subject of gold threads, Beckmann’s Hist. Inv. Vol. I. p. 415. Bohn’s Edition.

863 The “cloth of gold” of the present day, is made of threads of silk or hair, wound round with silver wire flattened and gilded.

864 “Paludamento.”

865 See B. viii. c. 74. Beckmann is of opinion, from a passage of Silius Italicus, B. xiv. l. 661, that the cloth of Attalus was embroidered with the needle. See this subject fully discussed in his Hist. Inv. Vol. I. p. 415. See also Dr. Yates’s “Textrinum Antiquorum,” pp. 371, 464.

866 “Without entering into any research respecting the minerals employed for this cement, called ‘leucophoron,’ one may readily conceive that it must have been a ferruginous ochre, or kind of bole, which is still used as a ground. Gilding of this kind must have suffered from dampness, though many specimens of it are still preserved.”—Beckmann’s Hist. Inv. Vol. II. p. 294. Bohn’s Edition.

867 B. xxxv. c. 17.

868 Literally, “fluid silver.” “The first name here seems to signify native quicksilver, and the second that separated from the ore by an artificial process.” Beckmann’s Hist. Inv. Vol. II. p. 72.

869 In Chapters 32 and 41 of this Book.

870 As to the identity of the “alumen” of Pliny, see B. xxxv. c. 52.

871 In the preceding Chapter.

872 See B. xi. c. 36.

873 See B. vii. c. 2.

874 See B. iv. c. 17.

875 Ajasson remarks, that the Castilians still call the surface earth of auriferous deposits by the name of segullo. He also doubts the correctness of Pliny’s assertion as to the produce of the mines of Dalmatia.

876 See B. xxxiv. c. 47.

877 We learn from Ajasson that numerous pits or shafts are still to be seen in Spain, from which the Romans extracted gold. At Riotento, he says, there are several of them.

878 Both meaning “channel gold.”

879 “Marmoris glareÆ.” Under this name, he no doubt means quartz and schist.

880 See B. xxxvii. c. 39.

881 See B. xxxvi. c. 13.

882 “Channel-gold” or “trench-gold.”

883 Becoming volatilized, and attaching itself in crystals to the side of the chimney.

884 Or “sweat.” This “sweat” or “silver” would in reality be a general name for all the minerals that were volatilized by the heat of the furnace; while under the name of “scoria ” would be comprised pyrites, quartz, petrosilex, and other similar substances.

885 The cupel or crucible is still known in Spain by the name of tasco.

886 Who were said to have heaped one mountain on another in their war with the gods.

887 Deep mines in Spain are still called arrugia, a term also used to signify gold beneath the surface. According to Grimm, arruzi was the ancient High German name for iron.

888 See B. xxiii. c. 27.

889 The breaking-machines, used for crushing the silex.

890 “CÆdunt” is certainly a preferable reading to “cadunt,” though the latter is given by the Bamberg MS.

891 A similar method of washing auriferous earth or sand in the mines, is still employed in some cases.

892 “The bringing of water into one channel.”

893 Or as Holland quaintly renders it, “Some flying spirit or winged devill of the air.”

894 Magnesian carbonate of lime, or dolomite, Ajasson thinks.

895 From the Greek, ?????.

896 It does not appear to have been identified; and it can hardly be the same as the Ulex EuropÆus of modern Natural History, our Furze or Gorse.

897 That of sinking shafts, described already in this Chapter.

898 All these names, no doubt, are of Spanish origin, although Salmasius would assign them a Greek one.

899 In B. iii. c. 24.

900 See B. iii. c. 21.

901 “Auripigmentum.” Yellow sulphuret of arsenic. See B. xxxiv. c. 56.

902 “Lapis specularis.” See B. xxxvi. c. 45.

903 Caligula.

904 It was accidently mixed with the ore of arsenic, no doubt, unless, indeed, the emperor was imposed upon.

905 This is almost, but not quite, universally the case.

906 In Spain. See B. iii. c. 4, B. iv. c. 34, and B. ix. c. 2. The locality alluded to is now unknown.

907 A name also given by the ancients to amber. Artificial “electrum,” or gold alloyed with silver, was known in the most ancient times.

908 The gold found by sinking shafts. See Chapter 21.

909 See B. ix. c. 65.

910 Od. B. iv. l. 71.

911 Pliny no doubt has been imposed upon in this instance.

912 “Solid hammer-work,” in opposition to works in metal, cast and hollow within.

913 In B. v. c. 20, most probably. See also B. xvi. c. 64.

914 The worship of AnaÏtis was probably a branch of the Indian worship of Nature. The Greek writers sometimes identify this goddess with their Artemis and their Aphrodite.

915 Holland has strangely mistaken the meaning of the veteran’s reply; “Yea, sir, that it is; and that methinks you should know best, for even now a leg of his you have at supper, and all your wealth besides is come unto you by that saccage.” He then adds, by way of Note, “For Augustus CÆsar defeited Antonie, and was mightily enriched by the spoile of him.”

916 In Sicily. According to Valerius Maximus and other writers, a statue of solid gold was erected by the whole of Greece, in the temple at Delphi, in honour of Gorgias, who was distinguished for his eloquence and literary attainments. The leading opinion of Gorgias was, that nothing had any real existence.

917 The ninetieth Olympiad, about the year 420 B.C., is much more probably the correct reading; as it was about the seventieth Olympiad, or somewhat later, that Gorgias was born.

918 See B. xxxiv. c. 29.

919 See B. xxix. c. 38. and B. xxxvi. cc. 37, 38.

920 Or gith. See B. xx. c. 71.

921 Similar to the notion still prevalent, that the application of pure gold will remove styes on the eyelids.

922 It has been supposed by some, that the “Chrysocolla” of the ancients, as well as the “CÆruleum,” mentioned in c. 57 of this Book, were the produce of cobalt; but the more generally received opinion is that “chrysocolla” (gold-solder) was green verditer, or mountain-green, carbonate and hydrocarbonate of copper, green and blue, substances which are sometimes found in gold mines, but in copper mines more particularly. It must not be confounded with the modern chrysocolla or Borax.

923 In Chapter 21 of this Book.

924 The “Reseda luteola,” Dyer’s weed, or Wild woad. See Beckmann’s Hist. Inv. Vol. I. p. 478-481, where the identity of the Chrysocolla of the ancients is discussed at considerable length.

925 As to the identity of this substance, see B. xxxv. c. 52.

926 These drugs have not been identified.

927 “Elutam.” Though this is the reading given by the Bamberg MS., “luteam” seems preferable; a name owing, probably, to its being coloured with the plant “lutum,” as mentioned at the end of this Chapter.

928 So called, probably, from being made up into little balls resembling the “orobus” or vetch.

929 A powder, probably, prepared from “cÆruleum.” See the end of the present Chapter, and Chapter 57 of this Book. LittrÉ renders the words “in lomentum,” kept “in the form of powder,” without reference to the peculiar pigment known as “lomentum.”

930 “Sudore resolutis.”

931 A strong proof that chrysocolla was a preparation from copper, and not cobalt. Copper owes its name to the Isle of Cyprus, in which it was found in great abundance. See Beckmann’s Hist. Inv. Vol. II. p. 480. Bohn’s Edition.

932 The colour now known by painters as Emerald green.

933 As a “trigarius.” See B. xxviii. c. 72, and B. xxix. c. 5. From Suetonius, c. 18, we learn that the Emperor Caligula, also, had the Circus sanded with minium and chrysocolla. Ajasson is of opinion that the chrysocolla thus employed was a kind of yellow mica or talc.

934 “Arenosam.” He alludes, probably, to the kind previously mentioned as “aspera” or “rough chrysocolla.”

935 For its identification, see B. xxxiv. cc. 26, 32.

936 See B. xxxv. cc. 12, 18.

937 Making a spurious kind of “lomentum,” possibly, a pigment mentioned in c. 57 of this Book. This passage seems to throw some light, upon the words “in lomentum,” commented upon in Note 929 above.

938 As to durability, probably.

939 It was the mineral, probably, in an unprepared state.

940 Gold-glue or gold-solder.

941 See B. xxxi. c. 46, as to the “nitrum” of Pliny. Galen, in describing the manufacture of “santerna,” omits the nitre as an ingredient.

942 “Argentosum.” The “electrum,” probably, mentioned in c. 23.

943 As to the “cadmia” of Pliny, see B. xxxiv. c. 22.

944 “Plumbum album.” Tin, most probably. See B. xxxiv. cc. 47, 48, 49. Also Beckmann’s Hist. Inv., Vol. II. p. 219, Bohn’s Edition.

945 Of doubtful identity. See B. xxxiv. c. 48.

946 See Chapter 19 of this Book.

947 “Thracius lapis.” This stone, which is mentioned also by Nicander, Galen, Simplicius, and Dioscorides, has not been identified. Holland has the following Note on this passage: “Which some take for pit-cole, or sea-cole rather, such as commeth from Newcastle by sea; or rather, a kind of jeat (jet).” In either case, he is probably wide of the mark, neither coal nor jet igniting on the application of water.

948 Or mistletoe.

949 In due succession to gold.

950 See B. xxxiv. cc. 47, 53.

951 “Plumbum nigrum”—“Black lead,” literally: so called by the ancients, in contradistinction to “plumbum album,” “white lead,” our “tin,” probably.

952 Lead ore; identified with “molybdÆna” in B. xxxiv. c. 53. Native sulphurate of lead is now known as “galena.” See Beckmann’s Hist. Inv. Vol. II. p. 211, where this passage is commented upon.

953 This Beckmann considers to be the same as the “galena” above mentioned; half-vitrified lead, the “glÄtte” of the Germans.

