  [Note: In the following notes, citations from Richard Eden are made from Arber’s reprint The first three English books on America (Birmingham, 1885), from the third book, entitled The decades of the newe worlde, first printed in London in 1555; from Mosto, from Il primo viaggio, intorno al globo di Antonio Pigafetta, by Andrea da Mosto (Roma, 1894), which was published as a portion of part v of volume iii of Raccolta di documenti e studi pubblicati dalla R. Commissione Colombiana pel quarto centenario dalla scoperta dell’America, appearing under the auspices of the Minister of Public Instruction; and from Stanley, from his First voyage round the world, by Magellan (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1874), which was translated by Lord Stanley in part from the longer French MS. in the BibliothÈque Nationale, Paris, and in part from the Amoretti publication (Milan, 1800) made from the Italian MS. in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana.] 1 The greater part of the life of Antonio Pigafetta is shrouded in darkness. The Pigafetta family, who resided at Venice, and was formerly of Tuscan origin, dates back before him for several centuries. The Pigafetta escutcheon was white above and black below with a white transverse bar running from left to right. On the lower part were three red roses, one of them on the bar. The old family house is still standing and shows the motto Il nest rose sans espine, i.e., “No rose without a thorn,” which was probably carved in 1481, when the house was repaired, and not by Antonio Pigafetta after his return from his voyage as some assert. Antonio Pigafetta was born toward the close of the fifteenth century, but the date cannot be positively fixed, some declaring it to be 1491; but Harrisse who follows Marzari, gives the date as 1480. It is unknown who his parents were and some have asserted that he was a natural child, although this is evidently unfounded, as he was received into the military order of St. John. At an early age he probably became familiar with the sea and developed his taste for traveling. He went to Spain with the Roman ambassador Chieregato, in 1519, but in what capacity is unknown. Hearing details of MagalhÃes’s intended voyage he contrived to accompany him. Navarrete surmises that he is the Antonio Lombardo mentioned in the list of the captain’s servants and volunteers who sailed on the expedition, so called 2 The Order of St. John of Jerusalem. See Vol. II, p. 26, note 2. Throughout this Relation Pigafetta’s spelling of proper names is retained. 3 Philippe de Villiers l’Isle-Adam, the forty-third grand master of the Order of the Knights of St. John (called Knights of Malta after 1530), was born of an old and distinguished family at Beauvais, in 1464, and died at Malta, August 21, 1534, at grief, some say, over the dissensions in his order. He was elected grand master of his order in 1521 and in the following year occurred his heroic defense of Rhodes with but four thousand five hundred soldiers against the huge fleet and army of Soliman. After six months he was compelled to surrender his stronghold in October, and refusing Soliman’s entreaties to remain with him, went to Italy. In 1524 he was given the city of Viterbe by Clement VII, where in June of 1527 he held a general chapter of his order, at which it was decided to accept the island of Malta which had been offered by Charles V. The gift was confirmed by the letters-patent of Charles V in 1530, and Villiers l’Isle-Adam 4 The four MSS. of Pigafetta’s Relation are those known as the Ambrosian or Italian, so called from its place of deposit, the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan; no. 5,650, conserved in the BibliothÈque Nationale, Paris, in French; no. 24,224, in the same library, also in French; and the Nancy MS. (also French) so called because it was conserved in Nancy, France, now owned by the heirs of Sir Thomas Phillips, Cheltenham, England. The MSS. of the BibliothÈque Nationale are both shorter than the Italian MS. The Nancy MS. is said to be the most complete of the French manuscripts. The best bibliographical account of these four MSS. that has yet appeared is by Mosto ut supra. A full bibliographical account of both the MSS. and printed books will be given in the volume on bibliography in this series. There are a number of radical differences between the Paris MS. no. 5,650 (which will be hereafter referred to simply as MS. 5,650) and the Italian MS., these differences including paragraph structure and the division of MS. 5,650 into various chapters, although the sequence is on the whole identical. The most radical of the differences will be shown in these notes. MS. 5,650 contains the following title on the page immediately preceding the beginning of the relation proper: “Navigation and discovery of Upper Indie, written by me, Anthoyne Pigaphete, a Venetian, and knight of Rhodes.” 5 The emperor Charles V; but he was not elected to that dignity until June, 1519. Pigafetta writing after that date is not explicit. 6 Francesco Chiericati was born in Venice, in one of the most ancient and famous families of that city, at the end of the fifteenth century. He attained preËminence at Sienna in both civil and ecclesiastical law. Aided by Cardinal Matteo Lang, bishop of Sion, he was received among the prelates of the apostolic palace. Later he conducted several diplomatic missions with great skill. He left Rome for Spain in December, 1518, on a private mission for the pope, and especially to effect a crusade against the Turks who were then invading Egypt and threatening Christianity. His house at Barcelona became the meeting-place of the savants of that day who discussed literature and science. See Mosto, p. 19, note 3. 7 MS. 5,650 adds: “scholars and men of understanding.” 8 MS. 5,650 reads: “so that I might satisfy the wish of the said gentlemen and also my own desire, so that it could be said that I had made the said voyage and indeed been an eyewitness of the things hereafter written.” 9 See Vol. I, p. 250, note 192 for sketch of MagalhÃes. The only adequate life of MagalhÃes in English is that of Guillemard. 10 That is, the Order of Santiago. See Vol. I, p. 145, note 171. MagalhÃes and Falero were decorated with the cross of comendador of the order by CÁrlos I in the presence of the royal Council in July, 1518. See Guillemard’s Ferdinand Magellan, p. 114. 11 See Vol. I for various documents during the period of the preparation of the fleet; also Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 114–116 and 130–134; and Stanley’s First Voyage, pp. xxxiv–xlvi. 12 Pope Clement VII, who assumed the papacy November 19, 1523. Pigafetta was summoned to Rome very soon after Clement’s election, for he was in Rome either in December, 1523, or January, 1524. 13 The Amoretti edition (Milan, 1800; a wofully garbled adaptation of the Italian MS.) wrongly ascribes this desire to Clement VII, instead of Villiers L’Isle-Adam. See Stanley, p. 36, note 3. 14 MS. 5,650 reads: “Finally, most illustrious Lordship, after all provisions had been made and the ships were in readiness, the captain-general, a wise and virtuous man, and one mindful of his honor, would not commence his voyage without first making some good and suitable rules, such as it is the approved custom to make for those who go to sea, although he did not entirely declare the voyage that he was about to make lest those men, through astonishment and fear, should refuse to accompany him on the so long voyage that he had determined upon. In consideration of the furious and violent storms that reign on the Ocean Sea where he was about to sail, and in consideration of another reason also, namely, that the masters and captains of the other ships in his fleet had no liking for him (the reason for which I know not, unless because he, the captain-general, was a Portuguese, and they Spaniards or Castilians, who have for a long while been biased and ill-disposed toward one another, but who, in spite of that, rendered him obedience), he made his rules such as follow, so that his ships might not go astray or become separated from one another during storms at sea. He published those rules and gave them in writing to every master in the ships and ordered them to be inviolably observed and kept, unless for urgent and legitimate excuse, and the proof that any other action was impossible.” 15 A Spanish word, meaning “lantern.” 16 Mosto wrongly derives strengue from the Spanish trenza “braid” or “twist.” Instead it is the Spanish word estrenque, 17 MS. 5,650 reads: “If he wished the other ships to haul in a bonnet-sail, which was a part of the sail attached to the mainsail, he showed three lights. Also by three lights notwithstanding that the weather might be favorable for making better time, it was understood that the bonnet-sail was to be hauled in, so that the mainsail might be sooner and easier struck and furled when bad weather came suddenly in any squall or otherwise.” 18 MS. 5,650 adds: “which he had extinguished immediately after;” and continues: “then showing a single light as a sign that he intended to stop there and wait until the other ships should do as he.” 19 MS. 5,650 adds: “that is to say, a rock in the sea.” 20 Stanley translates the following passage wrongly. Rightly translated, it is: “Also when he desired the bonnet-sail to be reattached to the sail, he showed three fires.” 21 This passage is omitted in MS. 5,650. 22 Hora de la modorra is in Spanish that part of the night immediately preceding the dawn. Mosto, p. 52, note 8. 23 Contra maestro (boatswain) corresponding to the French contremaÎtre and the Spanish contramaestre, was formerly the third officer of a ship’s crew. Nochiero (French nocher) was the officer next to contramaestre, although the name, according to LittrÉ was applied to the master or seacaptain of certain small craft. The maestro (French maÎtre) was a sub-officer in charge of all the crew. The pilot was next to the captain in importance. The translator or adapter who made MS. 5,650 confuses the above officers (see following note). 24 The instructions pertaining to the different watches are as follows in MS. 5,650: “In addition to the said rules for carrying on the art of navigation as is fitting, and in order to avoid the dangers that may come upon those who do not have watches set, the said captain, who was skilled in the things required and in navigation, ordered three watches to be set. The first was at the beginning of the night; the second at midnight; and the third toward daybreak, which is commonly called the ‘diane’ [i.e., ‘morn’] or otherwise ‘the star of dawn.’ The abovenamed watches were changed nightly: that is to say, that he who had stood first watch stood second the day following, while he 25 See Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 329–336, and Navarrete, Col. de viages, iv, pp. 3–11, 162–188, for the stores and equipments of the fleet and their cost. The stores carried consisted of wine, olive oil, vinegar, fish, pork, peas and beans, flour, garlic, cheese, honey, almonds, anchovies, raisins, prunes, figs, sugar, quince preserves, capers, mustard, beef, and rice. The apothecary supplies were carried in the “Trinidad,” and the ecclesiastical ornaments in that ship and the “San Antonio.” 26 The exact number of men who accompanied MagalhÃes is a matter of doubt. A royal decree, dated Barcelona, May 5, 1519, conserved in the papers of the India House of Trade in Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla, with pressmark est. 41, caj. 6, leg. 2–25, orders that only two hundred and thirty-five persons sail in the fleet. The same archives contain various registers of the fleet (sec Llorens Ascensio’s Primera vuelta al mundo, Madrid, 1903), one of which is published by Medina in his ColecciÓn (i, p. 113). Guillemard (Magellan, p. 326) says that at least two hundred and sixty-eight men went as is shown by the official lists and “the casual occurrence of names in the numerous and lengthy autos fiscales connected with the expedition.” Guillemard conjectures that the total number must have been between two hundred and seventy and two hundred and eighty. Mosto (p. 53, note 2) says: “Castanheda and Barros say that the crews amounted to 250 men, while Herrera says 234. Navarrete’s lists show a total of 265 men. At least 37 were Portuguese, and in addition to them and the Spaniards, the crews contained Genoese and Italians (thirty or more), French (nineteen), Flemings, Germans, Sicilians, English, Corfiotes, Malays, Negroes, Moors, Madeirans, and natives of the Azores and Canary Islands. But seventeen are recorded from Seville, while there are many Biscayans. (See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 326–329.) The registers of men as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, pp. 12–26) are as follows. Trinidad (Flagship of 110 tons)
Servants of the captain and sobresalientes
San Antonio (120 tons)
Servants and sobresalientes
Concepcion (90 tons)
Sobresalientes
Victoria (85 tons) Sobresalientes
Santiago (75 tons)
Sobresalientes
The total number of men for the ships as above given is 235. Navarrete made his list from the list conserved in Archivo general de Indias, and notes of Juan Bautista MuÑoz, and various other sources. The obstacles in the way of a correct register were the abbreviation of names and places, the custom prevalent of naming people from their native town or province, and the fact that the various registers were made between 1519 and 1525. From some of these registers, it appears that the following men were also in the fleet.
Sobresalientes
In addition there were probably others, this list being still three short of Guillemard’s figures, 268. Harrisse (Disc. of N. Amer., London and Paris, 1892, pp. 714 et seq.) gives a partial list. 27 The Moorish name of Guadalquivir (from Arabic WÂd-al-Kebir, “the great river”), superseded the Roman name of BÆtis. The Romans formed all Southern Spain into one province called BÆtica after the name of the BÆtis. By the town Gioan dal Farax is meant San Juan de Aznalfarache (from Moorish Hisn al-Faradj). Its Gothic name was Osset and its Roman name Julia Constantia. It is a favorite resort of the inhabitants of Sevilla. CorÍa was once a Roman potters’ town and is still celebrated for its jars. San LÚcar de Barrameda was named in honor of St. Luke. It was captured from the Moors in 1264 and granted to the father of Guzman el Bueno. It attained importance after the discovery of America because of its good harbor. The house of Medina-Sidonia was founded by Alfonso PÉrez de Guzman, a famous captain. 28 The original of this passage is obscure. The distance given (ten leagues; and both MS. 5,650 and Eden agree substantially with it) is far too short for the distance between San Lucar and Cape St. Vincent, which is over one hundred miles. Pigafetta may have forgotten the actual distance, or it may have been an error of his amanuensis. It is possible to translate as follows: “which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, [that parallel being] x leguas from the said port;” for “longui” may be taken as agreeing with “gradi.” In all rendering of distances, the Spanish form will be used in preference to the Italian; and the same will apply to the names of Spanish coins. 29 MS. 5,650 reads: “And after passing many small villages along the said river, we at last reached a chateau belonging to the duke of Medinacidonia, and called Sainct Lucar, where there is a port with an entrance into the Ocean Sea. One enters that port by the east wind, and leaves by the west. Nearby is the cape of Sainct Vincent, which, according to cosmography, lies in a latitude of thirty-seven degrees at a distance of twenty miles from 30 MS. 5,650 reads: “furnish the fleet.” 31 Ninguna in original, a Spanish word. 32 MS. 5,650 adds: “otherwise called ‘labeiche.’” Labech (Italian libeccio) is simply a name for the southwest wind. This is another instance in which the French adapter adds an explanation to the Italian, thus explaining the Italian term garbino, “southwest.” 33 MS. 5,650 reads wrongly: “sixteenth.” The so-called Genoese pilot (the author of the “Roteiro,” by which name his account will be hereafter designated, and concerning whom, see Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 145, and Mosto, p. 32, and note 4) gives the date of departure as September 21 (with which Barros agrees) and the arrival at Tenerife as the twenty-ninth (see Stanley, p. 1). Peter Martyr, Gomara, and Oviedo agree with Pigafetta, while Castanheda makes the departure in January, 1520. Hughes observes that if one keep in mind the circumstance that the day of the arrival coincided with the day dedicated by the Church to St. Michael, the date September 29 seems more admissible. However, one may reconcile the two dates of the arrival by observing that the ships stopped at Tenerife until October 2; while Herrera says that the ships fetched MontaÑa Roja (the Monte rosso of the text) on September 29. See Mosto, p. 53, notes 4 and 5. It should be noted that Gomara and Oviedo are not entirely trustworthy authorities, and that many times they have simply copied from authorities, such as Maximilianus Transylvanus, who is not always to be relied upon. 34 The Canaries were known to the ancients under the names of Islands of the Blest, Fortunate Islands, and the Hesperides. The Moors knew of them under the name of Islands of Khaledat, but had no practical acquaintance with them. In the fourteenth century these islands began to be known to Europeans, especially through the Portuguese. In 1402, the Frenchman Jean de Bethencourt went there, and shortly after began their conquest under the auspices of the crown of Castile. In consequence of the settlements made by Bethencourt, the islands were definitely ceded to Spain in 1481 (see Birch’s Alboquerque, London, 1875–1884, Hakluyt Society Publications, ii, p. vi). The inhabitants of the islands were known as Guanches or Guanchinet, the latter meaning “men of Tenerife.” The inhabitants of this island, holding out longer than the others, were not subdued until 1496. See also Conquest of Canaries (London, 1877); and History and Description 35 Guillemard conjectures that this is Punta Roxa, located at the south end of Tenerife. 36 MS. 5,650 adds: “which is a substance needed by ships.” Herrera says that they waited three days at the port awaiting a caravel that was laden with pitch for the fleet (Mosto, p. 53, note 8). 37 MS. 5,650 reads: “water coming from spring or river.” 38 Eden (p. 250) adds to this account which he greatly abridges: “The lyke thynge is al?o ?cene in the Iland of ?aynt Thomas, lyinge directly vnder the Equinoctiall lyne.” Of this island of Hierro, Pory (History and description of Africa, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 100) says: “Hierro hath neither spring nor well, but is miraculously furnished with water by a cloud which over-spreadeth a tree, from whence distilleth so much moisture, as sufficeth both for men and cattel. This cloud ariseth an hower or two before the sunne, and is dissolued two howers after sunne rising.” This is an old story and is related by Pliny and founded upon fact “for both in Madeira and the Canaries the laurel and other heavy-foliaged evergreens condense abundant water from the daily mists” (Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 149). Gregorio Chil y Naranio (Estudios histÓricos ... de las islas Canarias, 1879) believes Pigafetta means here the island of Palma, and that the first navigators visited only the coast and so did not see the lake in the interior (Mosto, p. 53, note 9). 39 MS. 5,650 adds: “which the sailors of the east call ‘Cyroc’” This is the Italian sirocco, which is the name for the southeast wind instead of the south. Herrera says they left the port October 2 (Mosto, p. 54, note 2). 40 Eden (p. 250) reads incorrectly: “In this coa?t they had no maner of contrary wynds but a great calme and fayre wether for the ?pace of three ?core and tenne dayes, in the which they came vnder the Equinoctiall lyne.” 41 MS. 5,650 adds: “and of those persons who have sailed there often.” 42 MS. 5,650 reads: “And in order that our ships might not be wrecked or broach to (which often happens when the squalls come together).” 43 This last phrase, as well as the two following sentences are missing in MS. 5,650. The third sentence following begins: “During the calm weather, large fish called tiburoni,” etc. The word tiburoni, “sharks” is from the Spanish tiburon, which comes from the French tibÉron (tiburin, tiburon).—Echagaray’s Diccionario EtimolÓgico (Madrid, 1889). 44 MS. 5,650 reads: “The said fish are caught by means of a contrivance which sailors call ‘hame’ which is an iron fishhook.” Hame (ain) is the French form of the Italian Amo, meaning “fishhook.” 45 MS. 5,650 adds: “because of the bad weather.” 46 MS. 5,650 reads “a quarter of an hour,” and the same duration of time is given by Eden (p. 250). 