954 The specific gravity of lead is 11.352, and of silver only 10.474.

955 From the words et’ ???a, “one after another.”

956 It is supposed that these shafts were in the neighbourhood of Castulo, now Cazlona, near Linares in Spain. It was at Castulo that Hannibal married his rich wife Himilce; and in the hills north of Linares there are ancient silver mines still known its Los Pozos de Anibal.

957 A mile and a half.

958 The proper reading here, as suggested by Sillig, is not improbably “aquatini,” “water-carriers.” That, however, found in the MSS. is “Aquitani;” but those were a people, not of Spain, but of Gaul. Hardouin suggests that “Accitani” may be the correct reading, a people of that name in Spain being mentioned in B. iii. c. 5.

959 Meaning “raw” silver, apparently.

960 “Alumen.” See B. xxxv. c. 52.

961 Kircher speaks of this being still the case in his time.

962 See Chapter 19 of this Book.

963 “Vomica liquoris Æterni.” Mercury or quicksilver becomes solidified and assumes a crystalline texture at 40° below zero. It is found chiefly in the state of sulphuret, which is decomposed by distillation with iron or lime. It is also found in a native state.

964 “Argentum vivum,” “living silver.”

965 Ajasson thinks that this is not to be understood literally, but that Pliny’s meaning is, that mercury is a universal dissolvent.

966 “Permanans tabe dirÂ.”

967 The specific gravity of mercury is 13.598, that of hammered gold 19.361. Platinum is only a recent discovery.

968 “Id unum ad se trahit.”

969 “The first use of quicksilver is commonly reckoned a Spanish invention, discovered about the middle of the sixteenth century; but it appears from Pliny, that the ancients were acquainted with amalgam and its use, not only for separating gold and silver from earthy particles, but also for gilding.”—Beckmann, Hist. Inv., Vol. I. p. 15. Bohn’s Edition.

970 See the description of the mode of gilding, given in Chapter 20 of this Book. Beckmann has the following remarks on the present passage: “That gold-leaf was affixed to metals by means of quicksilver, with the assistance of heat, in the time of Pliny, we are told by himself in more passages than one. The metal to be gilded was prepared by salts of every kind, and rubbed with pumice-stone in order to clean it thoroughly (see Chapter 20), and to render the surface a little rough. This process is similar to that used at present for gilding with amalgam, by means of heat, especially as amalgamation was known to the ancients. But, to speak the truth, Pliny says nothing of heating the metal after the gold is applied, or of evaporating the quicksilver, but of drying the cleaned metal before the gold is laid on. Had he not mentioned quicksilver, his gilding might have been considered as that with gold leaf by means of heat, dorure en feuille À feu, in which the gold is laid upon the metal after it has been cleaned and heated, and strongly rubbed with blood-stone, or polished steel. Felibien (Principes de l’Architecture. Paris, 1676, p. 280) was undoubtedly right when he regretted that the process of the ancients, the excellence of which is proved by remains of antiquity, has been lost.”—Hist. Inv. Vol. II. pp. 294, 295. Bohn’s Edition.

971 Beckmann finds considerable difficulties in this description—“I acknowledge that this passage I do not fully comprehend. It seems to say that the quicksilver, when the gold was laid on too thin, appeared through it, but that this might be prevented by mixing with the quicksilver the white of an egg. The quicksilver then remained under the gold: a thing which is impossible. When the smallest drop of quicksilver falls upon gilding, it corrodes the noble metal, and produces an empty spot. It is, therefore, incomprehensible to me how this could be prevented by using the white of an egg. Did Pliny himself completely understand gilding? Perhaps he only meant to say that many artists gave out the cold-gilding, where the gold-leaf was laid on with the white of an egg, as gilding by means of heat.”—Hist. Inv. Vol. II. p. 295.

973 He is speaking of Antimony.

974 From its whiteness.

975 Under the name of “female stimmi,” Ajasson thinks that pure, or native, antimony is meant, more particularly the lamelliform variety, remarkable for its smoothness. He thinks it possible, also, that it may have derived its Greek name “larbason,” or “larbasis,” from its brittleness.

976 Ajasson thinks that under this name, crude antimony or sulphuret of antimony may have been included; as also sulphuret of lead, sulphuret of antimony and copper, and sulphuret of antimony and silver; the last of which is often found covered with an opaque pellicle.

977 “Globis.” The fracture of sulphuret of antimony is, in reality, small subconchoÏdal.

978 “Eye dilating.” Belladonna, a preparation from the Atropa belladonna, is now used in medicine for this purpose. A similar effect is attributed in B. xxv. c. 92, to the plant Anagallis. In reality, the application of prepared antimony would contract the eyelids, and so appear to enlarge the eyes. This property is peculiar, Ajasson remarks, to sulphuret of antimony, and sulphuret of antimony and silver.

979 Preparations “for beautifying the eyebrows.” See B. xxi. c. 73, B. xxiii. c. 51, and B. xxxv. c. 56. Omphale, the Lydian queen, who captivated Hercules, is represented by the tragic poet Ion, as using “stimmi” for the purposes of the toilet. It was probably with a preparation of antimony that Jezebel “painted her face, and tired her head.” 2 Kings, ix. 30. The “Kohl” used by the females in Egypt and Persia is prepared from antimony.

980 “Spuma argenti.” See the next Chapter.

981 According to Dioscorides, it was prepared as a cosmetic by enclosing it in a lump of dough, and then burning it in the coals till reduced to a cinder. It was then extinguished with milk and wine, and again placed upon coals, and blown till ignition.

982 As to the “nitrum” of the ancients, see B. xxxi. c. 46.

983 “Flos”—literally the “flower.”

984 “From this passage we may infer that the metal antimony was occasionally seen by the ancients, though not recognized by them as distinct from lead.”—Dana’s System of Mineralogy, p. 418. New York, 1850.

985 Pliny has here mistaken the sense of the word st?a?, which in the passage of Dioscorides, B. v. c. 99, borrowed probably from the same source, evidently means dough, and not grease.

986 From ????, “to drag”—in consequence of its viscous consistency, Hardouin says.

987 In B. xxxiv. c. 53.

988 Cerates, adipose or oleaginous plasters. See B. xxiii. c. 81.

989 “Spuma argenti.” This he uses as a general name for fused oxide of lead, the Litharge of commerce.

990 Ajasson thinks it possible that the “chrysitis,” or “golden” litharge, may have been the yellow deutoxide of lead; the argyritis, or “silver” litharge, the white variety of the same deutoxide; and the “molybditis,” or “leaden” litharge, a general name for sulphuret of lead and silver; of lead and antimony; of lead, antimony, and bismuth; and of lead, antimony, and copper. Or perhaps, he thinks, they may have been the respective names of yellow or golden litharge, white or silver litharge, and terne. With the latter opinion Delafosse seems to coincide.

991 “Tubulis.” These cakes were probably made in a tubular form.

992 “Vena;” meaning the ore probably in its raw state, and mixed with earth. All these distinctions are probably unfounded.

993 See B. xxxiv. c. 53.

994 Of “Puteolana.”

995 The litharge.

996 The scoria.

997 Nothing whatever is known as to the identity of these varieties of litharge. Indeed the words themselves are spelt in various ways in the respective MSS.

998 In B. xxxiv. c. 53, where he identifies it with “galena,” mentioned in Chapter 31 of this Book.

999 See B. xviii. c. 13, B. xvi. c. 61, and B. xxii. c. 66.

1000 Sal gem, or common salt.

1001 In this Chapter. See note 987 above.

1002 The minium spoken of in this and the following Chapter is our Cinnabar, a bisulphurate of mercury. This ore is the great source of the mercury of commerce, from which it is obtained by sublimation. When pure, it is the same as the manufactured vermilion of commerce.

1003 Intended, no doubt, to be typical of blood and carnage; and indicative of a very low state of civilization.

1004 See B. xxxv. c. 45.

1005 See B. v. c. 31.

1006 See B. xvi. c. 12, and B. xxiv. c. 4.

1007 The same as the miltos mentioned below, “miltos” being the word used by Homer, Il. II. 637. This substance is totally different from the minium of the preceding Chapters, and from that mentioned in c. 40. It is our red ochre, peroxide of iron, mixed in a greater or less degree with argillaceous earth.

1008 See B. xxix. c. 8; where he speaks of the mistake made by the physicians in giving mineral vermilion or minium to their patients instead of Indian cinnabar. The latter substance is probably identical with that which is now used for varnishes, being imported from India, and still known as “dragons’ blood,” the resin of the Ptero-carpus draco, or Calamus palm.

1009 In B. viii. c. 12.

1010 In Chapter 41.

1011 The dragon’s blood, mentioned in the preceding Chapter.

1012 “Single colour paintings.” See B. xxxv. cc. 5, 11, 34, 36.

1013 Mentioned in Chapter 37.

1014 The “miltos” of the preceding Chapter. See Note 1007 above.

1015 In B. xxxv. c. 13, et seq.

1016 He is here speaking of our cinnabar, or vermilion, mentioned in Chapter 36.

1017 See B. vi. cc. 27, 28, 32.

1018 See B. iii. c. 3, Vol. I. p. 163. He alludes to the district of Almaden, in Andalusia, still famous for its quicksilver mines.

1019 When sold by the “publicani,” or farmers of the revenue.

1020 Of the publicani.

1021 Red oxide of lead, a much inferior pigment to cinnabar, or the minium of Chapter 36.

1022 In Chapter 32 of this Book.

1023 Dana informs us that minium is usually associated with galena and with calamine. Syst. Mineral, p. 495.

1024 “Steriles.” Barren of silver, probably; though Hardouin thinks that it means “barren of lead.” Holland renders it “barraine and void of the right vermilion.”

1025 In Chapter 37.

1026 B. xxxv. c. 24.

1027 When hired by the job for colouring walls or objects of art. See B. xxxv. c. 12.

1028 See B. xvi. c. 12, and B. xxiv. c. 4.

1029 “Candelis.” The Abate Requeno thinks that these “candelÆ” were used as a delicate cauterium, simply to keep the wax soft, that it might receive a polish from the friction of the linen.

1030 Hence the use of it in the middle ages; a reminiscence of which still exists in our word “rubric.”

1031 Or artificial quicksilver. In reality, hydrargyrus is prepared from the genuine minium of Pliny, the cinnabar mentioned in Chapter 36: it being obtained by the sublimation of sulphuret of mercury.

1032 In Chapters 20 and 32.

1033 This, probably, is the meaning of “lubrico humore compluere.”

1034 See the end of Chapter 38.

1035 Artificial quicksilver is still used for this purpose. See Note 971 to Chapter 32 of this Book; also Beckmann’s Hist. Inv. Vol. II. p. 295. Bohn’s Edition.

1036 In Chapter 32. He alludes to the use of glair of eggs.

1037 Literally “whetstone.” He is speaking of the stone known to us as Touchstone, Lydian stone, or Basanite—“a velvet-black siliceous stone or flinty jasper, used on account of its hardness and black colour for trying the purity of the precious metals. The colour left on the stone after rubbing the metal across it, indicates to the experienced eye the amount of the alloy.”—Dana, Syst. Mineral., p. 242.

1038 In Lydia. See B. v. cc. 30, 31.

1039 As a test. At the present day, concentrated nitric acid is dropped on the mark left by the metal; and the more readily the mark is effaced, the less pure is the metal.

1040 This seems to be the meaning of “si sudet protinus.”

1041 A very far-fetched explanation, and very wide of the mark.

1042 “Paulum propulsa.”

1043 Which he supposes a concave surface to do.

1044 This passage is noticed by Beckmann, in his account of Mirrors; Vol. II. p. 58. Bohn’s Edition.

1045 Distorting the image reflected, by reason of the irregularities of the surface. See Seneca, Nat. QuÆst. B. i. c. 5.

1046 “Parma ThrÆcidica.”

1047 He probably means, whether the surface is made convex or concave at these different angles.

1048 A subject to which he returns in various parts of B. xxxvi.

1049 See B. xxxiv. c. 48.

1050 As to the identification of “stannum,” on which there have been great differences of opinion, see B. xxxiv. cc. 47, 48, and the Notes.

1051 For some account of this artist, see Chapter 55 and the Notes at the end of this Book.

1052 “Silver mirrors were known long before this period, as is proved by a passage in the Mostellaria of Plautus, A. 1, S. 3, l. 101, where they are distinctly mentioned. To reconcile this contradiction, Meursius remarks that Pliny speaks only of his countrymen, and not of the Greeks, who had such articles much earlier, though the scene in Plautus is at Athens.”—Beckmann, Hist. Inv. Vol. II. p. 62. Bohn’s Edition.

1053 “Nuper credi coeptum certiorem imaginem reddi auro opposito aversis.”—“Of what Pliny says here I can give no explanation. Hardouin (qy. if not Dalechamps?) is of opinion that mirrors, according to the newest invention, at that period were covered behind with a plate of gold, as our mirrors are with an amalgam. But as the ancient plates of silver were not transparent, how could the gold at the back of them produce any effect in regard to the image? May not the meaning be that a thin plate of gold was placed at some distance before the mirror, in order to throw more light upon its surface? Whatever may have been the case, Pliny himself seems not to have had much confidence in the invention.”—Beckmann, Hist. Inv. Vol. II. p. 62.

1054 Dr. Watson (Chemical Essays, Vol. IV. p. 246) seems to think that Pliny is here speaking of glass mirrors: “If we admit that Pliny was acquainted with glass mirrors, we may thus understand what he says respecting an invention which was then new, of applying gold behind a mirror. Instead of an amalgam of tin, some one had proposed to cover the back of the mirror with an amalgam of gold, with which the ancients were certainly acquainted, and which they employed in gilding.” See Chapter 20 of the present Book. On the above passage by Dr. Watson, Beckmann has the following remarks: “This conjecture appears, at any rate, to be ingenious; but when I read the passage again, without prejudice, I can hardly believe that Pliny alludes to a plate of glass in a place where he speaks only of metallic mirrors; and the overlaying with amalgam requires too much art to allow me to ascribe it to such a period without sufficient proof. I consider it more probable, that some person had tried, by means of a polished plate of gold, to collect the rays of light, and to throw them either on the mirror or the object, in order to render the image brighter.”—Hist. Inv. Vol. II. p. 72.

1055 The dog-headed divinity. The seat of his worship was at Cynopolis, mentioned in B. v. c. 11. Under the Empire his worship became widely spread both in Greece and at Rome.

1056 Under the word “pingit,” he probably includes the art of enamelling silver.

1057 “Fulgoris excÆcati.”

1058 “Chaplet” copper.

1059 He either alludes to the practice of clipping the coin, or else to the issue of forged silver denarii, short of weight.

1060 During the prÆtorship of Marius Gratidianus. He was on terms of great intimacy with Cicero, and was murdered by Catiline in a most barbarous manner during the proscriptions of Sylla.

1061 By public enactment probably; samples of the false denarius being sold for the purpose of showing the difference between it and the genuine coin.

1062 Twenty times one hundred thousand, &c.

1063 As signifying a “debt owing to another.”

1064 “The Rich.”

1065 This seems the best translation for “decoxisse creditoribus suis,” which literally means that he “boiled” or “melted away” his fortune from his creditors. In this remark Pliny is more witty than usual.

1066 The Triumvir. The first person mentioned in Roman history as having the cognomen “Dives,” is P. Licinius Crassus, the personage mentioned in B. xxi. c. 4. As he attained the highest honours of the state, and died universally respected, he cannot be the person so opprobriously spoken of by Pliny.

1067 The meaning appears to be doubtful here, as it is not clear whether “sesterces,” or “sestertia,” “thousands of sesterces,” is meant.

1068 Who cut off his head after his death, and poured molten gold down his throat.

1069 Originally the slave of Antonia, the mother of Claudius. Agrippina, the wife of Claudius, admitted him to her embraces, and in conjunction with her he for some time ruled the destinies of the Roman Empire. He was poisoned by order of Nero, A.D. 63.

1070 C. Julius Callistus, the freedman of Caligula, in whose assassination he was an accomplice. The physician Scribonius Largus dedicated his work to Callistus.

1071 A freedman of the Emperor Claudius, whose epistolary correspondence he superintended. He was put to death on the accession of Nero, A.D. 54.

1072 In which case it would be dangerous to speak of them.

1073 A.U.C. 746.

1074 According to some authorities, he was a Lydian. He derived his wealth from his gold mines in the neighbourhood of CelÆnÆ in Phrygia, and would appear, in spite of Pliny’s reservation, to have been little less than a king. His five sons accompanied Xerxes; but Pythius, alarmed by an eclipse of the sun, begged that the eldest might be left behind. Upon this, Xerxes had the youth put to death, and his body cut in two, the army being ordered to march between the portions, which were placed on either side of the road. His other sons were all slain in battle, and Pythius passed the rest of his life in solitude.

1075 “Stipem spargere.”

1076 A.U.C. 568.

1077 In performance of a vow made in the war with King Antiochus. See Livy, B. xxxix.

1078 So called from the silversmiths who respectively introduced them. The Gratian plate is mentioned by Martial, B. iv. Epigr. 39.

1079 “Etenim tabernas mensis adoptamus.”

1080 “Anaglypta.” Plate chased in relief. It is mentioned in the Epigram of Martial above referred to.

1081 “Asperitatemque exciso circa liniarum picturas,”—a passage, the obscurity of which, as LittrÉ remarks, seems to set translation at defiance.

1082 He alludes, probably to tiers of shelves on the beaufets or sideboards—“repositoria”—similar to those used for the display of plate in the middle ages. Petronius Arbiter speaks of a round “repositorium,” which seems to have borne a considerable resemblance to our “dumb waiters.” The “repositoria” here alluded to by Pliny were probably made of silver.

1083 “Interradimus.”

1084 “CarrucÆ.” The “carruca” was a carriage, the name of which only occurs under the emperors, the present being the first mention of it. It had four wheels and was used in travelling, like the “carpentum.” Martial, B. iii. Epig. 47, uses the word as synonymous with “rheda.” Alexander Severus allowed the senators to have them plated with silver. The name is of Celtic origin, and is the basis of the mediÆval word “carucate,” and the French carrosse.

1085 So called from his victory over the Allobroges.

1086 In allusion to the case of P. Cornelius Rufinus, the consul, who was denounced in the senate by the censors C. Fabricius Luscinus and Q. Æmilius Rufus, for being in possession of a certain quantity of silver plate. This story is also referred to in B. xviii. c. 8, where ten pounds is the quantity mentioned.

1087 This is said ironically.

1088 Sextus Ælius Poetus Catus, Consul B.C. 198.

1089 “Prandentem.”

1090 L. Paulus Æmilius.

1091 It being lent from house to house. This, no doubt, was said ironically, and as a sneer at their poverty.

1093 “Pellitum.” There has been considerable doubt as to the meaning of this, but it is most probable that the “privilege of the fur,” or in other words, a license to be clad in certain kinds of fur, was conferred on certain men of rank in the provinces. Holland considers it to be the old participle of “pello,” and translates the passage “banished out of the country and nation where his father was born.”

1094 “Triclinia.” The couches on which they reclined when at table.

1095 See B. ix. c. 13.

1096 This pattern, whatever it may have been, is also spoken of by Cicero, pro MurenÂ, and by Valerius Maximus, B. vii. c. 1.

1097 “Lances.”

1098 “Dispensator.”

1099 “Conservi”—said in keen irony.

1100 Giants, at least, one would think.

1101 Over the party of Marius.

1102 See B. ix. c. 13.

1103 “Compacta;” probably meaning inlaid like Mosaic.