47 MS. 5,650 adds: “It is to be noted that whenever that fire that represents the said Saint Anselme ascends and descends the mast of a ship while in a storm at sea, that the said ship is never wrecked.” Herrera (cited by Mosto, p. 54, note 5) says that St. Elmo appeared on the masthead with a lighted candle and sometimes two during the storms encountered along the coasts of Guinea, and that the sailors were greatly comforted thereby, and saluted the saint as is the custom of seamen. When he appeared, he remained a quarter of an hour; and at his departure a great flash of light occurred which blinded all the men. Eden (p. 250) calls it the fire of St. Helen. Continuing, Eden injects into his abridgment of the first circumnavigation a description of St. Elmo’s fire by Hieronimus Cardanus in the second book of De Subtilitate. He says: “Of the kynde of trewe fyer, is the fyer baule or ?tarre commonly cauled ?aynt Helen which is ?umtyme ?eene abowt the ma?tes of ?hyppes, beinge of ?uche fyery nature that it ?umetyme melteth bra?en ve??els, and is a token of drownyng, fora?much as this chaunceth only in great tempe?tes. For the vapoure or exhalation whereof this fyre is engendered, can not bee dryven togyther or compacte in forme of fyre, but of a gro?e vapoure and by a great poure of wynde, and is therfore a token of imminent perell.” The fires called after St. Peter and St. Nicholas are on the contrary, he says, good omens, and are generally to be seen on the cables, after a storm. Being little and swift moving they can do no damage as they could do if massed and of slow movement. St. Elmo’s fire is the popular name for the atmospheric electricity that gathers in the form of a star or brush about the masthead of ships and on the rigging. It was sometimes accompanied by a hissing noise and was considered as a good omen by sailors. The Greeks who observed this phenomenon wove it into the Castor and Pollux myth; and the French edition of Pigafetta’s relation published by Simon de 48 The second bird mentioned is the stormy petrel (of the family LaridÆ and genus Thalassidroma), which is found along all the Atlantic coasts and on some of the Pacific. The tale of the text was current among sailors (see Wilkes, U. S. Exploring Expedition, viii, pp. 402, 403). The cagassela (“cagaselo” in MS. 5,650) is the Stercorarius parasiticus, called also the jaeger, and by sailors “boatswain,” “teaser,” and “dung-hunter.” The last name arose from the belief, long held even by scientists, that this bird fed on the dung of gulls and terns. In reality it pursues the latter birds and compels them to disgorge the fish that they have swallowed. The flying-fish is either a species of Exocoetus, or the Scomberesox saurus of Europe and America, both of which feed in large schools and jump from the water to escape their enemies. See Riverside Natural History (Boston and New York). 49 MS. 5,650 adds: “which is the collateral wind between the south and the west;” and below reads: “twenty-four and one-half degrees;” while Eden (p. 250) reads: “xxii degrees and a halfe.” 50 Verzino, the etymology of which is unknown (see Varthema’s Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. lxxviii, note, and 205 note), is the Italian name for brazil-wood, from which Brazil, which was first visited by Vicente Pinzon, Diego Lope, Pedro Alvares Cabral, and Amerigo Vespucci, was named. The first names of the country were Vera Cruz and Santa Cruz. Cape Santo Agostinho, mentioned below, lies in 8° 21´ south latitude, and is the most eastern headland of South America. It was the first land of that continent to be discovered, being sighted at least as early as 1500 by Pinzon. Before sighting the above cape, MagalhÃes arrested Juan de Cartagena for insubordination and gave the command of the “San Antonio” to Antonio de Coca (see Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 153). Albo’s log begins slightly before the sighting of the point, his first entry being November 29. See Burton’s “Introduction” in his Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1874). 51 MS. 5,650 reads: “veal.” The anta is the tapir, once very plentiful in South America, but now rare in the well civilized districts. See Burton’s Captivity of Hans Stade, p. viii. Albo, however, seems to designate the llama by this name, for he says when speaking of the stay at Bay St. Julian: “and many Indians came there, who are clad in certain skins of antas, which resemble camels without the hump.” (Navarrete, Col. de viages, iv, p. 214). 52 Stanley mistranslates the French phrase of MS. 5,650 et est de la longueur dun naveau, “and is of the length of a shuttle,” confusing naveau with navette, “shuttle.” Naveau here is equivalent to navet, “turnip” or navette, “rape,” a plant of the turnip class, as is proved by the Italian. 53 MS. 5,650 reads: “And for a king of cards, of the kind which are used to play with in Italy, they gave me five fowls.” The four suits of Italian playing cards are called spade (“swords”), bastoni (“clubs”), danari (literally: “money;” “diamonds”), and coppe (“cups”). 54 MS. 5,650 reads: “five.” 55 MS. 5,650 adds: “which is an astrological term. That zenith is a point in the sky, according to astrologers, but only in the imagination, and is in a straight line over our head, as can be seen by the treatise of the sphere, and in Aristotle, in the first book De caelo et mondo.” By the treatise of the sphere is evidently meant the treatise of Pigafetta which follows his relation, and which is not reproduced here as being outside the scope of the present work. In the flyleaf of the Italian original is the following: “Notices concerning the new world, with the charts of the countries discovered, written by Antonio Pigafeta, Venetian and knight of Rodi. At the end are added some rules for finding the longitude and latitude of places east and west.” In the Italian MS. this treatise occupies the last twelve folios. Stanley translates Amoretti’s version of the Treatise, which is greatly abridged. Mosto (p. 35) conjectures that the treatise is the fruits of his three-years’ experience during the expedition. 56 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 210) says that the fleet continued to coast southwest from November 29 until arriving at St. Lucy’s bay on December 13 (St. Lucy’s day). Of the coast he says: “The mountains are peaked and have many reefs about them. There are many rivers and ports in the said Brasil and San TomÉ, and some six leguas down the coast there are many bays running two leguas into the land. But the coast runs northeast and southwest to Cape Frio, and has many islands and rivers. Cape Frio is a very large river.... At the entrance of the said bay is a very large bay, and at the mouth a very low island, and inside it spreads out extensively and has many ports ... 57 Eden (p. 251) says: “bygger then all Spayne, Portugale, Fraunce, and Italie.” 58 MS. 5,650 adds: “more like beasts than anything else.” 59 MS. 5,650 reads: “And some of those people live to the age of one hundred, one hundred and twenty, one hundred and forty, or more.” Eden (p. 251) says: “C.xx. and C.xl. yeares.” For description of the Brazil Indians, and their manners and customs, see Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 117–169. 60 Wrongly transcribed by Stanley as “boy.” 61 MS. 5,650 reads: “You must know that a family of one hundred persons, who make a great racket, lives in each of those houses called boii.” One of these houses (called Oca, in Tupi) is described by Wilson (Transactions of Ethnological Society, new series, vol. i) as being “60 or 70 feet long, divided into rooms for several families by rush mats, and provided with a central fire whose smoke passed through the roof. Some of them contained 200 head.” See Burton’s Captivity of Hans Stade, pp. 59, 60, note. The Indians described by Pigafetta are probably the Tamoyos of the Tupi or Guarani stock (Mosto, p. 56, note 1; see also Burton, ut supra, pp. lxi-lxxvi). 62 Amoretti makes this passage read: “Their boats, called 63 MS. 5,650 reads: “and one would believe them to be enemies from hell.” 64 MS. 5,650 adds: “of the said country of Verzin.” 65 MS. 5,650 reads: “daily.” Amerigo Vespucci says in a letter (Mosto, p. 55, note 6): “I saw human flesh salted and suspended from the beams, in the same way as we are wont to hang up bacon and swine’s flesh.” See Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue), for instances of cannibalism among the North American Indians. See also Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 151, 155–159; and Dominguez’s Conquest of the River Plate (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1891), pp. 129, 130. 66 For Carvagio, as in MS. 5,650, and later in the Italian; an error of the amanuensis. This was JoÃo Carvalho (the Juan Lopez Caraballo of the register—see note 26, ante). Carvalho was a Portuguese, of none too scrupulous morals, even in his age, as appears later in Pigafetta’s narrative. After the fatal banquet in the island of CebÚ, he became the leader of the remaining men of the fleet, but was later deposed (see post, note 441). He remained behind with the ill-fated “Trinidad,” and never returned to Europe. His son, borne to him by a native woman of Brazil, was left behind in Borneo. See Stanley, pp. 252–255, for Correa’s account of the actions of Carvalho after the death of MagalhÃes. 67 The early French edition and the Italian edition of 1536 both include the women and children.—Stanley. 68 It is a widespread (perhaps universal) characteristic of the American Indian to pull out the hair of the body. See Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue). 69 Eden (p. 45), defines gatti mammoni as monkeys. Monkeys of the genus Cebus are probably meant (Mosto, p. 55, note 8). 70 MS. 5,650 reads: “fresh cheese.” Pigafetta may here refer to the bread made from the casava or manioc root. See Burton’s Captivity of Hans Stade, pp. 130–132, for a description of the method of preparing this root. 71 The swine mentioned by Pigafetta is the Tayasu (TagaÇu), or peccari (Dicotyles torquatus), which has quills resembling those 72 The Platalea ajaja or rosy spoonbill, belonging to the family of the PlataleidÆ, whose habitat extends through all of tropical and subtropical America, including the West Indies, south to the Falkland Islands, Patagonia and Chile, and north to the southern part of the United States. 73 Hans Stade (Burton, ut supra) testifies to the chastity of the people of Eastern Brazil among whom he lived as a prisoner. 74 MS. 5,650 reads: “The women attend to the outside affairs, and carry everything necessary for their husband’s food in small panniers on the head or fastened to the head.” 75 MS. 5,650 adds: “and compassion.” 76 MS. 5,650 reads: “When we departed they gave us a very great quantity of verzin;” and adds: “That is a color which comes from trees which grow in the said country, and so abundantly, that the country is called Verzin from it.” 77 MS. adds: “which was a piece of great simplicity.” 78 This sentence is preceded by the following in MS. 5,650: “Besides the abovesaid which proclaims their simplicity, the people of the above place showed us another very simple thing.” 79 This passage in Stanley reads as follows: “A beautiful young girl came one day inside the ship of our captain, where I was, and did not come except to seek for her luck: however, she directed her looks to the cabin of the master, and saw a nail, of a finger’s length, and went and took it as something valuable and new, and hid it in her hair, for otherwise she would not have been able to conceal it, because she was naked, and, bending forwards, she went away; and the captain and I saw this mystery.” The matter between the words “length” and “naked” is taken from MS. 24,224 (wrongly declared by Stanley to be the copy of his travels presented to the regent Louise by Pigafetta, the conclusion being based on the fact that some of the details are softened down), as Stanley considered the incident as told in MS. 5,650, the Italian MS. and the first French edition, as unfit for publication. Stanley cites the following (in the original) from the edition of 1536 which omits the above story: “At the first land at which we stopped, some female slaves whom we had brought in the ships from other countries and who were heavy with child, were taken with the pains of childbirth. Consequently, they went alone out of the ships, went ashore, and after having given birth, returned 80 MS. 5,650 gives the words of the Brazil as follows: “maiz, huy, pinda, taesse, chignap, pirame, itenmaraca, tum maraghatom.” Amoretti (see Stanley’s edition, p. 48) reads tacse as tarse and itanmaraca as Hanmaraca. Stanley mistranslates the French forcette (“scissors”) as “fork.” 81 Eden says (p. 251): “xxxiiii. degree and a halfe toward the pole Antartike.” 82 MS. 5,650 reads: “and to ask whether the others might come.” 83 MS. 5,650 reads: “That place was formerly called Cape Saincte Marye and it was thought that one could pass thence to the sea of Sur, that is to say the South Sea, but it has not been ascertained that any ships have ever discovered anything farther on.” Eden (p. 251) reads: “Abowt the mouth of this ryuer are ?even ilandes, in the bygge?t whereof, they founde certeyne precious ?tones, and cauled it the cape of Saynt Marie. The Spanyardes thought that by this ryuer they might haue pa??ed into the ?outh ?ea. But they were deceaued in theyr opinion. For there was none other pa??age than by the ryuer which is xvii. leagues large in the mouth.” This river was the Rio de la Plata. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 2) says that MagalhÃes left Rio de Janeiro December 26, proceeding to the cape Santa MarÍa and the river which was called St. Christopher. There they remained until February 2, 1520. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 211) also mentions the river which he calls the “river of SolÍs.” The ships sent to look for a strait through the river were gone two days, and a careful exploration of the mouth of the river was made. Brito (Navarrete, iv, pp. 306, 307) says: “They left that place [i.e., Rio de Janeiro] and coasted along shore until they reached the river called SolÍs, where Fernando Magallanes thought that he could find a strait. They stayed there forty days. Magallanes ordered the ship ‘Santiago’ to sail forward for about 50 leguas to see whether there was any passage. Not finding a passage, he crossed the river which is about 25 leguas wide and found the [opposite] coast which runs northeast and southwest.” For early history of this region, see Dominguez’s Conquest of the River Plata. 84 Juan Diaz de Solis, a famous Spanish navigator, was born at Lebrixa, in 1470. He is said, although without sufficient authority, to have discovered Yucatan with Pinzon in 1506. He was appointed chief pilot of Spain after the death of Amerigo Vespucci in 1512. In October, 1515, he sailed in command of an expedition in search of a southwest passage to India. He discovered Rio de la Plata which he explored as far as the region of the Charrua tribe, by whom he and some of his men were killed and eaten before September, 1516. The remnant of the expedition was conducted back to Spain by his brother-in-law. 85 Eden adds (p. 251): “which ?um thynke to bee tho?e fy??hes that wee caule pikes.” Below, the sea-wolf is described as having a head “of golden coloure.” They were probably some species of the OtariidÆ or fur-seals (Giullemard, p. 160, note). The “geese” were penguins. Albo, Herrera, and others, also mention the “sea-wolves and ducks.” Kohl (Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fÜr Erdkunde, xi, 362) says that this bay where the ships were laden with the seals and penguins is probably Desvelos Bay, but it is more probably Puerto Deseado (“Port Desire;” see Mosto, p. 57, note 2). Drake also secured fresh provisions from these “sea-wolves,” calling the bay where he secured them “Seale Bay.” See World Encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 54, 55. 86 Port St. Julian. The “Roteiro” pilot (Stanley, p. 3) says that they reached it on March 31, 1520, and places it in 49° 20´ south latitude. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 214) says: “We went to a port called San Julian, where we entered the last day of March, and where we stayed until the day of St. Bartholomew. The said port lies in a latitude of 49 and two-thirds degrees. We pitched the ships in that port.” Other writers give slightly different locations (see Mosto, p. 57, note 5). Antonio Brito, the Portuguese, whose MS. is preserved in the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon, writes in 1523 to the king of Portugal certain news obtained from some of the men of the “Trinidad.” His information as might be expected, is at times faulty. Of Port St. Julian, he says: “They coasted along shore until they reached a river called San Juan where they wintered for four months.” 87 MS. 5,650 adds: “jumping up and down.” The only reference made to the Patagonians by Albo is as follows: “Many Indians came there, who dress in certain skins of the anta, which resemble camels without the hump. They have certain bows made from cane, which are very small and resemble turkish bows. The arrows also resemble Turkish arrows, and are tipped with flint instead of iron. Those Indians are very prudent, swift runners, and very well-built and well-appearing men.” (Navarrete, iv, 88 MS. 5,650 reads: “he began to marvel and to be afraid.” 89 Guillemard, who follows the Amoretti edition, translates (p. 180) this passage: “His hair was short and colored white,” but this translation is borne out by neither the Italian MS. nor MS. 5,650. Guillemard presents a picture of a Patagonian, as does also Wilkes (Narrative of U. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838–1842), i, facing p. 95. The latter describes Indians, whom the officers of the expedition thought to be Patagonians, and who were taller than average Europeans, as follows: “They had good figures and pleasant looking countenances, low foreheads, and high cheekbones, with broad faces, the lower part projecting; their hair was course and cut short on the crown leaving a narrow border of hair hanging down; over this they wore a kind of cap or band of skin or woolen yarn. The front teeth of all of them were very much worn, more apparent, however, in the old than in the young. On one foot they wore a rude skin sandal. Many of them had their faces painted in red and black stripes, with clay, soot, and ashes. Their whole appearance, together with their inflamed and sore eyes, was filthy and disgusting.” They showed that they had had previous communication with white men. Their food was fish and shellfish, and they carried bows and arrows and had dogs. Brinton (American Race, New York, 1891) says that “The Patagonians call themselves Chonek or Tzoneca, or Inaken (men, people), and by their Pampean neighbors are referred to as Tehuel-Che, southerners.” Many of them are “from six to six feet four inches in height, and built in proportion. In color they are a reddish brown, and have aquiline noses and good foreheads.” Ramon Lista (Viage al pais de los Tehuel-Ches) gives the average height of the Patagonians as 1.854 m., hence the early accounts of their great stature are greatly exaggerated (Mosto, p. 57, note 6). See also the description of the Patagonians in the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 5); and World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 40, 56–61 (where the origin of the name “Patagonian” is wrongly given). 90 The guanaco, a species of llama. See also Vol. II, p. 34, note 5*. 91 Hence arose the name “Patagonians” or “men with big feet,” given by MagalhÃes, because of the awkward appearance of the feet in such coverings, which were stuffed with straw for greater warmth. 92 The words “somewhat thicker than those of a lute” are lacking in MS. 5,650. 93 This sentence is omitted by MS. 5,650. 94 Eden (p. 251) says “two,” and following says that Magalhaes gave the giant “certeyne haukes belles and other great belles, with al?o a lookynge gla??e, a combe, and a payre of beades of gla??e.” 95 MS. 5,650 adds: “on the face.” 96 MS. 5,650 omits “face.” 97 “For the smiths” is omitted by MS. 5,650. 98 Maximilianus Transylvanus says that only one Patagonian was captured, but that he died shortly from self-starvation (Vol. I, pp. 314, 315). The “Roteiro” says (Stanley, p. 5) that three or four were captured, but all died except one, who went to Spain in the “San Antonio.” Pigafetta’s account, as given by an eyewitness, is to be preferred. 99 MS. 5,650 reads: “for otherwise they could have caused some of our men trouble.” Below Stanley (p. 53) again mistranslates the French “forces” as “forks.” 100 MS. 5,650 adds: “of malefactors,” and reads farther: “and their faces lighted up at seeing those manacles.” 101 MS. 5,650 reads: “and they were grieved that they could not take the irons with their hands, for they were hindered by the other things that they were holding.” Eden (p. 252) says at the end of his account of the capture: “Being thus taken, they were immediately ?eperate and put in ?undry ?hyppes.” 102 MS. 5,650 adds: “that is, the big devil.” Arber in his introduction to The first three English books on America says that Shakespeare had access to The decades of the newe worlde of Eden, and created the character of Caliban (who invokes Setebos) in the Tempest from the description of the Patagonian giants. See also World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 48, for mention of the god Settaboth. 