1104 See B. xiii. c. 29, B. xv. c. 7, and B. xvi. cc. 26, 27, 84.

1105 Meaning, “drum sideboards,” or “tambour sideboards,” their shape, probably, being like that of our dumb waiters.

1106 The name given to which was “lanx,” plural “lances.”

1107 His age and country are uncertain. We learn, however, from Chapter 55 of this Book, that he flourished before the burning of the Temple of Diana at Ephesus, B.C. 356. He is frequently mentioned in the classical writers. See also B. vii. c. 39.

1108 He includes, probably, under this name both Asia Minor and Syria. See a similar passage in Livy, B. xxxix.

1109 This passage is rejected by Sillig as a needless interpolation.

1110 Asia Minor.

1111 King of Pergamus.

1112 Over King Antiochus.

1113 He alludes to the destruction of Corinth, by L. Mummius AchaÏcus.

1114 A drinking cup with handles, sacred to Bacchus. See B. xxxiv. c. 25.

1115 Bacchus.

1116 In allusion to the plebeian origin of C. Marius, who was born at the village of CereatÆ, near Arpinum. It is more than probable that the story that he had worked as a common peasant for wages, was an invention of the faction of Sylla.

1117 “Ille arator Arpinas, et manipularis imperator.”

1118 Meaning the first king of that name. He was son of Mithridates IV., king of Pontus.

1119 Appian says that there “was a gold statue of this Mithridates, exhibited in the triumph of Pompey, eight cubits in height.” Plutarch speaks of another statue of the same king, exhibited by Lucullus, six feet in height.

1120 “Compedes.” See Chapter 12 of this Book.

1121 The translation of this passage is somewhat doubtful. We will, therefore, subjoin that of Holland, who adopts the other version. “As we may see by our proud and sumptuous dames, that are but commoners and artizans’ wives, who are forced to make themselves carquans and such ornaments for their shoes, of silver, because the rigour of the statute provided in that case will not permit them to weare the same of gold.”

1122 A rhetorician who taught at Rome in the reign of Augustus. The poet Ovid was one of his pupils. His rival in teaching declamation was Porcius Latro.

1123 Of an improper intimacy with his pupils.

1124 Rings of silver being passed through the prepuce. This practice is described by Celsus, B. vii. c. 25.

1125 “Videret hinc dona fortium fieri, aut in hÆc frangi.”

1126 In B. vii. c. 39, and in Chapter 53 of this Book.

1127 “Quatuor paria ab eo omnino facta sunt.” Sillig, in his Dictionary of Ancient Artists, finds a difficulty in this passage. “The term ‘omnino’ seems to imply that the productions in question, all of which perished, were the only works executed by this artist; but we find several passages of ancient writers, in which vases, &c. engraved by Mentor, are mentioned as extant. Thus, then, we must conclude, either that the term ‘omnino’ should be understood in the sense of ‘chiefly,’ ‘pre-eminently,’ or that the individuals claiming to possess works of Mentor, were themselves misinformed, or endeavoured to deceive others.” If, however, we look at the word “paria” in a strictly technical sense, the difficulty will probably be removed. Pliny’s meaning seems to be that Mentor made four pairs, and no more, of some peculiar kind of vessel probably, and that all these pairs were now lost. He does not say that Mentor did not make other works of art, in single pieces. Thiersch, Act. Acad. Monac. v. p. 128, expresses an opinion that the word “omnino” is a corruption, and that in it lies concealed the name of the kind of plate that is meant.

1128 See B. vii. c. 39.

1129 His age and country are unknown.

1130 From Pausanias we learn that he was a statuary and engraver on plate, born at Carthage; but Raoul Rochette thinks that he was a native of Chalcedon. He is mentioned also by Cicero, In Verrem, 4. 14, and in the Culex, l. 66, ascribed by some to Virgil.

1131 His country is uncertain. According to the statements of Pausanias, B. i. c. 28, he must have been a contemporary of Phidias, about Olymp. 84, B.C. 444. He is mentioned also by Propertius, Martial, and Statius.

1132 His birth-place is unknown, but he probably lived about the time of Phidias, and we learn from Pausanias that he was living when the plague ceased at Athens, in B.C. 429. He is mentioned also by Cicero, Ovid, Quintilian, Lucian, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus.

1133 Nothing further is known of this artist.

1134 “Collocavisse verius quam cÆlasse.”

1135 “Phiala.”

1136 He lived probably about Olymp. 126; but his country is unknown. He is mentioned by AthenÆus. See also B. xxxiv. c. 19.

1137 Nothing whatever is known of him, unless indeed he is identical with the Tauriscus mentioned in B. xxxvi. c. 5.

1138 Nothing is known of his age or country. He is also mentioned in B. xxxiv. c. 19.

1139 His age and country are unknown. See B. xxxiv. c. 19.

1140 Nothing further is known of him. See B. xxxiv. c. 19.

1141 See the end of this Book.

1142 Beyond the mention made of him in B. xxxiv. c. 19, no particulars relative to him are known.

1143 Other readings of this name are “LÆdus Stratiotes,” “Ledis Thracides,” “Hieris Thracides,” and “Lidistratices.” The Bamberg MS. has “Hedys Trachides.” Salmasius, Hardouin, and Sillig propose “Leostratides,” and Thiersch “Lysistratides.”

1144 Nothing further is known of him.

1145 For the murder of his mother ClytÆmnestra.

1146 Nothing is known of this artist.

1147 From Troy.

1148 “Coquos,” literally, “cooks.”

1149 “Cooks in miniature.”

1150 By the process of moulding, probably.

1151 “Crustarius.” Of this artist nothing further is known.

1152 Yellow or brown Ochre, probably. Ajasson thinks that under this name may be included peroxide of iron, hydroxide of iron in a stalactitic and mamillary form, and compact peroxide of iron, imparting a colour to argillaceous earth.

1153 “Scaly and ochrey brown iron ore are decomposed earthy varieties, often soft like chalk; yellow ochre is here included.”—Dana, Syst. Mineral, p. 436.

1154 “Marmorosum.”

1155 “Lucidum.”

1156 “Abacos.” Small compartments or partitions in a square form on the walls of rooms.

1157 See B. vii. c. 57, where he is called an Athenian, whereas he was a native of Thasos. He was one of the most eminent painters of antiquity, and flourished in the age of Pericles. See a further account of him in B. xxxv. c. 35.

1158 Son of Phanochus, and contemporary of Polygnotus. See B. xxxv. c. 25, where it is stated that in conjunction with Polygnotus, he either invented some new colours, or employed them in his paintings on a better plan than that previously adopted.

1159 “It is possible that the ‘cÆruleum’ of the ancients may in some cases have been real ultramarine, but properly and in general, it was only copper ochre.”—Beckmann’s Hist. Inv. Vol. I. p. 472. Bohn’s Edition. Delafosse identifies it with blue carbonate and hydrocarbonate of copper, one of the two azurites.

1160 “Candidiorem nigrioremve, et crassiorem tenuioremve.”

1161 Beckmann thinks that Pliny is here alluding to an artificial kind of “cÆruleum.” “Pliny clearly adds to it an artificial colour, which in my opinion was made in the same manner as our lake; for he speaks of an earth, which when boiled with plants, acquired their blue colour.”—Hist. Inv., Vol. II. p. 480.

1162 Supposed by Hardouin to have been “glastum” or “woad,” the Isatis tinctoria of LinnÆus, mentioned in B. xxii. c. 2.

1163 “In su coquitur herbÂ.”

1164 A blue powder; see Chapter 27 of this Book. Beckmann has the following remarks on this and the preceding lines: “The well-known passage of Pliny in which Lehmann thinks he can with certainty discover cobalt, is so singular a medley that nothing to be depended on can be gathered from it. The author, it is true, where he treats of mineral pigments, seems to speak of a blue sand which produced different shades of blue paint, according as it was pounded coarser or finer. The palest powder was called lomentum, and this Lehmann considers as our powder-blue. I am, however, fully convinced that the cyanus of Theophrastus, the cÆruleum of Pliny, and the chrysocolla (see Chapter 26), were the blue copper earth already mentioned, which may have been mixed and blended together.”—Hist. Inv. Vol. I. pp. 480, 481. Bohn’s Edition.

1165 According to Vitruvius, B. vii. c. 11, the manufactory of Vestorius was at Puteoli, now Pozzuoli. This was probably the same C. Vestorius who was also a money-lender and a friend of Atticus, and with whom Cicero had monetary transactions. He is mentioned as “Vestorium meum,” in the Epistles of Cicero to Atticus.

1166 For colouring surfaces of clay or cretaceous earth. This kind was also manufactured by Vesturius, most probably.

1167 “Idem et Puteolani usus, prÆterque ad fenestras.” “The expression here, usus ad fenestras, has been misapplied by Lehmann, as a strong proof of his assertion; for he explained it as if Pliny had said that a blue pigment was used for painting window-frames; but glass windows were at that time unknown. I suspect that Pliny meant to say only that one kind of paint could not be employed near openings which afforded a passage to the light, as it soon decayed and lost its colour. This would have been the case in particular with lake, in which there was a mixture of vegetable particles.”—Beckmann, Hist. Inv. Vol. I. p. 480.

1168 “Indian” pigment. Probably our “indigo.” It is again mentioned, and at greater length, in B. xxxv. c. 27. See also Beckmann, Hist. Inv. Vol. II. pp. 259, 267. Bohn’s Edition.

1169 This is probably a more correct reading than “seven.”

1170 See B. xxxv. c. 19. Vitruvius, B. vii. c. 14, describes an exactly similar method adopted by dyers for imitating the colour of Attic sil, or ochre, mentioned in Chapter 56.

1171 A quarter in the city of Capua, inhabited by druggists and perfumers; see B. xvi. c. 18, and B. xxxiv. c. 25.

1172 In some MSS. the reading here is “Domitius,” and in others the name is omitted altogether. We learn from the writings of Suetonius, that the Emperor Domitian devoted himself to literary pursuits in his younger days, and Quintilian and the younger Pliny speak of his poetical productions as equal to those of the greatest masters. Sillig expresses an opinion that Pliny may possibly have borrowed something from his works, and inserted his name, with a view of pleasing the young prince and his father, the Emperor Vespasian.

1173 He is quoted in Chapter 9 of this Book, where it appears that he took his cognomen on account of his friendship for C. Gracchus. He wrote a work, “De Potestatibus,” which gave an account of the Roman magistrates from the time of the kings. A few fragments of this work, which was highly esteemed by the ancients, are all that remain.

1174 See end of B. ii.

1175 See end of B. iii.

1176 See end of B. ii.

1177 Valerius Messala Corvinus. See end of B. ix.

1178 See end of B. vii.

1179 Calvus Licinius Macer was the son of C. Licinius Macer, a person of prÆtorian rank, who, on being impeached of extortion by Cicero, committed suicide. We learn from our author, B. xxxiv. c. 50, that in his youth he devoted himself to study with the greatest zeal, and applied himself with singular energy to intellectual pursuits. His constitution, however, was early exhausted, and he died in his 35th or 36th year, leaving behind him twenty-one orations. We learn from Cicero and Quintilian that his compositions were carefully moulded after the models of the Attic school, but were deficient in ease and freshness. As a poet he was the author of many short pieces, equally remarkable for their looseness and elegance. He wrote also some severe lampoons on Pompey and CÆsar, and their respective partisans. Ovid and Horace, besides several of the prose writers, make mention of him.

1180 See end of B. ii.

1181 See end of B. ii.

1182 Cornelius Bocchus. See end of B. xvi.

1183 Annius or AnnÆus Fetialis. See end of B. xvi.

1184 See end of B. viii.

1185 See end of B. vii.

1186 See end of B. xx.

1187 See end of B. xii.

1188 See end of B. iii.

1189 See end of B. ii.

1190 See end of B. v.

1191 The person mentioned in Chapter 13 of this Book, is probably different from those of the same name mentioned at the end of Books ii. and iv. If so, no further particulars are known of him.

1192 It seems impossible to say which of the physicians of this name is here alluded to. See end of Books iv. and xii.

1193 See end of B. xx.

1194 See end of B. xii.

1195 See end of B. xiii.

1196 See end of B. xii.

1197 See end of B. xii.; and for Sallustius Dionysius, see end of B. xxxi.

1198 See end of B. xxix.

1199 See end of B. xii.

1200 See end of B. xii.

1201 As King Attalus was very skilful in medicine, Hardouin is of opinion that he is the person here meant; see end of B. viii.

1202 A different person, most probably, from the writer of Pliny’s age, mentioned in B. xxxvii. c. 2. The Xenocrates here mentioned is probably the same person that is spoken of in B. xxxv. c. 36, a statuary of the school of Lysippus, and the pupil either of Tisicrates or of Euthycrates, who flourished about B.C. 260.

1203 There were two artists of this name, prior to the time of Pliny; a sculptor, mentioned by him in B. xxxiv. c. 19, and a painter, contemporary with Apelles, mentioned in B. xxxv. c. 36. It is impossible to say which of them, if either, is here meant.

1204 See end of B. iii.

1205 See end of B. xii.

1206 It is impossible to say which writer of this name is here meant. See end of Books iv., viii., xi., and xx.

1207 A statuary, sculptor, and chaser in silver, who flourished at Rome about B.C. 60. He was a native of Magna GrÆcia, in the south of Italy. He is not only mentioned in Chapter 55 of the present Book, but also in B. xxxv. c. 45, as an artist of the highest distinction. His narrow escape from a panther, while copying from nature, is mentioned in B. xxxvi. c. 4. His five Books on the most celebrated works of sculpture and chasing were looked upon as a high authority in art. He was also the head of a school of artists.

1208 A writer on painting of this name is mentioned by Diogenes Laertius, B. vii. c. 12. He is probably the same as the person here mentioned, and identical with the Greek sculptor mentioned by Pliny in B. xxxiv. c. 19, who probably flourished about 240 B.C. The Toreutic Art, “Toreutice,” was the art of making raised work in silver or bronze, either by graving or casting: but the exact meaning of the word is somewhat uncertain.

1209 MenÆchmus of Sicyon, probably; see end of B. iv., also B. xxxiv. c. 19.

1210 If he is really a different person from the Xenocrates mentioned above, nothing is known of him.

1211 See end of B. vii.

1212 Possibly one of the persons mentioned at the end of Books viii., xix., and xxxi. If not, nothing whatever is known of him.

1214 See end of B. iii.

1215 The present Book is translated by the late Dr. Bostock, the translation being corrected by the readings of the Bamberg MS., which do not appear to have come under his notice. Some Notes by Dr. Bostock will be also found at the commencement of Books 33 and 35; they are distinguished by the initial B.

1216 “Æris Metalla.” The word “Æs” does not entirely correspond to our word “brass;” the brass of the moderns being a compound of copper and zinc, while the “Æs” of the ancients was mostly composed of copper and tin, and therefore, would be more correctly designated by the word “bronze.” But this last term is now so generally appropriated to works of art, that it would seem preferable to employ in most cases the more general terms “copper” or “brass.” For an excellent account of the “Æs” of the ancients, see Smith’s Dict. Antiq. “Æs.”—B. Mr. Westmacott, in the above-mentioned article, says that the ancient “Æs” has been found, upon analysis, to contain no zinc, but in nearly every instance to be a mixture of copper and tin, like our bronze. Beckmann says, on the other hand, that the mixture of zinc and copper now called “brass,” first discovered by ores, abundant in zinc, was certainly known to the ancients. “In the course of time, an ore, which must have been calamine, was added to copper while melting, to give it a yellow colour.” Hist. Inv. Vol. II. pp. 32, 33. Bohn’s Edition. There can be little doubt that the native Cadmia of Chapter 22 of this Book was our Calamine, hydrosilicate of zinc, or carbonate of zinc, or else copper ore impregnated with calamine.

1217 In B. xxxiii. c. 13.

1218 “Stipis auctoritas.” The standard in money payments.

1219 These terms must have come into use when brass, “Æs,” was the ordinary medium, of circulation.—B. Their meaning is, “soldiers’ pay,” “tribunes of the treasury,” the “public treasury,” “made bondmen for debt,” and “mulcted of their pay.”

1220 In B. xxxiii. c. 13.—B.

1221 “Collegium” The colleges of the priests and of the augurs being the first two associated bodies.—B.

1222 In B. xxxiii. c. 31, where we have an account of the ores of silver.—B.

1223 Pliny again refers to this mineral in the 22d Chapter. We have no means of ascertaining, with certainty, what is the substance to which this name was applied by the ancients. The ores of copper are very numerous, and of various chemical constitutions: the most abundant, and those most commonly employed in the production of the pure metal, are the sulphurets, more especially what is termed copper pyrites, and the oxides. It has been supposed, by some commentators, that the Cadmia of the ancients was Calamine, which is an ore of zinc; but we may be confident that the Æs of the ancients could not be produced from this substance, because, as has been stated above, the Æs contains no zinc. I must, however, observe that the contrary opinion is maintained by M. Delafosso.—B. See Note 1216 above.

1224 The inhabitants of Bergamum, the modern Bergamo.—B. See B. iii. c. 21.

1225 Aristotle gives the same account of the copper ore of Cyprus. Chalcitis is also spoken of by Dioscorides, as an ore of copper.—B. See further as to “Chalcitis,” in Chapter 29 of this Book.

1226 There has been much discussion respecting the nature of this substance, and the derivation of the word. Hardouin conceives it probable that it was originally written “orichalcum,” i.e. “mountain brass” or “copper.”—B. Ajasson considers it to be native brass, a mixture of copper and zinc. In the later writers it signifies artificial brass. The exact composition of this metal is still unknown, but there is little doubt that Hardouin is right in his supposition as to the origin of the name.

1227 Possibly so called from Sallustius Crispus, the historian, who was one of the secretaries of Augustus.

1228 There is some doubt respecting the locality of these people; they are enumerated by Pliny among the inhabitants of the mountainous districts of Savoy, B. iii. c. 24, and are referred to by Ptolemy.—B.

1229 Livia.

1230 It was named “Marian,” after the celebrated Marius, and “Corduban,” from the place whence it was procured; probably the mountains near Corduba, in Spain, well known as the birth-place of the two Senecas and of Lucan.—B. See B. iii. c. 3, and B. xix. c. 43.

1231 No light is thrown upon the nature either of Cadmia or Aurichalcum by this statement; we only learn from it that different compounds, or substances possessing different physical properties, went under the common appellation of Æs, and were, each of them, employed in the formation of coins.—B.

1232 “Dupondiariis.” The “as,” it must be remembered, originally weighed one pound. See B. xxxiii. c. 13, and the Introduction to Vol. III.

1233 He alludes to the ancient works of art in this compound metal.

1234 The art of making compound metals.

1235 Vulcan, namely.

1236 No one has accidentally stumbled upon the art of making this composite metal.

1237 We have an account of the destruction of Corinth, and the accidental formation of this compound, in Florus, B. ii. c. 16. Although this account was generally received by the ancients, we may venture to assert, that it cannot be correct; we cannot conceive the possibility of such a fusion taking place during the destruction of the city, or of the complete union of the components, in the mode in which they have been found to exist.—B.

1238 B.C. 146.—B.

1239 “Trulleos.” In an epigram of Martial, B. ix. Ep. 97, the word “trulla” signifies a chamber-pot.

1240 From the Greek ?pa?, “the liver.”

1241 The Delian brass is mentioned by Cicero, in his oration “Pro Roscio Amerino,” s. 46, and in his Fourth oration “In Verrem,” s. 1.—B. Pausanias, in his “Eliaca,” says that the Spanish copper, or copper of Tartessus, was the first known.