103 MS. 5,650 reads: “the wife of one of the giants who had remained behind in irons.” 104 MS. 5,650 makes this plural. 105 See ante, note 103. 106 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650. 107 MS. 5,650 adds: “in their language.” 108 MS. 5,650 omits this sentence. 109 MS. 5,650 reads “instead of taking medicine.” See Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue) for examples 110 MS. 5,650 reads “two feet or so.” 111 MS. 5,650 reads “cut short and shaven like religious.” Hans Stade also notices the tonsure among the Indians who captured him (see Captivity of Hans Stade, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 136–138, and note, from which it appears that this manner of wearing the hair, was practiced among many Tupi tribes). 112 Stanley (p. 55) does not translate this sentence, but gives the original from MS. 5,650. 113 In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: “They seem to be painted, and one of those enemies is taller than the others, and makes a greater noise and gives expression to greater joy than the others.” 114 Mosto (p. 59) mistranscribes or misprints “Setebas.” Roncagli (Da punta arenas a Santo Cruz, in “Bollettino della SocietÀ geografica italiana,” 1884, p. 775) says that the Patagonians sacrificed to an evil spirit called “Wallichu.” Brinton, ut supra, p. 328, says: “They are not without some religious rites, and are accustomed to salute the new moon, and at the beginning of any solemn undertaking to puff the smoke of their pipes to the four cardinal points, just as did the Algonquins and Iroquois.” 115 See ante, note 91. Stanley mistranscribes “Pataghoni” of MS. 5,650 as “Palaghom.” 116 A reference to the gypsies who had made their appearance in Italy as early as 1422, where they practiced various deceptions upon the credulous people. The name “Cingani” or Zingari, as they are generally called in Italy, comes from the Greek word t?s???a???, by which they were called by Byzantine writers of the ix–xii centuries; the same name appearing also in slightly different forms in Turkey, Bulgaria, Roumania, Hungary, Bohemia, and Germany. Their ancestral home was probably in northwestern India, whence they emigrated in successive waves. In many countries extreme and harsh measures were taken against them, especially in Germany, where they had appeared as early as 1417. They were never allowed a foothold in France, but have become a significant part of the population in Russia, Hungary, and Spain. In the latter country, where they are called GitÁnos (Egyptians), in spite of many severe laws passed against them until the reign of CÁrlos III, they continued, more fortunate than the Jews, to thrive. They are mentioned by Cervantes in his Don Quixote (pt. i, chap, xxx), but the name GitÁno had first appeared in a Spanish document of 1499, where their customs are described. 117 MS. 5,650 reads: “capae;” but Stanley has mistranscribed “capac.” 118 “Albo (Navarrete iv, p. 215), the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4), Transylvanus and Oviedo (Mosto, p. 59, note 3) give the date of departure from Port San Julian August 24, 1520; but the second errs in giving 5½ instead of 4½ months for the period for which the fleet remained there. Peter Martyr places the date of departure as August 21. Castanheda, who gives the same date says that the name “St. Julian” or “of the ducks” was given to that bay which he calls a river. Barros gives the date of arrival as April 2, and says that the place was called “river of SaÕ JuliÃo.” See Mosto, ut supra. 119 A portion of the passage relating to the attempted mutiny reads as follows in MS. 5,650: “However the treason was discovered, and as a consequence the treasurer was killed by a dagger and then quartered. Gaspar de Casada was beheaded and then quartered. The overseer trying shortly after to lead another mutiny, was banished together with a priest and set ashore on that land of Pathagonia.” The Italian MS. is badly confused, while the above is more in accordance with the facts, and shows the hand of the translator and adapter. Eden (p. 252) says of the attempted mutiny: “They remayned fyue monethes in this porte of Sainte Iulian, where certeyne of the vnder capitaynes con?pirynge the death of theyr general, were hanged and quartered: Amonge whom the trea?urer Luigo of Mendozza was one. Certeyne of the other con?pirators, he left in the ?ayd land of Patogoni.” See the short account of the mutiny given by Transylvanus in Vol. I, p. 317, and the account given in the same volume, pp. 297, 299. The Roteiro (Stanley, p. 3) says that three of the ships revolted against MagalhÃes” saying that they intended to take him to Castile in arrest, as he was taking them all to destruction;” but MagalhÃes subdued the mutiny by the aid of the foreigners with him. Mendoza was killed by Espinosa the chief constable of the fleet, and Gaspar Quesada was beheaded and quartered. Alvaro de Mesquita, MagalhÃes’s cousin, is wrongly reported to have been given command of one of the ships of those killed, but the command of the “San Antonio” that had previously been given to Antonio de Coca, after MagalhÃes had deprived Cartagena of it, had been given him before the real outbreak of the mutiny. The narrative of the mutiny as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, pp. 34–38) which was compiled mainly from documents presented in the same volume and from Herrera, is as follows: “March 31, the eve of Palm Sunday, Magallanes entered the port of San Julian, where he intended to winter, and consequently ordered the rations to be served by measure. In view of that and of the barrenness and cold of the country, the men asked Magallanes by various arguments to increase the rations or turn back, since there was no hope of finding the end of that country or any strait. But Magallanes replied that he would either die or accomplish what he had promised; that the king had ordered the voyage which he was to accomplish; and that he had to sail until he found that land or some strait which must surely exist; that in regard to the food, they had no reason to complain, since that bay had an abundance of good fish, good water, many game birds, and quantities of wood, and that bread and wine had not failed them, nor would fail them if they would abide by the rule regarding rations. Among other observations, he exhorted and begged them not to be found wanting in the valorous spirit which the Castilian nation had manifested and showed daily in greater affairs; and offering them corresponding rewards in the king’s name. By such means did he quiet the men. “April 1, Palm Sunday, Magallanes summoned all his captains, officers, and pilots to go ashore to hear mass and afterward to dine in his ship. Alvaro de la Mezquita, Antonio de Coca, and all the men went to hear mass. Louis de Mendoza, Gaspar de Quesada, and Juan de Cartagena (the latter because he was a prisoner in Quesada’s keeping) did not go, however; and Alvaro de la Mezquita alone went to dine with Magallanes. “During the night, Gaspar de Quesada and Juan de Cartagena with about thirty armed men of the ship ‘Concepcion’ went to the ‘San Antonio,’ where Quesada requested that the captain, Alvaro de la Mezquita, be surrendered to him, and told the crew of the ship to seize it, as they had already done with the ‘Concepcion’ and ‘Victoria.’ [He said] that they already knew how Magallanes had treated and was treating them, because they had asked him to fulfil the king’s orders; that they were lost men; and that they should help him make another request of Magallanes, and if necessary, seize him. Juan de Elorriaga, the master of the ‘San Antonio,’ spoke in favor of his captain, Alvaro de la Mezquita, saying to Gaspar de Quesada: ‘I summon you, in God’s name and that of the king, Don CÁrlos, to go to your ship, for the present is no time to go through the ships with armed men; and I also summon you to release our captain.’ Thereupon Quesada replied: ‘Must our deed remain unaccomplished because of this madman?’ and drawing his dagger stabbed him four times in “Thereupon, they sent a message to Magallanes to the effect that they held three ships and the small boats of all five at their disposal in order to require him to fulfil his Majesty’s provisions. They said that they had done that in order that he might no longer illtreat them as he had done thitherto. If he would agree to fulfil his Majesty’s orders, they would obey his commands, and [said] that if they had thitherto treated him as a superior, they would thenceforth treat him as a master, and would be most respectful to him. “Magallanes sent word to them to come to his ship, where he would hear them and do what was proper. They answered that they did not dare come lest he illtreat them, but that he should go to the ship ‘San Antonio,’ where they would all assemble and decide definitely on what the king’s orders commanded. “Magallanes believing that boldness was more useful than meekness in the face of such actions, determined to employ craft and force together. He kept the small boat of the ship ‘San Antonio’ which was used for those negotiations, at his ship; and sent the alguacil, Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, in the skiff belonging to his ship, to the ‘Victoria,’ with six men armed secretly and a letter for the treasurer, Luis de Mendoza, in which he told the latter to come to the flagship. While the treasurer was reading the letter and smiling as if to say ‘You don’t catch me that way,’ Espinosa stabbed him in the throat, while another sailor stabbed him at the same instant on the head so that he fell dead. Magallanes, being a man with foresight, sent a boat under command of Duarte Barbosa, sobresaliente of the ‘Trinidad’ with fifteen armed men, who entering the ‘Victoria’ flung the banner to the breeze without any resistance. That happened on April 2. Then the ‘Victoria’ approached the flagship, and they together immediately approached the ‘Santiago.’ “On the following day, the ‘San Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ which were held by Quesada and Cartagena tried to put to sea, but it was necessary for them to pass close to the flagship which stood farthest out. The ‘San Antonio’ raised two anchors, and being in danger with one, Quesada determined to free Alvaro de la Mezquita, whom he held a prisoner in his ship, in order to send him to Magallanes to arrange peace between them. Mezquita, however, told him that nothing would be obtained. Finally, they arranged that when they set sail, Mezquita should station himself forward and ask Magallanes as they approached his ship, “Before setting sail in the ‘San Antonio,’ where they were endangered, as it was night and the crew were asleep, the ship dragged and ran foul of the flagship. The latter discharged some large and small shots and men leaped aboard the ‘San Antonio’ crying, ‘For whom are you?’ they responding, ‘For the king, our sovereign, and your Grace,’ surrendered to Magallanes. The latter seized Quesada, the accountant, Antonio de Coca, and other sobresalientes who had gone to the ‘San Antonio’ with Quesada. Then he sent to the ‘Concepcion’ for Juan de Cartagena and imprisoned him with them. “Next day Magallanes ordered the body of Mendoza taken ashore and had it quartered, and Mendoza cried as a traitor. On the seventh, he ordered Gaspar de Quesada beheaded and quartered with a like cry. That was done by Quesada’s own follower and sobresaliente, Luis de Molino, in order to save himself from hanging, for that sentence had been passed on him. Magallanes sentenced Juan de Cartagena and the lay priest, Pedro Sanchez de la Reina, who had been active in causing the men to mutiny, to be marooned in that country. He pardoned more than forty men who merited death, as they were needed to work the ships, and so that he might not excite hard feelings by the severity of the punishment.” Brito’s account of the mutiny (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) is very brief and unsatisfactory: “In that port the captains began to ask him where he was taking them, especially one Juan de Cartagena, who said that he had a royal cedula naming him as associate with Magallanes, as Rui Falero would also have been, had he been there. Then they tried to rise against Magallanes and kill him, and go back to Castilla or to Rodas. From that point they went to the river of Santa Cruz, where they endeavored to put their plan in execution. But when Magallanes discovered their ill-considered attempt, for the captains said that they would kill him or take him prisoner, he ordered his ship armed and Juan de Cartagena arrested. As soon as the other captains saw their chief arrested they thought no longer of prosecuting their attempt. Magallanes, however, seized them all, for most of the crew were in his favor. He sent the merino or alguacil to kill Luis de Mendoza with his dagger, for the latter refused to be arrested; while he had another named Gaspar Quesada beheaded. When they set sail, he left Juan de Cartagena together with a secular priest ashore at a place where there were no inhabitants.” Correa (Stanley, pp. 247–250) gives a different and imperfect account of the meeting. Cf. with these accounts the one given by Guillemard (Magellan), pp. 162–174. When the “San Antonio” deserted, Esteban 120 MS. 5,650 reads: “twenty-five leagues.” 121 Instead of this last phrase, MS. 5,650 reads: “and very little of that.” The account of the shipwreck and rescue as given here is very confusing and inadequate. Cf. Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 175–179, and Navarrete, iv, pp. 38, 39. One man was lost, namely, the negro slave of JoÃo SerrÃo. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4) gives the briefest mention of it. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) says: “After this [i.e., the mutiny], they wintered for three months; and Magallanes again ordered the ship ‘Santiago’ to go ahead in order to explore. The ship was wrecked but all of its crew were saved.” Correa’s account (Stanley, p. 250) is very short, and mentions that only the hull of the vessel was lost. 122 Mosto (p. 60, note 3) derives this word from the Spanish mejillon, a variety of cockle, which he thinks may be the Mytilus or common mussel. 123 See Vol. II, p. 34, note 5*. 124 Eden (p. 252) says: “52. degree ... lackynge a thyrde parte.” 125 MS. 5,650 omits: “and the holy bodies,” and has in its place: “by His grace.” 126 MS. 5,650 omits these last two words. The Italian form braccio is retained in view of these words; for the Spanish braza is a measure about equivalent to the English fathom, while the braccio, although varying in different cities, is near three palmos (spans) in length. The term is, however, translated brasse (“fathom”) in MS. 5,650. Mosto (p. 60, note 8), conjectures this fish to be the Eliginus maclovinus. Of this fish, Theodore 127 Of the river Santa Cruz and the stay there, Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says: “We left that place [i.e., Port San Julian] on the 24th of the said month [of August] and coasted along to the southwest by west. About 30 leguas farther on, we found a river named Santa Cruz, which we entered on the 26th of the same month. We stayed there until the day of San Lucas, the 18th of the month of October. We caught many fish there and got wood and water. That coast extends northeast by east and southwest by west, and is an excellent coast with good indentations.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4) places the river Santa Cruz twenty leagues from San Julian and in about 50°. That narrative says that the four remaining boats continued to pick up the wreckage of the “Santiago” until September 18. The name Santa Cruz was said to have been given to the river because they entered it on September 14, the day of the exaltation of the holy cross (see Stanley, p. 4, note 4, and Mosto, p. 60, note 7), but Kohl (Mosto, ut supra) attributes the name to JoÃo SerrÃo who was near that river on May 3, 1520, the day on which the church celebrates the feast of the finding of the holy cross. Navarrete (iv, p. 41) cites Herrera as authority for an eclipse of the sun that happened while at this river on October 11, 1520. Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 187, 188) is disinclined to believe the report, although he mentions an annular eclipse of the sun on October 20, 1520, which was however not visible in Patagonia. Navarrete (ut supra) says that MagalhÃes gave instructions to his captains here “saying that he would follow those coasts until finding a strait or the end of that continent, even if he had to go to a latitude of 75°; that before abandoning that enterprise, the ships might be twice unrigged; and that after that he would go in search of Maluco toward the east and east northeast, by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza and the island of San Lorenzo.” A new chapter begins at this point in MS. 5,650, being simply headed “chapter.” 128 The anonymous Portuguese who accompanied Duarte Barbosa says 53° 30´; Barros, 52° 56´; Elcano, 54°; and Albo, 52° 30´. Mosto, p. 60, note 9. 129 MS. 5.650 has the words in brackets. 130 Eden (p. 252) says of the strait: “they founde the ?traight nowe cauled the ?traight of Magellanus, beinge in ?um place C.x. leagues in length: and in breadth ?umwhere very large and in other places lyttle more than halfe a league in bredth.” Stanley (p. 57) is uncertain of the French et quasi autant de largeur moins de demye lieue, which is (translated freely) simply “something like almost a half-league wide.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 7) says that the channel “at some places has a width of three leagues, and two, and one, and in some places half a league.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 320) gives the width as two, three, five, or ten Italian miles; Gomara, two leagues or so; Barros, one league at the mouth, and the strait, from a musket or cannon shot to one and one and one-half leagues; Castanheda, at the mouth as wide as two ships close together, then opening up to one league; Peter Martyr, a sling-shot’s distance in places. (Mosto, p. 61, note 2.) 131 Proise or Proi (proy, proic) is an ancient Catalonian word meaning the “bow moorings;” Cf. Jal, Glossaire nautÌque (Mosto, p. 61, note 3). The old Spanish word is “proÍs,” which signifies both the thing to which the ship is moored ashore, and the rope by which it is moored to the shore. 132 This passage is as follows in MS. 5,650: “The said strait was a circular place surrounded with mountains (as I have said), and the majority of the sailors thought that there was no exit from it into the said Pacific Sea. But the captain-general declared that there was another strait which led out, and that he knew that well, for he had seen it on a marine chart of the king of Portugal. That map had been made by a renowned sailor and pilot, named Martin de Boesme. The said captain sent two of his ships forward—one named the ‘Sainct Anthoine,’ and the other the ‘Conception’—in order that they might look for and discover the exit from the said strait, which was called the cape de la Baya.” Martin de Behaim (Beham, Behem, Behemira, Behen, Boehem), Boehm) was born about 1459 (some say also in 1430 or 1436) of a family originally from Bohemia, in Nuremberg, Germany, and died at Lisbon, July 29, 1506. He was a draper in Flanders, 1477–1479, after which he went to Lisbon (1480) where he became See Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 189–198) for a discussion of knowledge regarding the existence of a strait to the south of the American continent, prior to MagalhÃes’s discovery and passage of it. Guillemard, after weighing the evidence for and against, decides that there may have been a “more or less inexact knowledge of the existence of some antarctic break “that would allow access to the eastern world. 133 Possession Bay, according to Mosto, p. 61, note 5, but Guillemard (pp. 199, 200) thinks it may have been Lomas Bay. 134 Probably Anegada Point to the northwest of Cape Orange. 135 The “First Narrows” or Primera Garganta, just beyond Anegada Point. 136 Lago de los Estrechos, St. Philip’s Bay, or Boucant Bay. 137 The “Second Narrows” and Broad Reach. 138 MS. 5,650 does not mention the smoke signals. 139 MS. 5,650 reads: “When near us they suddenly discharged a number of guns, whereat we very joyously saluted them with artillery and cries.” 140 The first is the passage east of Dawson Island, which extends to the northeast into Useless Bay and to the southeast into Admiralty Sound. The second opening was the passage between the western side of Dawson Island and Brunswick Peninsula. 