1242 Or Cattle Market: in the Eighth Region of the City. See B. xxxv. c. 7, and Chapter 16 of this Book.

1243 A distinguished statuary and engraver on silver. He lived in Olympiad 87. Further mention is made of him by Cicero, Ovid, Strabo, and Pausanias. See also Chapter 19 of this Book.

1244 There were several artists of this name. The elder Polycletus, a native either of Sicyon or of Argos, is probably the one here referred to. For further particulars of him, see Chapter 19.

1245 The words in the original are, respectively candelabra, superficies, and scapi.—B.

1246 Probably a proverbial expression at Rome, as it is employed by Juvenal, in an analogous manner, upon another occasion; Sat. iii. l. 132.—B.

1247 Plutarch speaks of the Geganii as an ancient noble family at Rome.

1248 See B. xxxiii. c. 53.

1249 A.U.C. 585; we have an account of it in Livy, B. xiv. c. 42.—B.

1250 This building is referred to by Velleius Paterculus, in the beginning of the Second Book of his History.—B. According to Aurelius Victor, it was situated in the Ninth Region of the City.

1251 The Temple of Vesta is described by Ovid, Fasti, B. vi. l. 265, et seq.—B.

1252 C. Camillus probably, the Roman jurist and friend of Cicero.

1253 See end of B. ii.

1254 “Triclinia,” “abaci,” and “monopodia;” these appear to have been couches for dining-tables, tables furnished with cupboards, and tables standing on a single foot. Livy, B. xxxix. c. 6, informs us, that Cneius Manlius, in his triumphal procession, introduced into Rome various articles of Asiatic luxury; “Lectos Æratos, vestem stragulam preciosam, monopodia, et abacos.” We are not to suppose that the whole of these articles were made of brass, but that certain parts of them were formed of this metal, or else were ornamented with brass.—B.

1255 See end of B. ii.

1256 “Cortinas tripodum.” These articles of furniture consisted of a table or slab, supported by three feet, which was employed, like our sideboards, for the display of plate, at the Roman entertainments.—B.

1257 “Lychnuchi pensiles;” this term is applied by Suetonius, Julius, s. 37; we may conceive that they were similar to the modern chandeliers.—B.

1258 This temple was dedicated by Augustus A.U.C. 726. The lamps in it, resembling trees laden with fruit, are mentioned by Victor in his description of the Tenth Quarter of the City.—B.

1259 See B. v. c. 32.

1260 We have an account of this event in Livy, B. ii. c. 41, in Valerius Maximus, and in Dionysius of Halicarnassus.—B.

1261 “IconicÆ,” “portrait statues,” from e????, of the same meaning. This term is employed by Suetonius, in speaking of a statue of Caligula, c. 22.—B.

1262 Pisistratus. These statues are mentioned in the 19th Chapter of this Book, as being the workmanship of Praxiteles.—B.

1263 See B. vii. cc. 31, 34: B. viii. c. 74: and B. ix. c. 63.

1264 Near the Temple of Janus, in the Eighth Region of the City.

1265 The Luperci were the priests of Pan, who, at the celebration of their games, called Lupercalia, were in the habit of running about the streets of Rome, with no other covering than a goat’s skin tied about the loins.—B.

1266 “PÆnula.” See B. viii. c. 73.

1267 We are informed by Cicero, De Off. B. iii. c. 30, and by Valerius Maximus, B. ii. c. 7, that Marcinus made a treaty with the Numantines, which the senate refused to ratify, and that he was, in consequence, surrendered to the enemy. We may suppose that he regarded the transaction as redounding more to the discredit of the senate than of himself.—B.

1268 See end of B. xviii.

1269 In the First Region of the City, near the Capenian Gate.

1270 “Celetes;” this appellation is derived from the Greek word ?????, “swift,” and was applied to those who rode on horseback, in opposition to the charioteers—B.

1271 Poinsinet remarks that Pliny has forgotten the gilded chariot, with six horses, which Cneius Cornelius dedicated in the Capitol, two hundred years before Augustus; he also refers to an ancient inscription in Gruter, which mentions chariots of this description.—B.

1272 MÆnius was consul with Furius Camillus, A.U.C. 416; we have an account of his victories over the Latins and other neighbouring nations in Livy, B. viii. c. 14.—B.

1273 We have an account of this transaction in Livy, B. viii. c. 14. This trophy is also mentioned by Florus, B. i. c. 11. The “Suggestus” was an elevated place, formed for various purposes, the stage from which the orators addressed the people, the place from which the general addressed his soldiers, and the seat occupied by the emperor at the public games.—B.

1274 Florus, B. ii. c. 2, gives an account of the arrangements and equipment of the Carthaginian fleet, the victory of Duillius, and the rostral monument erected in its commemoration.—B.

1275 See B. xviii. c. 4.

1276 “Unciari stipe;” the uncia was the twelfth part of the “as,” and the word stips was regarded as equivalent to as, as being the usual pay of the soldiers.—B. See Introduction to Vol. III.

1277 See B. xv. c. 20.

1278 This circumstance is mentioned by Cicero in his Defence of Milo, § 90-1.—B.

1279 We have some account of Hermodorus in Cicero’s Tusc. QuÆs. B. v. c. 36.—B.

1280 See B. x. c. 2, B. xviii. c. 3, and B. xxxiii. c. 7.

1281 Livy, B. ii. c. 10, and Valerius Maximus, B. iii. c. 2, give an account of this event. A. Gellius incidentally mentions the statue, and its position in the Comitium, B. iv. c. 5.—B.

1282 We are informed by Dion Cassius, that there were eight statues in the Capitol, seven of which were of the kings, and the eighth of Brutus, who overthrew the kingly government; at a later period the statue of CÆsar was placed by the side of that of Brutus.—B.

1283 Suetonius, speaking of this temple, remarks, that though dedicated to the brothers Castor and Pollux, it was, only known as the Temple of Castor.—B.

1284 We have an account of the victory of Tremulus over the Hernici, and of the statue erected in honour of him, in Livy, B. ix. c. 43.—B.

1285 This event is referred to by Cicero, Philipp. ix., 5.—B.

1286 Florus, B. ii. c. 5, gives an account of the murder of P. Junius and T. Coruncanius.—B.

1287 In the Bamberg MS. the reading is “unum se. verbum.” Gronovius is probably right in his conjecture that the word is “senatus consulti.”

1288 By one Leptines, at Laodicea.

1289 “Oculatissimo.” The place where there was “the most extended eyeshot.” It is to this singular expression, probably, that Pliny alludes.

1290 “Quod campum Tiberinum gratificata esset ea populo.”

1291 A.U.C. 441.

1292 See B. vii. c. 31.

1293 His life has been written by Diogenes Laertius, and he is mentioned by Cicero, de Fin. B. v. c. 19, and by Strabo.—B.

1294 In B. xxxiii. c. 46.

1295 We have an account of the exploit of ClÆlia in Livy, B. ii. c. 13, and in Valerius Maximus, B. iii. c. 2: there is a reference to this statue in Seneca, de Consol. c. 16.—B.

1296 To King Porsena.

1297 See end of B. xvi.

1298 Plutarch says that it was uncertain whether the statue was erected to ClÆlia or to Valeria.—B.

1299 A.U.C. 596.—B.

1300 See Chapter 9.

1301 “In OctaviÆ operibus.” These were certain public buildings, erected in Rome by Augustus, and named by him after his sister Octavia; they are mentioned by Suetonius.—B.

1302 Valerius Maximus refers to this event, but he names the individual Statius Servilius, B. i. c. 8, § 6.—B.

1303 See B. xxxiii. cc. 50, 54.

1304 We have an account of the attack by Hannibal on Rome in the twenty-sixth Book of Livy, but we have no mention of the particular circumstance here referred to.—B.

1305 “Forum Boarium.” See Chapter 5.

1306 Livy, B. i. c. 19, informs us, that Numa made Janus of a form to denote both peace and war.—B.

1307 The mode in which the fingers were placed, so as to serve the purpose here indicated, is supposed to have been by their forming the letters which were the Roman numerals for the figures in question. We are informed that some MSS. of Pliny give the number three hundred and fifty-five only, and there is reason to believe that, in the time of Numa, this was considered to be the actual number of days in the year. Some of the commentators, however, are disposed to read three hundred and sixty-five; and this opinion derives some support from Macrobius, who refers to this statue as indicating this latter number with its fingers.—B. The Bamberg MS. gives three hundred and sixty-five.

1308 See end of B. iii.

1309 “MisoromÆus”—“Roman-hater.” See end of B. iii.

1310 Pliny himself informs us, in B. xxxv. c. 45, that the statue of Jupiter in the Capitol, erected by Tarquinius Priscus, was formed of earth.—B.

1311 The art of moulding or modelling in argillaceous earth; see B. xxxv. cc. 43, 45.

1312 See B. xxxvi. c. 2, where he informs us that this theatre was hardly one month in use.—B.

1313 Hardouin gives several quotations illustrative of his liberality in bestowing ornaments in the City, and his inattention to his domestic concerns.—B.

1314 The brothers Lucius and Marcus, the former of whom triumphed in the Mithridatic, the latter in the Macedonian War.—B.

1315 See end of B. ii.

1316 See B. vii. c. 38.

1317 The absolute number of statues assigned to Lysippus differs considerably in the different editions, as is the case in almost every instance where figures are concerned. Pliny gives a further account of his works in the next two Chapters and in the following Book.—B.

1318 “Aureum.” See B. xxxiii. c. 13, and B. xxxvii. c. 3.

1319 In their attack upon Flavius Sabinus, the brother of Vespasian; A.U.C. 822.

1320 See B. iv. c. 27.

1321 It was a statue of Jupiter.

1322 Better known by the name of Q. Fabius Maximus; he acquired the soubriquet of Verrucosus from a large wart on the upper lip.—B.