141 Esteban Gomez was an experienced Portuguese navigator and pilot with ambitions only less than those of MagalhÃes, his kinsman (Guillemard, p. 203). His desertion occurred probably Brito’s story of the exploration of the strait and the loss of the “San Antonio” (Navarrete, iv, pp. 307, 308) is as follows: “They left that place [i.e., the river of Santa Cruz] on October 20, and went to enter a strait of which they had no knowledge. The entrance of the strait extends for about 15 leguas; and after they had entered, it seemed to them that it was all land-locked, and they accordingly anchored there. Magallanes sent a Portuguese pilot named Juan Carballo ashore with orders to ascend a mountain in order to ascertain whether there was any outlet. Carballo returned saying that it appeared land-locked to him. Thereupon Magallanes ordered the ships ‘San Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ to go in advance in order to explore the strait. After having gone ahead for about 30 leguas, they returned to tell Magallanes that the river went farther but that they could not tell where it would take them. Upon receiving that information Magallanes weighed anchor with all three ships, and advanced along the strait until reaching the point to which the others had explored. Then he ordered the ‘San Antonio’ of which Alvaro de Mezquito, his cousin, was captain, and Esteban Gomez, a Portuguese pilot, to go ahead and explore a southern channel that opened in the strait. That ship did not return to the others and it is not known whether it returned to Castilla or whether it was wrecked. Magallanes proceeded with his remaining ships until he found an exit.” Correa’s account of the desertion of the “San Antonio” is as usual with him, inadequate, and evidently based on hearsay evidence (see Stanley, p. 250). 142 Literally “brother;” but to be understood probably as the expression cugino germano, “cousin german.” 143 MS. 5,650 begins this sentence as follows: “But that ship lost its time, for the other.” 144 Guillemard (p. 206) conjectures from the records of Albo, Pigafetta, and Herrera that the river of Sardines is Port Gallant which is located on the Brunswick Peninsula, opposite the Charles Islands. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says that after taking the 145 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 216) says that the two capes at the exit of the strait were called Fermosa and Deseado, this latter being Cape Pillar (see Guillemard, map facing p. 198). 146 MS. 5,650 adds: “which were on the other side.” 147 JoÃo SerrÃo, the brother of MagalhÃes’s staunchest friend Francisco SerrÃo, and a firm supporter of the great navigator. Pigafetta errs in calling him a Spaniard (see p. 183), though he may have become a naturalized Spaniard, since the register speaks of him as a citizen of Sevilla. One document (Navarrete, iv, p. 155) calls him a Portuguese pilot, and Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) a Castilian. He was an experienced navigator and captain, and had served under Vasco da Gama, Almeida, and Albuquerque. Vasco da Gama (on his second voyage, 1502–1503) made him captain of the ship “Pomposa” which was built in Mozambique where he was left to attend to Portuguese affairs. On this expedition he saw the coast of Brazil for the first time, for Vasco da Gama’s fleet, ere doubling the Cape of Good Hope, crossed to the Brazilian coast, which they followed as far as Cape Santo Agostinho. He fought bravely in the battle of Cananor under Almeida (March 16, 1506, in which MagalhÃes also participated). He was chief captain of three caravels in August, 1510, in Eastern water, and was in the Java seas in 1512, but must have returned to Portugal soon after that, for he was there in 1513; although he seems to have been appointed clerk at the fortress of Calicut in the latter year. He embarked with MagalhÃes as captain and pilot of the “Santiago,” but after the wreck of that vessel near port San Julian was given command of the “Concepcion,” in which he later explored the strait. Failing to dissuade MagalhÃes from attacking the natives of Matan, he became commander, with Duarte Barbosa, of the fleet at MagalhÃes’s death, and was murdered by the Cebuans after the treacherous banquet given by them to the fleet. See Guillemard (ut supra), and Stanley’s Three voyages of Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1869). 148 MS. 5,650 reads as follows: “Such was the method ordered by the captain from the beginning, in order that the ship that happened to become separated from the others might rejoin the fleet.” Then it adds: “Thereupon the crew of the said ship did what the captain had ordered them and more, for they set two banners with their letters,” etc. 149 “The island of Santa Magdalena (Mosto, p. 62, note 11). 150 According to Guillemard the river of Isleo (or “of Islands”) 151 The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 3) mentions that the day at the port of San Julian was about seven hours long; while the anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 30) says that the sun only appeared for some “four hours each day” in June and July. Transylvanus says the nights in the strait were not longer than five hours. 152 MS. 5,650 adds: “which is the collateral wind between the east and south.” 153 MS. 5,650 adds: “and anchorages.” 154 Various kinds of these umbelliferous parsley plants are still to be found in Patagonia, where they are highly esteemed (Mosto, p. 63, note 3). 155 MS. 5,650 reads: “I do not believe that there is a more beautiful country or a better strait than that.” See Albo’s description of the strait, in Vol. I, pp. 264–265; that of Transylvanus, Vol. I, pp. 319–321; and that in World encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 236, 237 (this last account also mentioning the difficulty of finding water sufficiently shallow for anchoring). The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait was called the “Strait of Victoria, because the ship ‘Victoria’ was the first that had seen it: some called it the Strait of Magalhaens because our captain was named Fernando de Magalhaens.” Castanheda says that MagalhÃes gave it the name of “bay of All Saints” because it was discovered on November 1; and San Martin in his reply to MagalhÃes’s request for opinions regarding the continuance of the expedition calls it “channel of All Saints:” but this name was first applied to only one gulf or one branch and later extended to the entire channel. This name is found in the instructions given for the expedition of Sebastian Cabot in 1527, and in the map made that same year at Sevilla by the Englishman Robert Thorne. Sarmiento de Gamboa petitioned Felipe II that it be called “strait of the Mother of God.” It was also called “strait of Martin Behaim.” The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait is 400 miles long. The “Roterio” (Stanley, pp. 7, 8) says that it is 100 leagues in length, and that in traversing it, they “sailed as long as it was daylight, and anchored when it was night.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 320) gives the length as 100 Spanish miles; Oviedo, 100 or 110 leagues; Herrera, 100 leagues, and twenty days to navigate; Gomara, 110 to 120 leagues; Peter Martyr, 110 leagues. See Mosto, p. 60, note 10, and p. 62, note 2; and ante, note 130. 156 These fish are: a species of CoryphÆna; the Thymnus albacora, and the Thymnus plamys. 157 From the Spanish golondrina, the sapphirine gurnard or tubfish (Trigla hirundo). 158 MS. 5,650 reads: “one foot or more.” 159 At this point in the original Italian MS., which ends a page, occurs the heading of the following page Sequitur Vocabuli pataghoni, that is, “Continuation of Patagonian words.” 160 Literally: “for the nature of women.” 161 MS. 5,650 presents the following differences in the list of Patagonian words from the Italian MS.
In the above list, chen corresponds in the Italian MS. to ehen, the equivalent of “no;” theu is “ship” in the above, and “snow” in the Italian; courire (the equivalent of covrire or coprire, “to cover”) in the Italian, becomes courir (“to run”) in MS. 5,650. All are to be regarded as errors of the French. Certain words are left in Italian in MS. 5,650, which are as follows: la copa; alcalcagno; (Italian MS. al calcagno); homo squerzo (Italian MS. sguerco); a la pignate (Italian MS. pigniata); alstruzzo vcelo (Italian MS. al seruzo ucelo); and alcocinare (Italian MS. al coÇinare). Stanley offers this as proof that MS. 5,650 was written by Pigafetta, and not translated from his Italian, but it furnishes no evidence that Pigafetta even saw the French version of his relation. It must be remembered that Stanley did not himself see the Italian MS. but only the Amoretti mutilation of it (from which, and from MS. 5,650, he reproduces the vocabulary, without English translation); and hence bases his observations on that and the conjectures of its editor. Stanley points out the fact that Amoretti has omitted several words of this list, but they are all in the Italian MS. A sad blunder has been made by Stanley in his transcription of La pouldre dherbe qui mangent whose Patagonian equivalent is capac. He transcribes as follows: la pouldre d’herbe with Patagonian equivalent qui (which it is to be noted is only the wrong form of the French relative), and mangent with Patagonian equivalent capac, explaining mangent in a footnote as “Food, the root used as bread.” Stanley also makes the following mistranscriptions: orescho for oresche (“nostrils”); canneghin for caimeghin (“palm of the hand”); ochy for ochii (“bosom”); scancos for scaneos (“testicles”); hou for hoii (“buttocks”); ohoy for ohon (“pulse”); cartschem for cartscheni (“sole of the foot”); chol for thol (“heart”); om for oni (“wind”); aschame for aschanie (“earthen pot”); oamaghei for oamaghce (“to fight”); amet for amel (“black”); and ixecoles for jrocoles (“to cook”). Amoretti has also made many errors (see Stanley’s First Voyage, pp. 62, 63). Mosto, who is on the whole a faithful transcriber, has sacancos as the Patagonian equivalent of a li testiculi; om jani for a li sui, the correct forms of the latter being jani and a li sui oui; and tcrechai for the equivalent of “red cloth.” Eden (p. 252) gives only the following words: “breade, Capar: water, Oli: redde clothe, Cherecai: red colour, Cheiche: blacke colour, Amel.” Mosto (p. 63, note 8) gives the following words from the
Brinton (American Race, p. 328) cites Ramon Lista (Mis exploraciones y descubrÌmientos en Patagonia, Buenos Ayres, 1880) in proof that the language of the Patagonians has undergone but slight change since the time of Pigafetta. See also lists of words in Brinton (ut supra), p. 364, from the Patagonian and Fuegian languages. The vocabularies given by Horatio Hale (Wilkes’s U. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838–1842, Philadelphia, 1846, viii, pp. 651–656) bear no resemblance to Pigafetta’s vocabulary. Hale says that guttural sounds are frequent among the Indians of the Patagonian district. 162 MS. 5,650 reads: “capae.” 163 Cf. with the methods of fire-making used by the North American Indians in Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue); see also Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 126. At this point (folio 14a) in the original Italian MS. occurs the first chart, representing the straits of Magellan (see p. 86). The cardinal points in all of Pigafetta’s charts are the reverse of the ordinary, the north being below and the south above. MS. 5,650 precedes this chart (which there occupies folio 21a) by the words: “Below is depicted the strait of Patagonie.” Immediately following this chart in the Italian MS. (folio 15a) is the chart of the Ysole Infortunate (“Unfortunate Isles;” see p. 92). These islands are shown in MS. 5,650 on folio 23a, with the following notice: “Here are shown the two islands called ‘Unfortunate Islands.’” The charts in the Italian MS. are brown or dull black on a blue ground. 164 The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9) says that MagalhÃes left the strait November 26 (having entered it October 21); the anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) and Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 65, note 1), November 27. 165 MS. 5,650 reads: “And we ate only biscuits that had fallen to powder, which was quite full of worms, and stank from the filth of the urine of rats that covered it, and of which the good had been eaten.” Eden (p. 252) reads: “And hauynge in 166 A curious coincidence in view of MagalhÃes’s answer to Esteban Gomez at a council called in the strait to discuss the continuance of the voyage that “although he had to eat the cowhide wrappings of the yardarms, he would still persevere and discover what he had promised the emperor” (Navarrete, iv, p. 43; cited from Herrera). At that council AndrÉ de San Martin, pilot in the “San Antonio,” advised that they continue explorations until the middle of January, 1521, and then return to Spain; and urged that no farther southward descent be made, and that navigation along so dangerous coasts be only by day, in order that the crew might have some rest (Navarrete, iv, pp. 45–49). 167 MS. 5,650 reads: “enough of them.” 168 This was the scurvy. Navarrete (iv, p. 54) following a document conserved in Archivo general de Indias, says that only eleven men died of scurvy during the voyage from the strait to the Ladrones. 169 The anonymous Portuguese says (Stanley, p. 31) that after sailing west and northwest for 9,858 miles, the equator was reached. At the line (“Roteiro,” Stanley, p. 9), MagalhÃes changed the course in order to strike land north of the Moluccas, as “he had information that there were no provisions” there. 170 MS. 5,650 reads: “It is well named Pacific.” 171 MS. 5,650 adds: “which is a large fish called tiburoni.” The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31), says that the Unfortunate Islands were met before the line was reached and were eight hundred miles distant from one another. One was called St. Peter (in 18°) and the other the island of Tiburones (in 14°). Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 321), Herrera, and Oviedo, say that the three vessels stopped two days at those islands for supplies, but Albo’s journal (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) indicates that no stop was made there. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9), gives the latitude of these islands as 18° or 19° and 13° or 14°. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) says that the first was discovered January 24 in 16° 15´, and was called San Pablo, because that was the date of St. Paul’s conversion; and the island of Tiburones was discovered February 4, in 10° 40´, at a distance of 9° (sic) from the former. Eden (p. 253) says that the second island lay in 5°. These two islands were probably Puka-puka (the Honden Eyland of the Dutch atlases) of the Tuamotu group, located in latitude 172 MS. 5,650 reads: “now at the stern, now at the windward side, or otherwise.” Amoretti changes this passage completely, reading: “According to our measurement of the distance that we made with the chain astern, we ran from sixty to seventy leagues daily.” Many basing themselves on this passage of Amoretti, have believed that the log was in use at the time of the first circumnavigation. Dr. Breusing (Die Catena a poppa bei Pigafetta und die Logge, in “Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fÜr Erdkunde zu Berlin,” 1869, iv, pp. 107–115) believes that the “stern chain (catena poppa) is not the log properly so-called, but an instrument for determining the angle of the ship’s leeway, an opinion accepted also by Gelcich in his La scoperta d’America e Cristoforo Colombo nella letteratura moderna (Gorizia, 1890). L’Vzielle (Studi bibliogr. e biogr. sulla storia della geogr. in Italia, Roma, 1875, part ii, introduction, pp. 294–296), combats that opinion, as well as the idea that the log is meant. The difficulty of the passage, he says, hinges on the word ho and whether it is interpreted as a verb or a conjunction. If it be a conjunction then the passage, means “estimating by sight, the rate of the ship from the ‘bow catena,’ or at the stern” (‘catena’ being a beam perpendicular to the ship’s axis at the point near the bow where it begins to curve inward; that is, at such a point that from that place to the stern, the direction of the apparent way is parallel to the longitudinal axis of the ship) his ship made fifty, sixty, or seventy leagues.” One might suppose, if ho be regarded as a verb, that Pigafetta called catena a cross beam of the stern (the passage reading “the catena that was at the stern”); or that the disjunctive ho, “or” is used in place of e, “and,” and that Pigafetta, dividing the distance between the stern and the bow catena by the time necessary for a fixed point of the sea to pass from the elevation of the bow to that of the stern, thus deduced the ship’s rate. See Mosto, p. 66, note 173 The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 6) says that this cape, which he calls “cape of the virgins” was discovered on October 21, 1520, and lay in latitude about 52° south. Barros says that it was discovered on October 20; and Transylvanus and Oviedo, on November 27. See Mosto, p. 61, note 1. 174 Regarding the reckonings Eden says: “In ?o much that it was nece??arie to helpe the needle with the lode ?tone (commonly cauled the adamant) before they could ?aile therwith, bycau?e it moued not as it doothe when it is in the?e owre partes.” Eden also gives a cut of the “?tarres abowt the pole Antartike.” The same author also (pp. 277–280) compiles from Amerigo Vespucci and Andreas de Corsali a treatise entitled “Of the Pole Antartike and the stars abowt the same and of the qualitie of the regions and disposition of the Elementes abowt the Equinoctiall line. Al?o certeyne ?ecreates touching the arte of ?aylynge.” The former says: “The pole Antartike hath nother the great beare nor the lyttle as is ?eene abowte owre pole. But hath foure ?tarres whiche compa??e it abowt in forme of a quadrangle. When these are hydden, there is ?eene on the lefte ?yde a bryght Canopus of three ?tarres of notable greatne??e, whiche beinge in the mydde?t of heauen, repre?enteth this figure.” The latter says: “Here we ?awe a marueylous order of ?tarres, ?o that in the parte of heauen contrary to owre northe pole, to knowe in what place and degree the ?outh pole was, we tooke the day with the ?oonne, and ob?erued the nyght with the a?trolabie, and ?aw manife?tly twoo clowdes of rea?onable bygne??e mouynge abowt the place of the pole continually nowe ry?ynge and nowe faulynge, ?o keepynge theyr continuall cour?e in circular mouynge, with a ?tarre euer in the mydde?t which is turned abowt with them abowte. xi. degrees frome the pole. Aboue the?e appeareth a marueylous cro??e in the mydde?t of fyue notable ?tarres which compa??e it abowt.... This cro??e is so fayre and bewtiful, that none other heuenly gne may be compared to it....” These are the Magallanic clouds (Nuebecula major and Nubecula minor) and the constellation of the Southern Cross or Crux. The Magellanic clouds resemble portions of the milky way, Nubecula major being visible to the naked eye in strong moonlight and covering about two hundred times the moon’s surface, while the Nubecula minor, although visible to the naked eye, disappears in full moonlight, and covers an area only one-fourth that of the former. They were first observed by the Arabians. The Portuguese pilots probably called them at first “clouds of the cape.” (Mosto, p. 66, note 2). The Southern Cross, which resembles a lute rather than a cross, was first erected into a constellation by Royer in 1679, although often spoken of before as a cross. Only one of its five principal stars belongs to the first magnitude. The cross is only 6° in extent north and south and less than that east and west. The second chart of the plate at p. 92 represents the Ladrones Islands and occurs in the Italian MS. at this point (folio 16b). This chart is found on folio 25b in MS. 5,650, and is preceded by the inscription: “The island of the robbers and the style of their boats.” 175 MS. 5,650 reads: “During that time of two months and twelve days.” 176 Amoretti reads: “three degrees east of Capo Verde.” If the cape is meant, the correction is proper, but if the islands, the MS. is correct. See Mosto, p. 67, note 4. 177 Cipangu is Japan, while Sumbdit Pradit may be the island of Antilia, called “Septe citade” on Martin Behaim’s globe (Mosto, p. 67, note 5). The locations given by Pigafetta prove that they did not see them, but that he writes only from vague reports. Europe first learned of Japan, near the end of the thirteenth century, through Marco Polo, who had been told in China fabulous tales of the wealth of Zipangu. This word is derived by Marco Polo from the Chinese Dschi-pen-KuË or Dschi-pon, which the Japanese have transformed into Nippon or Nihon. See Travels of Marco Polo, book iii, ch. ii; and Rein’s Japan, p. 4. 178 See Vol. I, pp. 208, 209, 210, 312, 336. 179 MS. 5,650 reads: “sixty.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 322) names two islands of the Ladrones Inuagana and Acacan, but says that both were uninhabited. Guillemard (ut supra, p. 223) conjectures these names to be identical with Agana in Guam and Sosan in Rota. Hugues (Mosto, p. 67, note 7) believes the first island visited to have been Guam, and his conjecture is undoubtedly correct. 180 MS. 5,650 adds: “called skiff.” 181 MS. 5,650 adds: “of the said island.” 182 MS. 5,650 has a new unnumbered chapter heading before the following paragraph. 183 This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650, as is also all the following sentence; but that MS. adds: “We left the said island immediately afterward, and continued our course.” This was on March 9, on which day the only Englishman in the fleet, “Master Andrew” of Bristol, died (Guillemard, ut supra, p. 226). 184 Eden (p. 254) says: “two hundreth of theyr boates.” 185 MS. 5,650 has a new chapter at this point, although the chapter is unnumbered. When Loaisa’s expedition reached the Ladrones, they found still alive a Galician, one of three deserters from Espinosa’s ship (see Vol. II, pp. 30, 34, 35, 110). See the reception accorded Legazpi, and a description of one of those islands in 1565, Vol. II, pp. 109–113. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9) says that the expedition reached the Ladrones, March 6, 1521 (with which Albo, Navarrete, iv, p. 219 agrees); and that after the theft of the 186 MS. 5,650 adds: “or superior.” 187 MS. 5,650 reads: “cloth.” 188 At this point, MS. 5,650 begins a new sentence, thus: “There are found in that place.” 189 MS. 5,650 reads: “Those women.” 190 MS. 5,650 makes use of the Italian word store for stuoje or stoje meaning “mats,” and explains by adding: “which we call mats.” 191 They also (according to Herrera) received the name Las Velas, “the sails” from the lateen-rigged vessels that the natives used (Mosto, p. 67, note 7). See also Vol. XVI, pp. 200–202. 192 In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: “The pastime of the men and women of the said place and their sport, is to go in their boats to catch those flying fish with fishhooks made of fishbone.” 193 Mosto (p. 68, note 5) says that these boats were the fisolere, which were small and very swift oared-vessels, used in winter on the Venetian lakes by the Venetian nobles for hunting with bows and arrows and guns. Amoretti conjectures that Pigafetta means the fusiniere, boats named after Fusine whence people are ferried to Venice. 194 MS. 5,650 reads: “The said boats have no difference between stern and bow.” Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 219), in speaking of the boats of the Chamorros, uses almost identically the same expression: “They went both ways, for they could make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern, whenever they wished.” The apparatus described by Pigafetta as belonging to these boats is the outrigger, common to many of the boats of the eastern islands. 195 In the Italian MS., the chart of Aguada ly boni segnaly (“Watering-place of good signs”), Zzamal (Samar), Abarien, 196 “The tenth of March” in Eden, and the distance of Zamal from the Ladrones is given as “xxx. leagues.” Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says that the first land seen was called Yunagan, “which extended north and had many bays;” and that going south from there they anchored at a small island called Suluan. At the former “we saw some canoes, and went thither, but they fled. That island lies in 9° 40´ north latitude.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 10) says that the first land seen was in “barely eleven degrees,” and that the fleet “went to touch at another further on, which appeared first.” Two praus approached a boat sent ashore, whereupon the latter was ordered back, and the praus fled. Thereupon the fleet went to another nearby island “which lies in ten degrees, to which they gave the name of the ‘Island of Good Signs,’ because they found some gold in it.” 197 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650. 198 MS. 5,650 reads: “more than one foot long.” 199 Since rice is an important staple among all the eastern islands, it is natural that there are different and distinctive names for that grain in the various languages and dialects for all stages of its growth and all its modes of preparation. Thus the TagÁlog has words for “green rice,” “rice with small heads,” “dirty and partly rotten rice,” “early rice,” “late rice,” “cooked rice,” and many others. See also U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 70, 71. 200 MS. 5,650 reads: “In order to explain what manner of fruit is that above named, one must know that what is called ‘cochi’ is the fruit borne by the palm-tree. Just as we have bread, wine, oil, and vinegar, which are obtained from different things, so those people get the above named substances from those palm-trees alone.” See Delgado’s Historia, pp. 634–659, for description of the useful cocoa palm; also, U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 72, 73, 75. 201 MS. 5,650 reads: “along the tree.” Practically the method used today to gather the cocoanut wine. See U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, p. 75. 202 In describing the cocoanut palm and fruit, Eden (p. 254) reads: “Vnder this rynde, there is a thicke ?hell whiche they burne and make pouder thereof and v?e it as a remedie for certeyne di?ea?es.” He says lower, that the cocoanut milk on congealing “lyeth within the ?hell lyke an egge.” 203 MS. 5,650 reads: “By so doing they last a century.” 204 Called “Suluan” by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220). It is a small island southeast of Samar. See ante, note 196. Dr. David P. Barrows (Census of the Philippines, Washington, 1905, i, p. 413), says that the men from Suluan “were perhaps not typical of the rest of the population which Magellan found sparsely scattered about the coasts of the central islands, but ... were almost certainly of the same stock from which the present Visayan people are in the main descended.” These natives had probably come, he says, “in successively extending settlements, up the west coast of Mindanao from the Sulu archipelago. ‘SulÚan’ itself means ‘Where there are Suluges,’ that is, men of Sulu or JolÓ.” 205 MS. adds: “seeing that they were thus well dispositioned.” 206 MS. 5,650 adds: “into the sea.” 207 Albo calls it (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) the island of Gada (i.e., Aguada, “watering-place”) “where we took on water and wood, that island being very free of shoals” (see ante, note 196). This island is now called HomonhÓn, Jomonjol, or MalhÓn. Its greatest dimensions are ten miles from northwest to southeast, and five miles from northeast to southwest. It is eleven miles southwest from the nearest point in Samar. It is called “Buenas SeÑas” on Murillo Velarde’s map. 208 The “Roteiro” (Stanley p. 11) says that the archipelago was also called “Vall Sem Periguo,” or “Valley without Peril.” The name “Filipinas” was not applied to them until 1542 by Villalobos (see Vol. II, p. 48). 209 Probably the jungle-fowl (Gallus bankiva) which is caught and tamed in large numbers by the natives of the Philippines and still used for crossing with the domestic fowl. See Guillemard (ut supra, p. 228, note 1). 210 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. 211 MS. 5,650 reads: “In his ears he wore pendants of gold jewels, which they call ‘schione.’” 212 MS. adds: “whom he had put ashore on that island that they might recruit their strength.” 213 MS. 5,650 reads: “There is another island near the above island, inhabited by people.” Mosto says (p. 70, note 6) that picheti is from the Spanish piquete, “a small hole made with a sharp pointed instrument.” This custom of piercing the ears is quite general among savage, barbarous, and semi-barbarous peoples. 214 Eden (p. 254) reads: “caphranita that is gentyles.” See Vol. III, p. 93, note 29. 215 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650. 216 Our transcript reads facine, and MS. 5,650 fascine, both of which translate “fascines.” Mosto reads focine, which is amended by Amoretti to foscine. This latter is probably the same word as fiocina, a “harpoon” or “eel-spear,” and hence here a “dart.” 217 Stanley failed to decipher this word in MS. 5,650, which is the same as the word in the Italian MS. Mosto, citing Boerio (Dizion. veneziano), says of rizali: “Rizzagio or rizzagno, ‘sweepnet’ a fine thickly woven net, which when thrown into rivers by the fisherman, opens, and when near the bottom, closes, and covers and encloses the fish. Rizzagio is also called that contrivance or net, made in the manner of an inverted cone, with a barrel hoop attached to the circumference as a selvage. It has a hole underneath, through which if the eels in the ponds slyly enter the net, there is no danger of their escape.” Fish are caught in the Philippines by various devices—in favorable situations by traps, weirs, corrals of bamboo set along the shore in shallow waters. Various kinds of nets and seines, the hook and line, and also the spear, are also used. See Census of the Philippine Islands (Washington, 1905), iv, p. 533. 218 MS. 5,650 reads: “Hiunanghar.” Stanley has mistranscribed “Huinanghar.” It is difficult to identify the four islands of Cenalo, Hiunanghan, Ibusson, and Abarien with certainty. Mosto (p. 71, notes) suggests that they may be Dinagat, Cabugan, Gibuson, and CabalariÁn. The first three are evidently correct, as those islands would naturally be sighted in the course followed. The last island is shown in Pigafetta’s chart to be north of MalhÓn, and the probability is that he names and locates it merely from hearsay, and that they did not see it. Its position seems to indicate Manicani rather than CabalariÁn. After this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 21a) follows the chart of the islands of Pozzon, Ticobon, Polon, Baibai and Ceilon (together forming the island of Leyte), Gatighan, Bohol, and Mazzana (sic) (q.v., p. 112). This chart in MS. 5,650 (on folio 36a) is preceded by: “Below is shown the cape of Gatighan and many other islands surrounding it.” 219 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says: “We departed thence [i.e., from MalhÓn] and went toward the west in order to strike a large island called Seilani [i.e., Leyte] which is inhabited and has gold in it. We coasted along it and took our course to the west southwest in order to strike a small island, which is inhabited and called Mazava. The people there are very friendly. 220 MS. 5,650 reads: “But they moved off immediately and would not enter the ship through distrust of us.” The slave who acted as interpreter is the Henrique de Malaca of Navarrete’s list. 221 Bara: the Spanish word barra. 222 MS. 5,650 reads: “to ask him to give him some food for his ships in exchange for his money.” 223 MS. 5,650 reads: “The king hearing that came with seven or eight men.” 224 For dorade, i.e., the dorado. MS. 5,650 adds: “which are very large fish of the kind abovesaid.” 225 The ceremony of blood brotherhood. Casicasi means “intimate friends.” See Trumbull’s Blood Covenant (Philadelphia, 1898), which shows how widespread was the covenant or friendship typified by blood. 226 MS. 5,650 reads: “After that the said captain had one of his men-at-arms armed in offensive armor.” Stanley has translated harnois blanc literally as “white armor.” 227 This passage may be translated: “Thereby was the king rendered almost speechless, and told the captain, through the slave, that one of those armed men was worth a hundred of his own men. The captain answered that that was a fact, and that he had brought two hundred men in each ship, who were armed in that manner.” Eden so understood it, and reads: “whereat the Kynge marualed greatly, and ?ayde to th[e] interpretoure (who was a ?laue borne in Malacha) that one of tho?e armed men was able to encounter with a hundreth of his men.” MS. 5,650 agrees with the translation of the text. 228 Instead of this last phrase MS. 5,650 has: “and he made two of his men engage in sword-play before the king.” 229 MS. 5,650 says only: “Then he showed the king the sea-chart, and the navigation compass.” Eden says (p. 348) that the first to use the compass was one “Flauius of Malpha, a citie in 230 Stanley says that the Amoretti edition represents the king as making this request and MagalhÃes as assenting thereto; but the Italian MS. reads as distinctly as MS. 5,650, that MagalhÃes made the request. 231 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence. 232 MS. 5,650 adds: “that is, a boat.” 233 The following passage relating to the meal reads thus in MS. 5,650: “Then the king had a plate of pork and some wine brought in. Their fashion of drinking is as follows. First they lift their hands toward the sky, and then take with the right hand the vessel from which they drink, while extending the fist of the left hand toward the people. The king did that to me, and extended his fist toward me, so that I thought that he was going to strike me. But I did the same to him, and in such wise did we banquet and afterwards sup with him using that ceremony and others.” See Spencer’s Ceremonial Institutions, especially chapter I. 234 Eden reads (p. 255): “When the kynge ?awe Antonie Pigafetta write the names of many thinges, and afterwarde rehear?e them ageyne, he marualed yet more, makynge ?ygnes that ?uche men de?cended from heauen.” Continuing he confuses the eldest son of the first king with the latter’s brother, the second king. 235 A tolerably good description of the native houses of the 236 MS. 5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter at this point. 237 This sentence to this point in MS. 5,650, is wrongly made to refer to the house of the king. The passage there reads: “All the dishes with which he is served, and also a part of his house, which was well furnished according to the custom of the country, were of gold.” 238 MS. 5,650 omits this sentence. 239 Butuan and Caraga in the northeastern part of Mindanao. 240 This name is variously rendered: Mosto, Siain; MS. 5,650, Siaui; Stanley, Siani; and Amoretti and Eden, Siagu. 241 MS. 5,650 reads: “the captain sent the chaplain ashore to celebrate mass.” 242 MS. 5,650 says that they took only their swords; but the Italian MS. says distinctly that a signal was given to the ships from the shore by means of muskets, and again that the musketry was fired when the kings and MagalhÃes separated, both of which references are omitted by MS. 5,650. Eden reads: “The Captaine came alande with fyftie of his men in theyr be?t apparel withowte weapons or harne??e, and all the re?ydue well armed.” 243 In Eden (p. 255): “dama?ke water.” 244 MS. 5,650 reads: “but they offered nothing.” 245 MS. 5,650 says: “every one did his duties as a Christian and received our Lord.” 246 MS. 5,650 adds: “for the people.” 247 The Italian MS. reads literally and somewhat ambiguously: “they made immediate reverence;” MS. 5,650 says “to which these kings made reverence,” which is scarcely likely, as the latter would, until told by MagalhÃes, see nothing in the ceremony. Rather it was the Spaniards who made the reverence. 248 MS. 5,650 reads: “whenever any ships came from Spain.” 249 Cf. Morga, Vol. XVI, p. 132. 250 MS. 5,650 reads: “men and ships to render them obedient to him.” 251 MS. 5,650 reads: “to the middle of the highest mountain,” evidently confusing mezo di (“afternoon”) of the Italian MS. with mezo (mezzo; “middle”); for the cross was set up on the summit of the mountain. The passage in MS. 5,650 continues: “Then those two kings and the captain rested, and while conversing, the latter had them asked [not “I had them asked” 252 5,650 reads simply: “Then we descended to the place where their boats were.” 253 This account is very much shortened in MS. 5,650, where it reads as follows: “As the captain intended to leave next morning, he asked the king for pilots in order that they might conduct him to the ports abovesaid. He promised the king to treat those pilots as he would them themselves, and that he would leave one of his men as a hostage. In reply the first king said that he would go himself to guide the captain to those ports and that he would be his pilot, but asked him to wait two days until he should gather his rice, and do some other things which he had to do. He asked the captain to lend him some of his men, so that he could accomplish it sooner, and the captain agreed to it.” At this point MS. 5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter. 254 The billon and afterward copper coin quattrino, which was struck in the mints of Venice, Rome, Florence, Reggio, the Two Sicilies, etc. The quattrino of the popes was often distinguished as “quattrino Romano.” The Venetian copper quattrino was first struck in the reign of Francesco Foscari (1423–57). See W. C. Hazlitt’s Coinage of European Continent (London and New York, 1893), p. 226. 255 Doppione: a gold coin struck by Louis XII of France during his occupation of the Milanese (1500–1512). Hazlitt, ut supra, p. 196. 256 Colona: possibly the name of some coin of the period. 257 This entire paragraph is omitted in MS. 5,650. That MS. has another chapter division at this point. 258 Stanley mistranslates the French gentilz as “gentle.” 259 Probably the abacÁ, although it may be the cloth made from the palm. See Morga’s description of the Visayans, Vol. XVI, p. 112. 260 Cf. Morga’s Sucesos, Vol. XVI, pp. 80, 81. 261 MS. 5,650 greatly abridges this account, reading as follows: “They cut that fruit into four parts, and after they have chewed it a long time, they spit it out and throw it away.” Cf. the account in Morga’s Sucesos, Vol. XVI, pp. 97–99. 262 MS. 5,650 omits this product. Cf. Morga’s Sucesos, Vol. XVI, pp. 84–97. 263 In MS. 5,650, “Mazzaua;” in Eden, “Me??ana;” in Mosto, “Mazana,” while in the chart it appears as “Mazzana;” Transylvanus, “Massana;” and Albo, “Masava.” It is now called the island of Limasaua, and has an area of about ten and one-half square miles. 264 Mosto mistranscribes the Italian word for “among” fra as prima “first.” The error arises through the abbreviation used, namely fa, Mosto mistaking it for pa, which would be prima. 265 Stanley mistranscribes “Gatighan” from MS. 5,650 as “Satighan.” The names of the five islands as given by Eden are: “Zeilon, Bohol, Canghu, Barbai, and Catighan.” These are the islands of Leite, Bohol, Canigao (west of Leyte), the northern part of Leyte (today the name of a town, hamlet and inlet in Leyte), and possibly Apit or Himuquitan, or one of the other nearby islands on the west coast of Leyte. See chart of these islands on p. 112. Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 220, 221) says: “We left Mazava and went north toward the island of Seilani, after which we ran along the said island to the northwest as far as 10 degrees. There we saw three rocky islands, and turned our course west for about 10 leguas where we came upon two islets. We stayed there that night and in the morning went toward the south southwest for about 12 leguas, as far as 10 and one-third degrees. At that point we entered a channel between two islands, one of which is called Matan and the other Subu. Subu, as well as the islands of Mazava and Suluan extend north by east and south by west. Between Subu and Seilani we spied a very lofty land lying to the north, which is called Baibai. It is said to contain considerable gold and to be well stocked with food, and so great an extent of land that its limits are unknown. From Mazava, Seilani, and Subu, on the course followed toward the south, look out for the many shoals, which are very bad. On that account a canoe which was guiding us along that course, refused to go ahead. From the beginning of the channel of Subu and Matan, we turned west by a middle channel and reached the city of Subu. There we anchored and made peace, and the people there gave us rice, millet, and meat. We stayed there for a considerable time. The king and queen of that place and many of the inhabitants readily became Christians.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 11) says that the king of Macangar (i.e., Mazaua) conducted the Spaniards “a matter of thirty leagues to another island named Cabo [i.e., CebÚ], which is in ten degrees, and in this island Fernando de MagalhÃes did what he pleased with the consent of 266 MS. 5,650 reads: “only one of them.” Barbastili is a Venetian word for pipistrelli. These bats are the Pteropi or “flying foxes,” the large fruit-eating bats of which so many species inhabit the Malay Archipelago. Bats are especially found in GuimarÁs, Siquijor, and CebÚ, and the skins of some are used as fur. See Guillemard (ut supra, p. 235). See also Delgado’s Historia, pp. 842, 843; and U. S. Philippine Gazetteer. 267 Stanley mistranslates as “tortoises.” The “black birds with the long tail” are the tabÓn “mound-building Megapodes, gallinacious birds peculiar to the Austro-Malayan subregion” (Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 235). See also Vol. V, p. 167, note 14, and Vol. XVI, page 198, note 43; also Vol. XVI, p. 81, note 84. 268 These are the Camotes, which lie west of Leyte, and their names are Poro, Pasijan, and PansÓn. See Pigafetta’s chart showing these islands on p. 112. 269 Following this point in the Italian MS. (folio 26a) is the chart of the islands of Bohol, Mattam, and Zzubu (q.v., p. 136). MS. 5,650 presents this chart on folio 51a, preceded by the words: “Below are shown the islands of Zzubu, Mattan, and BohÓl.” 270 MS. 5,650 reads: “But the interpreter reassured them by telling them.” 271 MS. 5,650 reads: “and he was going, by the orders of the said sovereign, to discover the islands of Mallucque.” 272 MS. 5,650 reads: “Thereupon the abovesaid merchant said to the king in their language,” etc., without giving the original Malay words. Eden gives the phrase as catacaia chita. 