1323 The Colossus of Rhodes was begun by Chares, but he committed suicide, in consequence of having made some mistake in the estimate; the work was completed by Laches, also an inhabitant of Lindos.—B.

1324 It remained on the spot where it was thrown down for nearly nine hundred years, until the year 653 A.D., when Moavia, khalif of the Saracens, after the capture of Rhodes, sold the materials; it is said that it required nine hundred camels to remove the remains.—B.

1325 Demetrius Poliorcetes. See B. xxxv. c. 36.

1326 He is mentioned by Columella, in his Introduction to his work De Re RusticÂ, in connexion with the most celebrated Grecian artists.—B.

1327 Suetonius, in describing the temple which Augustus dedicated to Apollo, on the Palatine Hill, speaks of the Portico with the Latin and Greek library.—B.

1328 This victory took place A.U.C. 461; we have an account of it in Livy, the concluding Chapter of the Tenth Book.—B.

1329 This was a statue of Jupiter, placed on the Alban Mount, twelve miles from Rome. At this place the various states of Latium exercised their religious rites in conjunction with the Romans; it was sometimes called Latialis.—B. See B. iii. c. 9, and Notes; Vol. I. p. 205.

1330 The designer of the Colossus at Rhodes.

1332 His country is unknown.

1333 See B. iv. c. 33.

1334 St. Jerome informs us, that Vespasian removed the head of Nero, and substituted that of the Sun with seven rays. Martial refers to it in the Second Epigram De Spectaculis, and also B. i. Ep. 71.—B.

1335 “Parvis admodum surculis.” There is, it appears, some difficulty in determining the application of the word surculis to the subject in question, and we have no explanation of it by any of the commentators. Can it refer to the frame of wicker work which contained the model into which the melted metal was poured?—B.

1336 This observation has been supposed to imply, that Zenodotus cast his statues in a number of separate pieces, which were afterwards connected together, and not, as was the case with the great Grecian artists, in one entire piece.—B.

1337 See B. xxxiii. c. 55.

1338 The term signum, which is applied to the Corinthian figures, may mean a medallion, or perhaps a seal-ring or brooch; we only know that it must have been something small, which might be carried about the person, or, at least, easily moved from place to place.—B. Statuette, probably.

1339 Her riddle, and its solution by Œdipus, are too well known to need repetition here.

1340 In the following Chapter.

1341 Consul A.U.C. 787.

1342 The “Avenger.” In the Forum of Augustus, in the Eighth Region of the City.

1343 “Regia.” The palace of Minerva, also in the Forum of Augustus.—B.

1344 See B. vii. c. 39, B. xxxv. c. 34, and B. xxxvi. c. 4.

1345 We have an account of this statue, and of the temple in which it was placed, by Pausanias, B. v. There is no work of Phidias now in existence; the sculptures in the Parthenon were, however, executed by his pupils and under his immediate directions, so that we may form some judgment of his genius and taste.—B. There is a foot in the British Museum, said to be the work of Phidias.

1346 An Athenian; see B. xxxvi. c. 5. He is spoken of in high terms by Pausanias and Valerius Maximus.

1347 Tutor of Ptolichus of Corcyra, and highly distinguished for his statues of the slayers of the tyrants at Athens. He is mentioned also by Lucian and Pausanias.

1348 The reading is uncertain here, the old editions giving “Nestocles.” We shall only devote a Note to such artists as are mentioned by other authors besides Pliny.

1349 An Athenian; mentioned also by Pausanias.

1350 There were probably two artists of this name; one an Argive, tutor of Phidias, and the other a Sicyonian, the person here referred to.

1351 A native of Ægina, mentioned by Pausanias. There is also a statuary of Elis of the same name, mentioned by Pausanias, and to whom Thiersch is of opinion reference is here made.

1352 See Chapter 5 of this Book.

1353 An Argive, mentioned by Pausanias.

1354 See Chapter 5 of this Book.

1355 Again mentioned by Pliny, as a native of Rhegium in Italy.

1356 A native of Paros, mentioned also by Pausanias and Strabo.

1357 Probably “Perillus,” the artist who made the brazen bull for Phalaris, the tyrant of Agrigentum. The old reading is “Parelius.”

1358 This and the following word probably mean one person—“Asopodorus the Argive.”

1359 Perhaps the same person that is mentioned by Pausanias, B. vi. c. 20, as having improved the form of the starting-place at the Olympic Games.

1360 Mentioned by Pausanias as an Arcadian, and son of Clitor.

1361 A native of Clitorium in Arcadia, and mentioned also by Pausanias.

1362 He is said by Pausanias and AthenÆus to have been the son, also, of Myron.

1363 Son of Motho, and a native of Argos. He was brother and instructor of the younger Polycletus, of Argos. He is mentioned also by Pausanias and Tatian.

1364 He is once mentioned by Pausanias, and there is still extant the basis of one of his works, with his name inscribed.

1365 It is supposed that there were two artists of this name, both natives of Sicyon, the one grandson of the other. They are both named by Pausanias.

1366 Probably a Sicyonian; he is mentioned also by Pausanias.

1367 As Pliny mentions two artists of this name, it is impossible to say to which of them Pausanias refers as being an Athenian, in B. vi. c. 4.

1368 The elder artist of this name. He was an Athenian, and his sister was the wife of Phocion. He is also mentioned by Plutarch and Pausanias.

1369 An Athenian; he is mentioned also by Vitruvius, Pausanias, and Tatian. Winckelmann mentions an inscription relative to him, which, however, appears to be spurious.

1370 He is mentioned also by Pausanias, and is supposed by Sillig to have been a Theban.

1371 Praxiteles held a high rank among the ancient sculptors, and may be considered as second to Phidias alone; he is frequently mentioned by Pausanias and various other classical writers. Pliny gives a further account of the works of Praxiteles in the two following Books.—B.

1372 He was also an eminent painter, and is also mentioned by Quintilian, Dio Chrysostom, and Plutarch.

1373 Another reading is “Echion.”

1374 See B. xxxv. cc. 32, 36.

1375 This great artist, a native of Sicyon, has been already mentioned in B. vii. c. 39, and in the two preceding Chapters of the present Book; he is again mentioned in B. xxxv. c. 39.—B. See note 1344 above.

1376 Also a native of Sicyon. He is mentioned by Tatian.

1377 Mentioned also by Pausanias, Plutarch, Strabo, and Appian. The next two names in former editions stand as one, “Euphronides.”

1378 Supposed to have been an architect, and builder of the Pharos near Alexandria: see B. xxxvi. c. 18. The same person is mentioned also by Strabo, Lucian, and Suidas.

1379 An Athenian. He is mentioned also by Pausanias, Plutarch, Diogenes Laertius, and Tatian.

1380 See B. xxxv. c. 36.

1381 A Sicyonian, pupil of Lysippus. He is also mentioned by Pausanias; see also B. xxxvi. c. 4.

1382 Son and pupil of Lysippus. He is mentioned also by Tatian, and by some writers as the instructor of Xenocrates.

1383 Sillig thinks that this is a mistake made by Pliny for “DaÏppus,” a statuary mentioned by Pausanias.

1384 Son of Praxiteles, and mentioned by Tatian in conjunction with Euthycrates. The elder Cephisodotus has been already mentioned. See Note 1368.

1385 Another son of Praxiteles. He is also alluded to by Pausanias, though not by name.

1386 His country is uncertain, but he was preceptor of Mygdon of Soli. See B. xxxv. c. 40.

1387 Mentioned also by Tatian; his country is unknown.

1388 It is doubtful whether Pausanias alludes, in B. vi. c. 4, to this artist, or to the one of the same name mentioned under Olymp. 102. See Note 1367.

1389 Sillig suggests that this word is an adjective, denoting the country of Polycles, in order to distinguish him from the elder Polycles.

1390 We learn from Pausanias that he worked in conjunction with Timarchides. The other artists here mentioned are quite unknown.

1391 Sillig, in his “Dictionary of Ancient Artists,” observes that “this passage contains many foolish statements.” Also that there is “an obvious intermixture in it of truth and falsehood.”

1392 This is universally admitted to have been one of the most splendid works of art. It is celebrated by various writers; Pausanias speaks of it in B. i. See also B. xxxvi. c. 4.—B.

1393 As being made for the Temple of Diana at Ephesus.

1394 Probably “Callimorphos,” or “Calliste.” We learn from Pausanias that it was placed in the Citadel of Athens. Lucian prefers it to every other work of Phidias.

1395 A figure of a female “holding keys.” The key was one of the attributes of Proserpina, as also of Janus; but the latter was an Italian divinity.

1396 “Ædem FortunÆ hujusce diei.” This reading, about which there has been some doubt, is supported by an ancient inscription in Orellius.

1397 “Artem toreuticen.” See Note at the end of B. xxxiii.

1398 Pliny has here confounded two artists of the same name; the Polycletus who was the successor of Phidias, and was not much inferior to him in merit, and Polycletus of Argos, who lived 160 years later, and who also executed many capital works, some of which are here mentioned. It appears that Cicero, Vitruvius, Strabo, Quintilian, Plutarch, and Lucian have also confounded these two artists; but Pausanias, who is very correct in the account which he gives us of all subjects connected with works of art, was aware of the distinction; and it is from his observations that we have been enabled to correct the error into which so many eminent writers had fallen.—B.

1399 Derived from the head-dress of the statue, which had the “head ornamented with a fillet.” Lucian mentions it.

1400 The “Spear-bearer.”

1401 “Canon.” This no doubt was the same statue as the Doryphoros. See Cicero, Brut. 86, 296.

1402 Or “strigil.” Visconti says that this was a statue of Tydeus purifying himself from the murder of his brother. It is represented on gems still in existence.

1403 “Talo incessentem.” “Gesner (Chrestom. Plin.) has strangely explained these words as intimating a person in the act of kicking another. He seems to confound the words talus and calx.”—Sillig, Dict. Ancient Artists.

1404 “The players at dice.” This is the subject of a painting found at Herculaneum.—B.

1405 The “Leader.” A name given also to Mercury, in Pausanias, B. viii. c. 31. See Sillig, Dict. Ancient Artists.

1406 “Carried about.” It has been supposed by some commentators, that Artemon acquired this surname from his being carried about in a litter, in consequence of his lameness; a very different derivation has been assigned by others to the word, on the authority of Anacreon, as quoted by Heraclides Ponticus, that it was applied to Artemon in consequence of his excessively luxurious and effeminate habits of life.—B. It was evidently a recumbent figure. Ajasson compares this voluptuous person to “le gentleman Anglais aux Indes”—“The English Gentleman in India!”

1407 See Note 1397 above.

1408 “Quadrata.” Brotero quotes a passage from Celsus, B. ii c. 1, which serves to explain the use of this term as applied to the form of a statue; “Corpus autem habilissimum quadratum est, neque gracile, neque obesum.”—B. “The body best adapted for activity is square-built, and neither slender nor obese.”

1409 “Ad unum exemplum.” Having a sort of family likeness, similarly to our pictures by Francia the Goldsmith, and Angelica Kaufmann.

1410 Myron was born at EleutherÆ, in Boeotia; but having been presented by the Athenians with the freedom of their city, he afterwards resided there, and was always designated an Athenian.—B.

1411 This figure is referred to by Ovid, De Ponto, B. iv. Ep. 1, l. 34, as also by a host of Epigrammatic writers in the Greek Anthology.

1412 See the Greek Anthology, B. vi. Ep. 2.

1413 “Player with the Discus.” It is mentioned by Quintilian and Lucian. There is a copy of it in marble in the British Museum, and one in the Palazzo Massimi at Home. The Heifer of Myron is mentioned by Procopius, as being at Rome in the sixth century. No copy of it is known to exist.

1414 Seen by Pausanias in the Acropolis at Athens.

1415 Or “Sawyers.”

1416 In reference to the story of the Satyr Marsyas and Minerva, told by Ovid, Fasti, B. vi. l. 697, et seq.

1417 Persons engaged in the five contests of quoiting, running, leaping, wrestling, and hurling the javelin.

1418 Competitors in boxing and wrestling.

1419 Mentioned by Cicero In Verrem, Or. 4. This Circus was in the Eleventh Region of the city.

1420 See the Anthology, B. iii. Ep. 14, where an epigram on this subject is ascribed to Anytes or Leonides; but the Myro mentioned is a female. See Sillig, Dict. Ancient Artists.

1421 She was a poetess of Teios or Lesbos, and a contemporary of Sappho.

1422 “Multiplicasse veritatem.” Sillig has commented at some length on this passage, Dict. Ancient Artists.

1423 See Note 1418 above.

1424 There is a painter of this name mentioned in B. xxxv. c. 43. The reading is extremely doubtful.

1425 Mentioned by Plato, De Legibus, B. viii. and by Pausanias, B. vi. c. 13. He was thrice victorious at the Olympic Games.

1426 Python.

1427 From the Greek word ???a???, “just,” or “trustworthy.”—B.

1428 Diogenes Laertius mentions a Pythagoras, a statuary, in his life of his celebrated namesake, the founder of the great school of philosophy.—B. Pausanias, B. ix. c. 33, speaks of a Parian statuary of this name.

1429 See Note 1395 above.

1430 See end of B. vii.

1431 Cicero remarks, Brut. 86, 296, “that Lysippus used to say that the Doryphoros of Polycletus was his master,” implying that he considered himself indebted for his skill to having studied the above-mentioned work of Polycletus.—B.

1432 In Chapter 17 of this Book.—B.

1433 The same subject, which, as mentioned above, had been treated by Polycletus.—B.

1434 In the Eighth Region of the City.

1435 ?p????e???, the Greek name of the statue, signifying one “scraping himself.”

1436 The head encircled with rays.

1437 The lines of Horace are well known, in which he says, that Alexander would allow his portrait to be painted by no one except Apelles, nor his statue to be made by any one except Lysippus, Epist. B. ii. Ep. 1, l. 237.—B.

1438 This expression would seem to indicate that the gold was attached to the bronze by some mechanical process, and not that the statue was covered with thin leaves of the metal.—B.

1439 This story is adopted by Apuleius, in the “Florida,” B. i., who says that Polycletus was the only artist who made a statue of Alexander.

1440 A large group of equestrian statues, representing those of Alexander’s body-guard, who had fallen at the battle of the Granicus.

1441 A.U.C. 606.

1442 See the Greek Anthology, B. iv. Ep. 14, where this subject is treated of in the epigram upon his statue of Opportunity, represented with the forelock.

1443 Which is a word of Greek origin, somewhat similar to our word “proportion.”

1444 At LebadÆa in Boeotia.

1445 Hardouin seems to think that “fiscina” here means a “muzzle.” The Epigram in the Greek Anthology, B. iv. c. 7, attributed to King Philip, is supposed by Hardouin to bear reference to this figure.

1446 The circumstance here referred to is related by Q. Curtius, B. ix. c. 5, as having occurred at the siege of the city of the OxydracÆ; according to other historians, however, it is said to have taken place at a city of the Malli.—B.

1447 See Note 1417, above.

1448 ?at????sa; a figure of Ceres, probably, “leading back” Proserpine from the domains of Pluto. Sillig, however, dissents from this interpretation; Dict. Ancient Artists.

1449 Or Bacchus.

1450 See Pausanias, B. i. c. 20. Sillig says, “Pliny seems to have confounded two Satyrs made by Praxiteles, for that here named stood alone in the ‘Via Tripodum’ at Athens, and was quite different from the one which was associated with the figure of Intoxication, and that of Bacchus.”—Dict. Ancient Artists.

1451 “Much-famed.” Visconti is of opinion that the Reposing Satyr, formerly in the Napoleon Museum at Paris, was a copy of this statue. Winckelmann is also of the same opinion.

1452 In the Second Region of the city. According to Cicero, in Verrem. vi., they were brought from Achaia by L. Mummius, who took them from ThespiÆ, A.U.C. 608.

1453 See B. xxxvi. c. 4.

1454 A woman plaiting garlands.

1455 A soubriquet for an old hag, it is thought.

1457 According to Valerius Maximus, B. ii. s. 10, these statues were restored, not by Alexander, but by his successor Seleucus.—B. Sillig makes the following remark upon this passage—“Pliny here strangely confounds the statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton, made by Praxiteles, with other figures of those heroes of a much more ancient date, made by Antenor.”

1458 From sa???? a “lizard,” and ?te???, “to kill.” This statue is described by Martial, B. xiv. Ep. 172, entitled “Sauroctonos Corinthius.”—B. Many fine copies of it are still in existence, and Winckelmann is of opinion that the bronze at the Villa Albani is the original. There are others at the Villa Borghese and in the Vatican.

1459 In her worthless favours, probably. Praxiteles was a great admirer of Phryne, and inscribed on the base of this statue an Epigram of Simonides, preserved in the Greek Anthology, B. iv. Ep. 12. She was also said to have been the model of his Cnidian Venus.

1460 This artist is mentioned also by Cicero, Pausanias, Propertius, and Ovid, the two latter especially remarking the excellence of his horses.—B. See B. xxxiii. c. 55.

1461 The mother of Hercules.—B.

1462 See B. xxxvi. c. 4. Having now given an account of the artists most distinguished for their genius, Pliny proceeds to make some remarks upon those who were less famous, in alphabetical order.—B.

1463 The “highly approved.”

1464 Or “Lioness.” See B. vii. c. 23.

1465 The reading is doubtful here. “Iphicrates” and “Tisicrates” are other readings.

1466 The same story is related by AthenÆus, B. xiii., and by Pausanias.—B.

1467 Pisistratus and his sons, Hippias and Hipparchus.

1468 A lioness.

1469 She having bitten off her tongue, that she might not confess.

1470 Hardouin has offered a plausible conjecture, that for the word “Seleucum,” we should read “Salutem,” as implying that the two statues executed by Bryaxis were those of Æsculapius and the Goddess of Health.—B.

1471 Already mentioned as a son of Lysippus.

1472 In the Eighth Region of the City.

1473 This reading appears preferable to “Cresilas,” though the latter is supported by the Bamberg MS.

1474 Ajasson quotes here the beautiful words of Virgil—“Et dulces moriens reminiscitur Argos”—“Remembers his lov’d Argos, as he dies.”

1475 Dalechamps supposes that Pericles was here represented in the act of addressing the people; Hardouin conceives that this statue received its title from the thunder of his eloquence in debate, or else from the mighty power which he wielded both in peace and war, or some of the other reasons which Plutarch mentions in the Life of Pericles.—B.

1476 It is doubtful to which of the artists of this name he alludes, the elder or the younger Cephisodotus, the son of Praxiteles. Sillig inclines to think the former—Dict. Ancient Artists.

1477 The “Deliverer.”

1478 The elder Canachus, probably.

1479 The “Lovely.” Brotero says that this is believed to be the Florentine Apollo of the present day. It stood in the Temple at Didymi, near Miletus, until the return of Xerxes from his expedition against Greece, when it was removed to Ecbatana, but was afterwards restored by Seleucus Nicator.

1480 See B. v. c. 31.

1481 “Alterno morsu calce digitisque retinentibus solum, ita vertebrato dente utrisque in partibus ut a repulsu per vices resiliat.” He seems to mean that the statue is so made as to be capable of standing either on the right fore foot and the left hind foot, or on the left fore foot and the right hind foot, the conformation of the under part of the foot being such as to fit into the base.