273 Calicut, properly KÁlÍkot (said to be derived from two words meaning cock-crow, because the territory granted to the first king of KÁlÍkot was limited to the extent over which a cock could be heard to crow; or from KÁli, one of the names of the goddess Gauri) is the name of a district and city on the Malabar coast. The king of all the Malabar coast from Goa to Cape Comorin, Samari Perymal, having adopted the Mahometan faith divided his kingdom into the kingdoms of Calicut, Cochin, Cananor, and CoulÃo, and gave them to his friends, on condition that the king of Calicut be termed “Zamorim” or “Samorim,” i.e., “Supreme emperor and God upon earth” (although the proper form is said to be “Tamurin” which is conjectured by some to be a modification of the Sanskrit “Samunri,” “seaking.” Malacca, or more correctly MÂlaka is the name of an ancient territory and city, which was probably first settled by Javanese, and is possibly derived from “Malayu” meaning in Javanese “to run” or “fugitive.” At an early period Malacca fell under the sway of the Siamese. The city, located on both sides of the Malacca River, and only one hundred and thirty miles northwest of Singapore (which has usurped the great volume of trade once centering at Malacca) was founded about 1250 A.D. The first European to visit the city was Varthema, about the year 1505. It was captured by the Portuguese under Albuquerque in 1511, and they held it (1580–1640 under Spanish control) until 1641 when it was captured by the Dutch, who had unsuccessfully besieged it, with the aid of the king of Jahor, in 1606. The English obtained possession of it in 1795, and still hold it, although the Dutch possessed it from 1818–1825. For descriptions and history of Malacca, see the following Hakluyt Society publications: Stanley’s East Africa and Malabar (London, 1866), pp. 190–195; Birch’s Alboquerque, iii, pp. 71–90 (and other citations); Burnell and Tiele’s Linschoten (London, 1885), i, pp. 104–106; Gray’s Voyage of FranÇois Pyrard (London, 1888), part i, p. ii. Also see Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 238–249. The terms India Major (Greater India) and India Minor (Lesser India) are differently applied by different authors. Schiltbergen applied the term Lesser India to the northern portion of the peninsula on this side of the Ganges, while the southern portion of the peninsula was termed Greater India. Marco Polo’s Lesser India extended from Makran to and including the Coromandel coast, and his Greater India extended from the Coromandel coast to Cochin China, while Middle India was Abyssinia. 274 MS. 5,650 adds: “and treat his subjects well.” 275 This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650. 276 MS. 5,650 adds: “who was in the captain’s ship.” 277 MS. 5,650 reads: “Thereupon the king told them that he was willing, and that as a greater token of his love, he would send the captain a drop of his blood from his right arm, and [asked] the captain to do the same.” 278 MS. 5,650 reads: “Consequently they should ask their captain whether he intended to observe the custom.” 279 MS. 5.650 reads: “he should commence by giving a present, whereupon the captain would do his duty.” This MS. begins another chapter at this point. 280 MS. 5,650 reads: “so do our arms destroy the enemies of our faith.” 281 MS. 5,650 adds: “of the ships.” 282 MS. 5,650 reads: “and whether that prince who had come with them, was empowered to make peace.” 283 MS. 5,650 omits these last two clauses. 284 This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650. 285 MS. 5,650 adds: “and for love toward God.” 286 MS. 5,650: “he would leave them the arms that the Christians use.” 287 These last two clauses are omitted in MS. 5,650. 288 MS. 5,650 adds: “of Sainct Jacques [i.e., Santiago].” 289 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. 290 Called “drynking gla??es of Venice woorke” in Eden (p. 257). 291 MS. 5,650 reads: “He had his face painted with fire in various designs.” Eden reads: “and had the residue of his body paynted with dyuers coloures whereof ?um were lyke vnto flamynge fyre.” 292 MS. 5,650 reads: “he had four jars full of palm-wine, which he was drinking through reed pipes.” 293 MS. 5,650 reads: “We made the due reverence to him while presenting to him the present sent him by the captain, and told him through the mouth of the interpreter that it was not to be regarded as a recompense for his present which he had made to the captain, but for the love which the captain bore him.” This MS. omits the following three sentences. 294 The “Sinus Magnus” of Ptolemy, today the Chinese Gulf (Mosto, p. 76, note 3). 295 This passage is considerably abbreviated in MS. 5,650, where it reads as follows: “The prince, the king’s nephew, took us to his house, where he showed us four girls who were playing on four very strange and very sweet instruments, and their manner of playing was somewhat musical. Afterward he had us dance with them. Those girls were naked except that they wore a garment made of the said palm-tree cloth before their privies and which hung from the waist to the knee, although some were quite naked. We were given refreshments there, and then we returned to the ships.” These gongs are used in many parts of the Orient. 296 MS. 5,650 adds: “by the captain’s order.” 297 MS. 5,650 reads: “we told him of the death of our man, and that our captain requested that he might be buried.” 298 MS. 5,650 adds: “according to our manner.” 299 MS. 5,650 reads: “The king took it under his charge, and promised that no trickery or wrong would be done the king. Four of our men were chosen to despatch and to sell the said merchandise.” 300 MS. 5,650 reads: “They have wooden balances like those of Pardeca to weigh their merchandise.” Pardeca, as Stanley points out, is for par de Ça de Loire which is equivalent to Langue d’oil, and denotes the region in France north of the Loire. Par de la meant Languedoc. This passage was adapted to the French 301 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. As Mosto points out the measure here mentioned would be one of capacity, and must have been the common measure for rice, perhaps the ganta. 302 Lagan is a shellfish found in the Philippines which has a shell resembling that of the Nautilus pompilius that is used for holding incense or as a drinking vessel. This shell is very white inside, while the exterior is spotted a pale yellow color. It resembles mother-of-pearl, and is very common. Delgado says that most of the shellfish, are indigestible but highly esteemed. See Delgado’s Historia, p. 928. 303 MS. 5,650 adds: “Which was of various strange kinds.” 304 Eden says: “xvi. poundes weyght of iren.” 305 MS. 5,650 reads: “The captain-general did not wish to take too great a quantity of gold, so that the sailors might not sell their share in the merchandise too cheaply, because of their lust for gold, and so that on that account he should not be constrained to do the same with his merchandise, for he wished to sell it at as high a price as possible.” 306 MS. 5,650 adds: “or any other balls” 307 MS. 5,650 makes the two armed men follow instead of precede the royal banner. 308 MS. 5,650 adds: “and the natives of the country for their fear of it, fled hither and thither,” which is in place of the following sentence. 309 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. 310 MS. 5,650 reads: “One covered with red and the other with velvet.” 311 MS. 5,650 adds: “in the manner of the country.” 312 The account of the baptism of the king is considerably abridged in MS. 5,650 where it reads as follows: “Then the captain began to address the king through the interpreter, in order that he might incite him to the faith of Jesus Christ. He told him that if he wished to become a good Christian (as he had signified on the preceding day), that he must have all the idols of his country burned and set up a cross in their place, which they were all to adore daily on both knees, with hands clasped and raised toward the heaven. The captain showed the king how he was to make the sign of the cross daily. In reply the king and all his men said that they would obey the captain’s commandment, and do all that he told them. The captain took the king 313 MS. 5,650 reads: “On seeing that, she expressed the greatest desire to became a Christian, and asking for baptism, she was baptized and given the name of Jehanne, after the emperor’s mother.” 314 There are many cases of this wholesale baptism in the history of the Catholic missions in various countries, and it cannot be condemned entirely and regarded as devoid of good effects, for many instances reveal the contrary. See Jesuit Relations (Cleveland reissue). 315 Those last six words are omitted in MS. 5,650. Mosto conjectures that solana means solecchio or solicchio signifying an apparatus to protect one from the sun. Pigafetta may have misapplied the Spanish word solana, which signifies a place bathed by the noontide sun or a place in which to take the sun. 316 This last clause is omitted in MS. 5,650. 317 MS. 5,650 adds: “and we gave it to her.” This was the image found by one of Legazpi’s soldiers in CebÚ in 1565 (see Vol. II, pp. 120, 121, 128, 216, 217; and Vol. V, p. 41). EncarnaciÓn (Dic. bisaya-espaÑol, Manila, 1851), says: “The Cebuan Indians, both past and present, give the name of BathÁla [God] to the image of the Holy Child, which is supposed to have been left by the celebrated Magallanes.” 318 MS. 5,650 reads: “evening.” 319 MS. 5,650 mentions only the artillery. The “tromb” or “trunk” was a kind of hand rocket-tube made of wood and hooped with iron, and was used for discharging wild-fire or Greek-fire (see Corbett’s Spanish War, 1585–87 [London], 1898, p. 335). At this point Stanley discontinues the narrative of MS. 5,650, and translates from Amoretti’s version of the Italian MS. 320 MS. 5,650 reads: “to better instruct and confirm him in the faith.” 321 Eden says the queen was preceded by “three younge damo?elles and three men with theyr cappes in theyr handes.” 322 MS. 5,650 adds: “and presentation.” 323 MS. 5,650 reads simply for this last clause: “and several others,” omitting all the names. 324 MS. 5,650 reads: “and they all so swore.” 325 MS. 5,650 reads from this point: “Then they swore, and thus the captain caused the king to swear by that image, by the life of the emperor his sovereign, and by his habit, to ever remain faithful and subject to the emperor,” thus ascribing this oath to the king instead of to MagalhÃes. The words “by his habit” can refer only to MagalhÃes, who wore that of Santiago, and not to any habit worn by the barbaric ruler of CebÚ. 326 MS. 5,650 adds: “and hang.” 327 MS. 5,650 adds: “and deck.” 328 MS. 5,650 adds: “and demolished.” 329 MS. 5,650 adds: “and overthrew.” 330 There is a strange difference between the Italian MS. and MS. 5,650 in regard to these names. The latter reads to this point: “There are a number of villages in that island, whose names and those of their chiefs are as follows: Cinghapola, Cilaton, Ciguibucan, Cimaningha, Cimaticat, and Cicambul; another, Mandaui, and its chief and seignior, Lambuzzan; another Cot-cot, and its chief, Acibagalen; another, Puzzo, and its chief, Apanoan; another, Lalan, and its chief, Theteu; another, Lulutan, and its chief, Tapan [Amoretti, followed by Stanley, says Japau, and Mosto, Iapan]; another Cilumay; and also Lubucun.” Amoretti, who places this list after the disastrous battle and consequent treachery of the Cebuans, and Stanley, have “Lubucin: its chief is Cilumai.” Mandaui is Mandaue; Lalan may be Liloan; Cot-cot is on the east coast; Lubucun may be LubÚ, but Mosto (p. 78, note 3) conjectures it to be Lambusan. An examination of the Nancy MS. may reveal the source of this difference. 331 MS. 5,650 adds after the word borchies: “instruments so called.” 332 Probably cotton cloth. See Stanley’s East African and Malabar Coasts, p. 65: “They make there [i.e., in Cambay] many cloths of white cotton, fine and coarse, and other woven and colored fabrics, of all kinds and colours.” 333 MS. 5,650 adds: “and closed.” 334 MS. 5,650 reads: “She who has killed the hog, puts a 335 Cf. the ceremonies of the baylanes described by Loarca, Vol. V, pp. 131, 133, and by Chirino, Vol. XII, p. 270. 336 Otorno: Mosto, p. 79, mistranscribes otoro, and queries Attorno in a note. 337 MS. 5,650 omits the description of this custom, giving only the first and last sentence to this point. Stanley omits the translation to this point. See Vol. V, p. 117, and Vol. XVI, p. 130, where Loarca and Morga describe this custom. 338 Valzi: Mosto queries vasi, “jars,” which appears probable. 339 MS. 5,650 adds: “made in the manner abovesaid;” but this was crossed out, showing that the writer or adapter of that MS. had at first intended to narrate the custom that is given in the Italian MS. 340 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650. 341 MS. 5,650 reads: “The other women sit about the dead chamber sadly and in tears.” 342 Pigafetta uses the present and imperfect tenses rather indiscriminately throughout this narration, but we have translated uniformly in the present. Cf. Loarca’s description of burial and mourning customs among the Visayans, Vol. V, pp. 129, 135, 137–141; Plasencia’s description among the TagÁlogs, Vol. VII, pp. 194, 195; and Morga, Vol. XVI, p. 133. 343 MS. 5,650 reads: “five or six hours.” 344 Eden in describing the island of Matan confuses the Pigafetta narrative. He says: “Not farre from this Ilande of Zubut, is the Hand of Mathan, who?e inhabitauntes v?e maruelous ceremonies in theyr ?acrifices to the ?oone and burying the deade. They were rynges of gold abowt theyr priuie members.” In the description of the battle in Matan, Eden says that each of the three divisions of the islanders contained “two thou?and and fiftie men armed with bowes, arrowes, dartes and iauelins hardened at the poyntes with fyer.” 345 To this point the Italian MS. and MS. 5,650 agree approximately. The story of the battle in the latter MS., however, is much abridged and much less graphic. It is as follows: “They replied that they had bamboo spears and stakes burned and hardened in the fire, and that we could attack them when we wished. At daybreak, forty-nine of us leaped into the water, in the place whither we had thus gone, at a distance of more than three [sic] crossbow flights before we could reach shore, for the boats could Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says of the stay at CebÚ and the death of MagalhÃes: “They stayed there about one month, and the majority of the people and the king became Christians. The king of ZubÓ ordered the kings of the other islands to come to him, but inasmuch as two of them refused to come, Magallanes, as soon as he learned it, resolved to go to fight with them, and went to an island called MathÁ. He set fire to a village, and not content with that, set out for a large settlement, where he, his servant, and five Castilians were killed in combat with the savages. The others, seeing their captain dead, went back to their boats.” 346 Terciado: a Spanish word. 347 Carteava: a Spanish word. 348 The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 12) dates the battle April 28. The account of the battle is as follows: “Fernan de MagalhÃes desired that the other kings, neighbours to this one, should become subject to this who had become Christian: and these did not choose to yield such obedience. Fernan de MagalhÃes seeing that, got ready one night with his boats, and burned the villages of those who would not yield the said obedience; and a matter of ten or twelve days after this was done, he sent to a village about 349 Navarrete (iv, pp. 65, 66) gives the names of the men killed with MagalhÃes on April 27 as follows: ChristÓbal Rabelo, then captain of the “Victoria;” Francisco Espinosa, a sailor; Anton Gallego, a common seaman; Juan de Torres, sobresaliente and soldier; Rodrigo Nieto, servant of Juan de Cartagena; Pedro Gomez, servant of Gonzalo Espinosa; and Anton de Escovar, sobresaliente, wounded but died April 29. 350 See Vol. I, pp. 325, 326, note 215*. 351 MS. 5,650 gives this name as Duart Bobase, although lower it is spelled Barbase. Duarte or Odoardo Barbosa, the son of Diogo Barbosa, who after serving in Portugal, became alcaide of the Sevilla arsenal, was born at Lisbon at the end of the fifteenth century. He spent the years 1501–1516 in the Orient, the result of that stay being his Livro emque dÀ relaÇÃo do que viu e ouviu no Oriente, which was first published at Lisbon in 1813 in vol. vii of CollecÇao de noticias para a historia et geographia das naÇÕes ultramarinas, and its translation by Stanley, A description of the coasts of East Africa and Malabar (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1866). He became a clerk in the Portuguese factory at Cananor under his uncle Gil Fernandez Barbosa, and became so expert in the Malabar language that he was said to speak it even better than the natives. On account of his facility in the language he had been appointed commissioner by Nuno da Cunha to negotiate peace with the Zamorin. He was commissioned in 1515 to oversee the construction of some galleys by Alboquerque. While at Sevilla, MagalhÃes lived in the household of Diogo Barbosa, where he married Duarte’s sister Beatriz. Duarte embarked on the “Trinidad” as a sobresaliente, and it was he who captured the “Victoria” from the mutineers at Port St. Julian, after which he became captain of that vessel. Failing to recover MagalhÃes body from the natives of MactÁn, he was 352 See ante, note 147. 353 MagalhÃes married Beatriz Barbosa, daughter of Diogo Barbosa in Sevilla, probably in the year 1517. One son Rodrigo was born of the union, who was about six months old at the time of the departure. Rodrigo died in September, 1521, and in the March following Beatriz died. See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 89–91, 322. 354 MS. 5,650 adds: “and to advise the Christian king.” 355 Mosto transcribes this word wrongly as facente, “busy.” MS. 5,650 reads: “wiser and more affectionate than before.” 356 MS. 5,650 adds: “and presents.” 357 The constable was Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, who was left behind with the “Trinidad” and was one of the four survivors of that ill-fated vessel, returning to Spain long after. 358 This sentence is confused in MS. 5,650, reading: jehan Caruaie auecques le bari?el ?en retourner?t qui nous dirent comment jlz auoyent veu mener celluy quy fut guery par miracle et le pre?tre a ?a mai?on et que pour cela jlz ?en e?toyent partiz eulx doubtans de quelque male aduanture. By dropping the first et this becomes equivalent to the text. 359 MS. 5,650 reads: “for we would kill him.” 360 MS. 5,650 reads: “But Jehan Carvaie, his comrade, and others refused, for fear lest they would not remain masters there if the boat went ashore.” In regard to JoÃo SerrÃo’s death, Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says: “As soon as the men in the ships saw that slaughter, they hoisted their anchors, and tried to set sail in order to return to Burneo. At that juncture, the savages brought Juan Serrano, one of those whom they wished to ransom, and asked two guns and two bahars of copper for him, besides some Brittanias or linens such as they carried in the ships as merchandise of trade and barter. Serrano told them to take him to the ship and he would give them what they asked, but they, on the contrary, insisted that those things be taken ashore. But [the men in the ships] fearing another act of treachery like the past, set sail, and abandoned that man there, and nothing more was heard of him.” 361 The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 13) says nothing about the banquet, but says that the men, twenty-eight in number, counting the two captains, went ashore to ask pilots to Borneo, whereupon the natives, who had determined upon their course of action attacked and killed them. Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 81, note 5) asserts that the violation of the women by the sailors was the cause of the massacre. Concerning the number killed, Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says that thirty-five or thirty-six men went ashore, and Castanheda and Gomara say thirty, the last asserting that a like number were made slaves, of whom eight were sold in China. Peter Martyr places the number of the slain at twelve. Navarrete (iv, pp. 66, 67) gives the names of those massacred as follows: All of these names are to be found in Navarrete’s list. See ante, note 26. 362 Chiacare: the nangca; see Vol. XXXIV, p. 107, where Pigafetta describes and names this fruit. Mosto confuses it with the durio xibethenus, which is abundant in the western islands of the Indian 363 MS. 5,650 omits mention of the panicum, sorgo, garlic, and nangcas. 364 MS. 5,650 reads: “one to the east northeast, and the other to the west southwest.” 365 MS. 5,650 adds: “and eleven minutes.” 366 Stanley says wrongly 154°. 367 This word ends a page in the original Italian MS. On the following page is a repetition of the title: Vocabili deli populi gentilli, that is “Words of those heathen peoples.” MS. 5,650 does not contain this list, and it is also omitted by Stanley. 368 See ante, note 160. 369 Bassag bassag does not correspond to “shin,” but to “basket for holding clothes, etc.,” or “cartilage of the nose;” or possibly to basac basac, “the sound made by falling water.” 370 The equivalent of Pigafetta’s dana is daoa or daua, “millet.” Mais, probably the equivalent of humas is the word for “panicum.” 371 Tahil is found in the TagÁlog dictionaries, and is the name of a specific weight, not weight in general. It is the Chinese weight called “tael,” which was introduced by the Chinese into the East Indies, whence it spread throughout the various archipelagoes. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary; and Vols. III, p. 192, note 57; IV, p. 100, note 11; and VII, p. 88. 372 See Note 582, post. 373 Tinapay (used also by the Bicols to denote any kind of bread) denotes a kind of cake or loaf made with flour and baked about the size of a chocolate-cup saucer. Two of these are put together before baking with some sugar between. The word is extended also to wheat bread and to the hosts. See EncarnaciÓn’s Diccionario. 374 Amoretti’s conjectured reading of sonaglio (“hawk’s-bell”) for conaglio (see Mosto, p. 83), proves correct from the Visayan dictionaries. 375 Baloto signifies a canoe dug out of a single log. One of twenty varas in length is termed bilis, while the hull alone is called dalÁmas. 376 Most of the words of Pigafetta’s Visayan vocabulary can be distinguished in the dictionaries of that language, although
Some of the words present difficulties however, due probably to error on Pigafetta’s part and the obstacles in the method of communication between peoples the genius of whose respective languages is entirely distinct. The general Visayan word for “man” is tao or tauo, although Mallat gives a form dala, which may correspond to the lac of Pigafetta (but see Vol. V, p. 123, where the origin of the words lalac, “man,” and babaye, “woman,” are given by Loarca). Babaye (babae) is the general word for “woman” or “married woman;” while binibini is given by Mallat as the TagÁlog equivalent of “girl,” and by Santos in his Vocabulario de la lengua tagala (Manila, 1835) as the equivalent of “influential woman.” Liog is used for both “throat” and “neck.” Tian is properly “belly,” and the mistake would arise naturally in Pigafetta pointing to himself when desiring the word for “body,” which would be construed by the natives to that particular part toward which he happened to point. Boto is used for both the male and female generative organs, especially the latter, as well as for the testicles. Britiis corresponds to both “shin” and “calf of the leg.” Iro denotes also the civet cat. Bulan the equivalent of Pigafetta’s bolon is the word for “moon” instead of “star.” The occurrence of what are today TagÁlog forms in Pigafetta’s list shows how the various dialects shade into one another and how the one has retained words that have sunk into disuse in the other. 377 Preceding this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 38b) is the chart of the island of Panilonghon (Panisonghon; q.v., p. 202). It is given on folio 51a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Below is shown the islands of Panilonghon.” 378 The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 13, 14) says that the captains elected in place of those killed at CebÚ were “Joam Lopez [Carvalho], who was the chief treasurer” to “be captain-major of the fleet, and the chief constable of the fleet” to “be captain of one of the ships; he was named Gonzalo Vaz Despinosa.” Pigafetta makes no mention at all of Elcano, who brought the “Victoria” home; both the above captains remaining with the “Trinidad.” When the “Concepcion” was burned, only one hundred and fifteen men were left for the working of the two ships (see Guillemard, ut supra, p. 267), although the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 14) says one hundred and eight men, and Barros, one hundred and eighty. 379 In Eden: “Pauiloghon, where they founde blacke men lyke vnto the Sara?ins.” This is the island of Panglao and the “black men” are the Negritos. See W. A. Reed’s Negritos of Zambales, published by Department of the Interior “Ethnological Survey Publications” ii, part i (Manila, 1904), which says (p. 20) that the only large islands, besides LuzÓn, inhabited at present by Negritos are Panay, Negros, Mindanao, and Paragua, although they do inhabit some of the smaller islands. The pure type is decreasing through marriage with the Bukidnon or mountain Visayans; and (p. 22) “so far there is no evidence that Negritos exist on Cebu, Bohol, Samar, and Leyte. The Negrito population of the Philippines is probably not in excess of 25,000. The U. S. census report of 1900 gives to Panglao a population of 14,347, all civilized. See also Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 411, 415, 436, 468, 478, 532, 533. 380 MS. 5,650 reads: “When entering that house, we were preceded by many reed and palmleaf torches.” 381 These two words are omitted in MS. 5,650. 382 See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 368, 369, on the origin and use of rice in the eastern islands, and the etymology of the native names for that grain; and Census of the Philippines, iv. 383 Instead of this last clause, MS. 5,650 reads: “where he slept with his principal wife.” 384 MS. 5,650 reads: “in the houses of the king.” 385 MS. 5,650 reads: “little valleys.” 386 Cf. Vol. III, pp. 56, 57. 387 MS. 5,650 reads: “boat.” 388 MS. 5,650 reads: “Calanoa;” and Eden: “Calauar.” 389 MS. 5,650 reads: “one hundred and sixty-six;” and Eden: “170.” 390 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 221) reads as follows when relating the course of the ships on leaving CebÚ: “We left Subu and sailed southwest to a latitude of 9 and three-fourths degrees, between the end of Subu and an island called Bohol. Toward the western end of Subu lies another island, by name, Panilongo, which is inhabited by blacks. That island and Subu contain gold and considerable ginger. The former lies in 9 and one-third degrees and Subu in 10 and one-third degrees. Accordingly we left that channel and went 10 leguas south and anchored in the island of Bohol. There we made two ships of the three, burning the third, because we had no men. The last-named island lies in 9 and one-half degrees. We left Bohol and sailed southwest toward Quipit, and anchored at that settlement on the right hand side of a river. On the northwest and open side are two islets which lie in 8 and one-half degrees. We could get no food there, for the people had none, but we made peace with them. That island of Quipit contains a quantity of gold, ginger, and cinnamon. Accordingly, we determined to go in search of food. The distance from the headland of Quipit to the first islands is about 112 leguas. It and the islands lie in an east by north and south by west direction; and this island [i.e., Mindanao] extends quite generally east and west.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 14) calls the port of Quipit (which is located on the northeastern coast of Mindanao) Capyam or Quype. Carvalho gave the boat of the burned ship to the inhabitants of that place. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says that they learned the location of Borneo at Mindanao. Quipit becomes Gibith in Transylvanus, Chipico in Peter Martyr, and Quepindo in Barros (see Mosto, p. 84, note 2). 391 The first European mention of the island of LuzÓn. LuzÓn is derived from the Malay lÂsung (Tagalog, losong), “mortar.” See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 222, 223. 392 Pigafetta evidently means the Chinese by the Lequians who are known to have carried on trade for many years with the Philippines, and who indeed, once owned them. Following this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 40a) is the chart of Caghaiam (q.v., p. 202). This chart is shown on folio 53b in MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Below is shown the island of Caghaian.” 393 MS. 5,650 does not mention the cuirasses. 394 Eden reads: “40. leagues.” 395 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 221) says: “We left that place [i.e., Quipit] and sailed west southwest, southwest, and west, until we came to an island containing very few inhabitants and called Quagayan. We anchored in the northern part of that island, where we asked for the location of the island of Poluan, in order to get provisions of rice, for that island contains it in abundance, and many ships are laden there for other districts. Accordingly we sailed west northwest and came across the headland of the island of Poluan.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 14) calls Cagaiam, Caram. It is the island of Cagayan Sulu, which lies northeast of Borneo. 396 The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 15) says that the ships contained only sufficient provisions for a week. 397 Eden reads: “C.lxxix. degrees and a third parte.” MS. 5,650 reads: “one hundred and sixty-one and one-third degrees.” 398 Occurrences at Palawan are given as follows by Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 221, 222): “Then we sailed north by east along the coast [of Palawan] until we reached a village called Saocao, where we made peace. Its inhabitants were Moros. We went to another village of Cafres, where we bartered for a considerable quantity of rice, and consequently laid in a good supply of provisions. That coast extends northeast and southwest. The headland of its northeastern part lies in 9 and one-third degrees, and that of the southwestern part in 8 and one-third degrees. Then on returning to the southwest quite to the headland of this island, we found an island near which is a bay. In this course and along Poluan many shoals are found. This headland lies east and west with Quipit and northeast by east and southwest by west with Quagayan.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 15–17) gives a fuller account of occurrences at Palawan. At the first settlement at which they attempt to land, the natives prove hostile, whereupon they go toward another island, but contrary weather compelling them to anchor near Palawan, they are invited ashore on that island by the people of another village. There one of the soldiers, Joam de Campos, lands alone in order to get provisions. Being received kindly at this port, named Dyguasam (perhaps Puerto Princesa), the people set about preparing provisions for the strangers. Then going to another nearby village, where Carvalho makes peace with the chief, provisions of rice, goats, and swine are bought. At the latter village, a Portuguese-speaking negro who has been baptized at the Moluccas, is met, who promises At this point in the Italian MS. (folio 41a) follows the chart of Sundan and Pulaoam (q.v., p. 210). MS. 5,650 shows it on folio 54b, where it is preceded by the words: “Chart of the island of Pulaoan and the port of Tegozzao.” 399 MS. 5,650 reads: “all.” 400 This passage is defective in MS. 5,650, where it reads as follows: “They have bows with wooden arrows more than one palmo long, some of which are pointed with long sharp fishbones, poisoned with poisonous herbs, while others are tipped with poisoned bamboo.” 401 MS. 5,650 reads: “mace.” Jannetone as pointed out by Mosto (p. 85, note 4) was a missile weapon. 402 Cockfighting is still the great diversion of the Malays and Malasian peoples. See Wallace’s Malay Archipelago (New York, 1869), p. 477; and Bowring’s Visit to Philippine Isles (London, 1859). pp. 149–153. 403 Eden reads: “fyue leaques.” 404 From the Spanish word almadia, (a sort of canoe used by the inhabitants of the East Indies; also a boat used by the Portuguese and their slaves in the East Indies: generally of one single tree, although there are various kinds, to one of which is given the name coche, “carriage”) which is derived from the Arabic al-madia or almadiya, from the root adar, “to cross,” so called because those vessels are used in crossing rivers.—Echegaray’s Dic. etimolÓgico (Madrid, 1887). 405 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650. 406 Gomara says there were eight (Mosto, p. 86, note 1). 407 MS. 5,650 reads: “a red cap.” 408 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence. 409 MS. 5,650 adds “and seigniors.” 410 Stanley makes the unhappy translation “with naked daggers in their hands, which they held on their thighs.” 411 Cf. the account of the reception accorded the captain of a Portuguese vessel in Borneo in 1578, Vol. IV, pp. 222, 223, where the king is found playing chess. 412 This clause is omitted in MS. 5,650. 413 The city of Brunei or Brunai. See Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 269–373. See also descriptions of Bornean villages in Wallace’s Malay Archipelago; and Forest’s account of Brunai quoted by Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 70), who mentions the boat-markets held by the women. 414 MS. 5,650 reads: “twenty or twenty-five thousand.” Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 70) thinks that Pigafetta overstates the population, and that he probably gained his information from a Malay courtier. 415 MS. 5,650 reads: “the women and daughters.” 416 Cherita-tulis, “writers of narratives” (Stanley, p. 114); jurutulis, “adepts in writing” (Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 61). 417 MS. 5,650 reads: “timghuly.” 418 Ortelius (Theatrum orbis terrarum) calls this region “Lao” (see also chart on p. 210) and Mercatore (Atlas sive cosmographicae meditationes) “Lave.” It may possibly be the modern island of Laut off the southeast of Borneo. (See Mosto, p. 87, note 3). Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 72) conjectures that it is some place in Banjarmasin. 419 The journey to Borneo, events there, and a description of Borneo are thus described by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 222): “We sailed from Poluan to Borney. Coasting the above named island [i.e., Poluan] to its southwest headland, we discovered an island with a shoal on its eastern side, and which lies in 7 and one-half degrees, so that we had to deviate to the west for about fifteen leguas. Then we sailed southwest coasting along the island of Borney to a city of the same name. You must needs know that the land must be approached closely, for there are many shoals outside, and one must keep the sounding line in constant use, for it is a harsh coast. Borney is a large city with a very large bay. Both inside and outside of it are many shoals, so that a native pilot of that place is necessary. We remained there for a considerable number of days, and commenced to trade there and made firm friendship. But later, many canoes, in number 260, were equipped to capture us and came upon us. When we saw them, we left hurriedly, and sailed out of the bay, whereupon we saw some junks coming. We went to them and captured one, in which was a son of the king of Luzon. The latter is a very large island. The captain afterward let him go [i.e., the prince of LuzÓn] without asking advice of anyone. Borney it a large island which yields cinnamon, mirabolans, and camphor, The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 17–20) says that while on the way to Borneo, the ships anchor at islands which they call the islets of St. Paul (now, the Mantanani Islands—Guillemard, Magellan, p. 269) at a distance of two and one-half or three leagues from Borneo. Proceeding past a lofty mountain (Kina Balu—Guillemard) in Borneo, they coast that island to the port of Borneo. Anchoring in that port, the Moro pilots captured at Palawan are sent ashore with one of the crew, and on reaching the city of Borneo, they are taken before the Shahbender of Borneo. The two ships draw in closer to the city and establish trade with the natives. Gonzalo Gomez Espinosa is chosen ambassador to the king to whom he takes a present. After a stay of twenty-three days in Borneo, the men in the ships fearing treachery from the evolutions of a number of praus and junks, attack and capture one of the latter with twenty-seven men. Next morning the junk commanded by the son of the king of Luzon and ninety men, are captured. Of the seven men ashore the king sends two to the ships, but retains the others, whereupon the ships leave, taking with them fourteen men and three women of those captured in the junks. While sailing back over their downward course, the “Trinidad” grounds on a point of the island of Borneo, where it remains for four hours until swung clear by the tide. Brito in his account (Navarrete, iv, pp. 309, 310) says that the Borneans fear at first lest the strangers be Portuguese and that their object is conquest, but finally being reassured by Espinosa who takes a present to the king, pilots are promised as far as Mindanao. During their stay of a month at Borneo, two Greeks desert the ships. Three others, among them Carvalho’s son, are ashore when the fear of attack instigated by the two Greeks leads the two ships to attack the Borneans, and the five men are left behind on the island. The island of Borneo, the largest island (properly so-called) in the world, is mentioned first by Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 246–248. See also Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 57–66. See also Henry Ling Roth’s Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo (London, 1896) in two volumes, which is an excellent work on modern conditions in Borneo. 420 The word “junk” is probably derived from the Malay Jong or Ajong “a great ship.” For a description of these ships, 421 MS. 5,650 reads: “If venom or poison be put in a vase of fine porcelain, it breaks immediately.” In accordance with this reading we have added in brackets in the Italian the word veleno, i.e., “poison,” which seems to have been omitted by the amanuensis. Mosto (p. 88, note 3) quotes the following from Marcantonio Pigafetta’s Itinerario da Vienna a Constantinopoli (p. 208), when speaking of the present brought to Sultan Selim II by the Persian ambassador which consisted of “eight dishes [piati firuarii] which break if any one puts poison in them. Those piati firuarii are made of the substance which we call porcelain, and are made in China, the province situated in the extreme outskirts of the Orient. They are made of earth, which is kept for more than fifty years buried in the earth, in order to refine it, and which is buried by the father for his son. Thus it passes from hand to hand.” See also Yule’s Cathay, ii, p. 478; and Burnell and Tiele’s Linschoten (Hakluyt Society publications), i, pp. 129, 130. 422 The small brass, copper, tin, and zinc coins common throughout the eastern islands were called “pichis” or “pitis,” which was the name of the ancient Javanese coin, now used as a frequent appellative for money in general. Chinese coins were early in general use throughout the southern islands of the eastern archipelagoes. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 285–288. 423 The cate or catty. See Vol. XVIII, p. 141, note 32. 424 MS. 5,650 mentions only the six porcelain dishes, the wax, and the pitch, for the last eighty, instead of forty, cathils, of bronze being traded. The bahar of the Italian MS. becomes “barrel” or “cask” in the French. The anime (pitch) may have been one of the numerous resins yielded by various trees in the Philippines (see Report of Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, 282, 283). 425 MS. 5,650 omits this word. 426 Spectacles were invented in the thirteenth century; and the credit for the invention is assigned to Alessandro dÌ Spina, a Florentine monk, or to Roger Bacon. 427 MS. 5,650 reads: “not to wash the buttocks with the left hand; not to eat with it.” 428 Stanley (p. 116) omits a portion of this paragraph. He says that had Pigafetta been a Spaniard or Portuguese, he would not have written as he did concerning the Mahometan laws, as he would have been better informed. Notwithstanding the fact that Stanley was a convert to Islamism and a student of that 429 MS. 5,650 says simply that the camphor exudes in small drops. The Malay camphor tree (dipterocarpus or Dryabalanops camphora) is confined, so far as known, to a few parts of the islands of Sumatra and Borneo, where it is very abundant. The oil (both fluid and solid) is found in the body of the tree where the sap should be, but not in all trees. The Malay name for camphor is a slight corruption of the Sanskrit one “karpura,” and to distinguish it from the camphor of China and Japan, the word Barus is annexed (the name of the seaport of the western coast of Sumatra, whence camphor was chiefly exported from that island). The Malay variety is higher priced than the Chinese. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 81. 430 MS. 5,650 omits mention of the turnips and cabbages, and adds: “hinds.” 431 Immediately following this paragraph in the Italian MS. are three charts: 1. On folio 45b, the chart of Burne (q.v., p. 210), at the lower (i.e., northern) end of which is a scroll reading “Here are found the living leaves;” found on folio 60b of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words “Chart of the island of Burne and the place where the living leaves are found.” 2. On folio 46b, the chart of Mindanao, which is divided into the districts of Cippit, Butuam, Maingdanao, Calagan, and Benaiam (q.v., p. 230); found on folio 63a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words “Chart of five islands—Benaian.” 3. On folio 47a, the chart of the islands of Zzolo [i.e., JolÓ], Tagima, and Chauit and SubanÌn, (q.v., p. 230), accompanied by a scroll reading “Where pearls are produced;” found on folio 63b of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words “Chart of the islands of Zzolo, Cauit, Tagima, and others.” 432 Cape Sampanmangio (Guillemard, p. 274). See ante, note 418. 433 MS. 5,650 omits this sentence. 434 The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 20) also narrates the capture of this junk. 435 In Eden: “Cimbubon, beinge. viii. degrees aboue the Equinoctiall lyne. Here they remayned. xl. to calke theyr ?hyppes and furny??e them with fre??he water and fuell.” Cimbonbon is probably Banguey or one of the neighboring islets between Borneo and Palawan. It is called in the “Roteiro” (Stanley, 436 MS. 5,650 reads: “two and one-half feet long.” 437 Cf. Transylvanus, Vol. I, pp. 330, 331. The Tridacna gigas, described by Delgado, Historia, p. 929, under the name of taclobo. Colin asserts that he saw one of the shells which was used as a watering-trough and another as a holy-water font. The shells sometimes attain a length of five or six feet, and weigh hundreds of pounds. The natives burn them for lime. See Official Handbook of Philippines (Manila, 1903), p. 152. 438 Mosto (p. 89, note 8) conjectures this to be a fish of the family of the Squamipen, perhaps of the genus Heniochus. 439 Coca: An Italian word formed from the Spanish word “chocar” “to jostle” (Mosto, p. 89, note 9). The living leaves, were the insects of the genus of Phyllium of the order of the Orthoptera. They are known as walking leaves from their resemblance to a leaf. 440 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. Eden says that Pigafetta kept the leaf “for the ?pace of viii. dayes.” 441 The date of the departure was September 27, 1521. At this place JoÃo Carvalho was deposed from the chief command for his high-handed measures and non-observance of royal orders, and retook his old position as chief pilot. Espinosa was elected in his place and Elcano was chosen captain of the “Victoria.” See Navarrete, iv, pp. 73, 289, 292, 294. 442 Basilan; see Vol. III, p. 168, note 44. 443 The true pearl oysters of the Philippine Islands are found along the coasts of Paragua, Mindanao, and in the Sulu Archipelago, especially in the last named, where many very valuable pearls are found. These fisheries are said to rank with the famous fisheries of Ceylon and the Persian Gulf. The mother-of-pearl of the shells is more valuable than the pearls. The Sultan of JolÓ claims the fisheries as his own and rents them out, but always has trouble with the lessees, and his ownership is disputed by the datos. The pearl fishery has figured in a treaty between that sultan and the United States government. See Affairs of Philippines, Hearing before U. S. Senate Committee (Washington, 1902), part i, p. 18; Official Handbook of Philippines (Manila, 1903), p. 153; and Census of Philippine Islands (Washington, 1905), pp. 534–536. An early interesting account of pearl-fishing is given by Eden (Arber’s edition), pp. 213, 214. 444 MS. 5,650 reads: “fifty.” 445 CÁuit is a point and bay on the west coast of Zamboanga, Mindanao; Subanin refers to a portion of Zamboanga; and the island of Monoripa is perhaps the island of Saccol, located at the southeastern end of the Zamboanga province. “Subanim” says Dr. Barrows (Census of the Philippines, i, p. 416) “suggests a settlement of the present aborigines of that part of Mindanao, who are known as Subanon. Here, too, they saw the notorious ‘sea-gypsies,’ the Bajau or SÁmal Laut, whose wandering boats, then as now, shifted their stations with the changing of the Monsoon.” 446 Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 100) says that the cinnamon of Mindanao is not very strong or valuable; but the Official Handbook of Philippines (Manila, 1903) says (p. 114) that a cinnamon of stronger taste and fragrance is found in Zamboanga, Caraga, and the mountain districts of Misamis, than that of Ceylon, although containing a bitter element that depreciates its value, but which can be eliminated by cultivation. Many of the old writers describe the plant and its cultivation, one of the earliest being Varthema (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 191. Pigafetta’s etymology of the Malay word is correct. 447 Mosto (p. 90) mistranscribes biguiday, and Stanley has (p. 121), bignaday. Perhaps it is the biniray, a boat resembling a large banca, or the binitan (see Pastells’s Colin, i, p. 25). 448 MS. 5,650 reads: “seventeen men seemingly as bold and ready as any others whom we had seen in those districts.” 449 Stanley says (p. 122) that this was attributed by a newspaper of 1874 to the Battas of Sumatra. Semper found the custom of eating the heart or liver of their slain enemies among the Manobos in eastern Mindanao (Mosto, p. 91, note 2). Tribes of Malayan origin living in northern LuzÓn are said to have ceremonial cannibalism (Official Handbook of Philippines, p. 158). 450 MS. 5,650 reads: “twenty.” 451 At this point in the Italian MS. (folio 50a) is found the chart of Ciboco, Biraban Batolach, Sarangani, and Candigar (q.v., p. 238). This chart is shown on folio 65a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Chart of the four islands of Ciboco, etc.” 452 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 223) calls these two islands Sibuco and Virano Batolaque, the first of which Mosto (p. 91, note 3) conjectures to be Sibago, and the second (note 4), part of the southern portion of Mindanao. The first conjecture is probably correct if we take Albo’s word that the two ships turned to the southeast after passing the island Sibuco; and the fact that the 453 The islands of Balut and Sarangani, just south of the most southern point of Mindanao. 454 MS. adds: “who are St. Elmo. St. Nicholas, and St. Clara.” 455 It is just such acts as this bit of lawlessness, together with the unprovoked capture of inoffensive vessels, that show that the discipline of the ships had in great measure disappeared with the loss of MagalhÃes. Such acts amounted to nothing less than piracy. 456 These islands are of the Carcaralong or Karkaralong group south of Mindanao. Mosto conjectures Cabaluzao (Cabulazao on the chart) to be the island of Kabalusu, and that of Lipan, to be Lipang. Valentyn’s Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien (Dordrecht and Amsterdam; 1724), i, between pp. 36 and 37, shows a group of islands at about this location with the names Lirong (Lipan ?), Karkelang, Cabroewang Noessa (Nuza ?), Karkarotang, and Karotta. 457 At this point in the Italian MS. occur two charts: 1. On folio 51a, the islands of Cauiao, Cabiao, Cabulazao, Lipan, Cheava, Camanuca, Cheai, Nuza, and Sanghir (q.v., p. 242); in MS. 5,650 shown on folio 65b, preceded by the words: “Chart of the islands of Sanghir etc.” 2. On folio 51b, the islands of Cheama, Carachita, Para, Zangalura, Ciau, Paghinzara, Talaut, Zoar, and Meau (q.v. p. 246); in MS. 5,650, on folio 66b, preceded by the words: “Chart of the islands of Meau, etc.” Sanghir (now Sanguir) is called Sanguin by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 223), and by Castanheda (Mosto, p. 92, note 1). 458 Of these islands (some of them in the Talantse group) Cheama is Kima; Carachita is Karakitang; Para still retains that name, or is called Pala; Zanghalura is Sangalong or Sangaluan; Ciau is Siao or Sian; Paghinzara (so called by Albo, ut supra) figures on Valentyn’s map (ut supra, note 457) as Pangasare, though the same island seems also to be called Tagulanda, so that Guillemard is right in his identification of this island; it is identified with the island of Roang by the British Admiralty map of 1890, while Mosto conjectures that it may be the island of Biaro. See Guillemard’s Magellan, map, facing p. 226; and Mosto, p. 92, notes 2–7. 459 MS. 5,650 gives this name as “Babintau.” That MS. adds: “All those islands are inhabited by heathens,” and continuing, reads: “There is an island called Talant east of Cheama.” 460 Talaut is evidently one of the Tulur islands east of Sanguir. Zoar (called Suar by Albo) and Meau may be the islands of Meyo and Tifore. See Guillemard (ut supra), and Mosto, p. 92, notes 8–10. The geography of the islands of the East India groups has not yet been set forth in a detailed and masterly manner, or definite proportions given to it, although it is a subject that merits enthusiastic research and labor. 461 Eden reads (p. 259): “the ?yxte daye of Nouember and the. xxvii. monethe after theyr departure owt of Spayne.” 462 MS. 5,650 adds: “by which they were deceived.” Albo’s narrative (Navarrete, iv, pp. 222–224) of the events of the two ships from the time they leave Borneo to the arrival at the Moluccas is as follows: “We left Borney, and returned by the road whence we had come, and consequently took the channel between the headland of the island of Borney and Poluan. Turning west [sic] we went toward the island of Quagayan, and thus we went by that same route in search of the island of Quipit toward the south. On this course between Quipit and Cagayan, we saw to the southward an island called Solo, where many very large pearls are to be found. The king of that island is said to have a pearl as large as an egg. That island lies in a latitude of 6 degrees. While on that course, we came across three small islets and farther on we met an island called Tagima, where many pearls are said to be found. The latter island lies northeast by east and southwest by west with Solo. Tagima lies in a latitude of 6 and five-sixths degrees, and is located opposite the headland of Quipit. Many islets lie between those two islands, and one must take to the open as he approaches Quipit. The abovenamed headland lies in 7 and one-fourth degrees, and extends southeast and west northwest with Poluan. “Thence we coasted the island of Quipit going toward the south. Turning east by south we sailed toward certain rocky islets. Along the coast many settlements are passed, where considerable excellent cinnamon grows, and for which we traded. That coast also produces a quantity of ginger. Then we sailed northeast until we saw a gulf, whereupon we turned southeast until we saw a large island. There is a very large settlement extending from that point to the eastern headland of the island of Quipit, and at the headland of the said island. Considerable gold is obtained there from a very large river. That headland lies 91 and one-half degrees from the meridian. “We left Quipit for Maluco and turned southeast, where we saw an island called Sibuco. Then we turned south southeast, where we saw another island called Viramo Batolaque, continuing along that same course to the head of that island. Then we saw another island called Candicar, and sailed eastward between “We left Sarangani and sailed south by east until we reached the right side of an island called Sanguin. Between the two islands lie a number of islets lying toward the west. Sanguin lies in 3 and two-thirds degrees. “From Sanguin we sailed south by east to an island called Sian. Between those islands lie many rocky islets. The latter island lies in exactly 3 degrees. “We sailed south by west to an island called Paginsara, which lies in 10 and one-sixth degrees. The course from that island to Sarangani is north by east and south by west and all those islands are sighted. “From Paginsara we sailed south by east until we reached a position midway between two islets which lie northeast and southwest from one another. The one to the northeast is called Suar and the other Mean. The first lies in 1 degree 45 minutes and the other in 1 and one-half degrees. “We sailed south southeast from Mean, until we sighted the islands of the Malucos. Then we turned east and entered a channel between Mare and Tidori, where we anchored. We were received there with the utmost friendliness and established a firm peace. We built a house ashore in order to trade with those people, and abode there many days until the ships were laden.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 20–23) says that after leaving Borneo, a small junk laden with cocoanuts was overhauled and captured, and that shortly after the ships were careened for repairs in the port of St. Mary of August (see ante, note 435). Steering southwest on again setting sail, they come to the island of Fagajam (Cagayan) and that of Seloque (Solo or JolÓ), where they learn that pearls are abundant. Next they reach Quipe (Quipit), running between it and the island of Tamgym (Tagima). “And always running along the coast of the said island, and going thus, they fell in with a parao laden with sago in loaves, which is bread made of a tree which is named cajare, which the people of that country eat as bread. This parao carried twenty-one men, and the chief of them had been in Maluco in the house of Francisco Serram, and having gone further along this island they arrived in sight of some islands The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) places the distance from the Ladrones to the Moluccas at 1,000 miles, the archipelago of St. Lazarus “where there occur many islands” intervening. At this point in the Italian MS. are found two charts, as follows: 1. On folio 52b, a chart of the islands of Hiri, Tarenate, Mastara, and Giailonlo (q.v., p. 250), with the inscription “All the islands shown in this book are in the other hemisphere, at the antipodes;” probably the same chart appears on folio 73b of MS. 5,650 preceded by the words (in a different hand than most of that MS.): “Here follow the cloves.” 2. On folio 53a, a chart entitled “Maluco,” showing the islands Tadore, Mare, Pulongha, Mutir, and Machiam (q.v., Vol. XXXIV, p. 72), with a tree bearing the inscription “Caui gomode, that is, cloves;” shown on folio 74a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Description of the clove trees; how they grow; season for gathering; method of finding the best; and also of nutmegs.” 463 Eden (p. 259) says that they entered port “before the ry?inge of the ?oone.” 464 MS. 5,650 adds: “by astrology.” 465 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. 466 MS. 5,650 omits the drinking-cups. 467 From this point this sentence reads as follows in MS. 5,650: “To some others we gave either silk cloth or some knives, or caps.” 468 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. 469 MS. 5,650 reads: “a royal presence and eloquence.” 470 “Mauzor” in Eden (p. 259). 471 MS. 5,650 does not mention the “quintalada.” The quintalada was a per cent of the freight or of the lading space of the ship allowed the officers and crew of sailing vessels. The amount allowed to each of the officers and crews of MagalhÃes’s fleet was specified in section 74 of the instructions given by CÁrlos I to MagalhÃes and Falero at Barcelona, May 8, 1519. The amounts (see Navarrete, iv, pp. 150–152) are as follows: Following are declared the quintaladas which shall be laden in the ships about to sail to the spice regions, and the amount which each one shall lade, from which he will pay the twenty-fourth part to his Highness.
In case that our service is performed by building a fortress there, the persons abovementioned who shall remain in it, shall be allowed the said quintaladas in the ships that shall come [to these kingdoms], and they shall receive also a like sum annually from the quintaladas that shall remain there. If a fortress be made, our captain shall appoint such persons with the duties and functions that shall be necessary in the said fortress, and shall appoint them the competent recompense until we appoint to those duties. Chests
472 Not nephew, as translated by Stanley (p. 126), as is shown later by the context. MS. 5,650 spells his name “Calanoghapi.” 473 The remainder of this sentence is not in MS. 5,650. 474 In MS. 5,650 this is changed considerably, reading: “And because he did not have enough merchandise to furnish our ships, he told us that he would go to an island called Bacchian,” etc. 475 Leonardo de Argensola (Vol. XVI, p. 221) derives Maluco from the word “Moloc” meaning “the capital.” Crawfurd 476 Francisco SerrÃo, brother of JoÃo SerrÃo, was MagalhÃes’s most intimate friend, and they had been close companions in the stirring years of early Portuguese operations in far eastern waters. In 1509, SerrÃo sailed on the fleet sent by Almeida to reconnoiter Malacca. Having been sent ashore with a large force, he was attacked by the Malays and only the prompt assistance headed by MagalhÃes saved him. In January, 1510, while returning from the expedition, he suffered shipwreck. In 1511 he was sent as captain of one of three ships under Antonio d’ Abreu to the Moluccas for purposes of exploration and trade, but the expedition failed to reach the islands, going only as far as the islands of Banda. On this expedition, SerrÃo’s ship was abandoned as unseaworthy, and the junk bought in its stead was wrecked on an island. Here pirates landing, SerrÃo and his men took possession of their boats and thus reached Amboina in safety. The opportunity offering, SerrÃo went to Ternate, where he espoused the cause of that king against the king of Tidore, by the latter of whom he was finally poisoned about the time of MagalhÃes’s death. A number of letters passed between MagalhÃes and SerrÃo, during the years spent by the latter in Ternate, and MagalhÃes made use of them to persuade CÁrlos I to undertake the expedition. See Guillemard’s Magellan. 477 See Navarrete, iv, and Guillemard’s Magellan for details regarding MagalhÃes’s negotiations with Manoel of Portugal and his subsequent denaturalization. The testoon (tostÃo, tostÕes) is a Portuguese silver coin. It was first struck in the fifteenth century (Hazlitt’s Coinage of European Continent). 478 It is impossible to be sure of the correct form of these names. MS. 5,650 gives them as follows: “Checchily Momoly, Tadore Vimghi, Checchily de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cilli Paggi, Chialin, Checchilin Catara, Vaiechuserich, and Colano Ghappi.” Amoretti (followed by Stanley) makes these names “Chechili-Momuli, Jadore Vunghi, Chechilideroix, Cilimanzur, Cilipagi, 479 Called by Barros “JoÃo de Lourosa, a man disloyal to his country (Mosto, p. 94, note 5). The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 23, 24), says that this man was found in the island of Targatell (Ternate) and that letters were sent him, asking him “to come and speak with them, to which he replied that he did not dare, because the king of the country forbade it.” However, permission is secured from the king and Lorosa comes to the ships. An extract from a letter from the Indies (Vol. I, p. 299) says that Lorosa was taken prisoner. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 305) merely mentions the fact that he had left with the Spaniards. He remained with the “Trinidad,” and was promptly executed by the Portuguese when he fell into their hands (see Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 303). 480 MS. 5,650 adds: “hearing that.” 481 In Eden: “?ixe hundreth and fiftie.” The native name of Gilolo is Bato-tsima (also called Almahera), and the island belongs to the Netherlands, being included in the residency of Ternate. The population, estimated at 120,000, consists of Malays and Alfuros (pagans; a word apparently formed from the Arabic article al and fora, “without,” and applied by the Portuguese to natives outside of their authority) the latter probably representing the pre-Malayan populations, and inhabiting the central portion of the island. 482 Eden (p. 227), translating from Oviedo, mentions canes “as bygge as a mans legge in the knee and three ?pannes in length frome ioynt to ioynt or more.... Theyr canes are full of mo?te cleare water without any maner of ta?t or ?auore eyther of the canes or of any other thynge: And ?uche as yf it were taken owte of the fre??he?te ?prynge in the worlde.” Pigafetta probably refers to some species of bamboo. 483 MS. 5,650 reads: “for ten aunes of cloth [dyed with] munjeet.” Guzerati or Guzerat (Gujerat, Gugerat, Goojerat, Gujrat) one of the old provinces of India, of which the Kattywar peninsula forms the western part, was a dependency of the AffghÂn or GhÔri empire of Hindostan until the end of the fourteenth century. It became an independent kingdom in 1408. See Badger’s introduction to Varthema’s Travels (Hakluyt Society edition), p. lviii. Foster’s Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1899), says of Guzerat (pp. 539, 540): “Guzratt. A goodly Kingdom enclosing the bay of 484 This item is missing in MS. 5,650, and in Eden. 485 Cf. with the prices of various oriental products in Barbosa’s East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 221–223. 486 Probably it was because of this belief that the ships intended to take in water near Celebes, “because they feared that in Maluco they would not be allowed to take it in” (see the “Roteiro,” Stanley, p. 22). 487 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this paragraph. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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